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his claims from the Emperor of " Order on behalf of the Montenegrin rebels ; ancr then Menzschikoff ; but the last understood the system of torture far better than his predecessors , lhe French having already " established a raw , Menzsfchikoff found a sore place ready made and provided to his hand ; and , accordingly , lie flew to the Holy Places at once ; but when he was satisfied on that score , it appeared that Eussia hadnot yet had the last of him . Something else of the Chris
remained behiud , —the protection - tians within Turkey itself . The Russian was satisfied on that point also ; but then something else still remained behind . The report comes from Smyrna , and is as yet uncontradicted . Whatever satisfaction might be given to Prince Menzschikoff , it appeared that there was still an ultimatum in the bottom , of his carpet bag ; and this now appears to have been the expulsion of tke refugees , including Hungarians , and—this is tlie most extraordinary part of the
matter"Wallachians . Turkey has already had three ultimatums from Prince Menzschikoff , and what security has she that there is not another yet ? _ In fact , the past history of the Russian relations with Turkey makes us well understand that the series of ultimatums will continue , unexhausted , until Turkey herself shall be the last surrender to Russian avidity . We were told that Lord Stratford de Redeliffe
had countervailed Russian influence—that he had checked and soothed the irritation of Prince Menzschikoff , had cheered and supported the Sultan , and that henceforward the conduct of Turkish affairs was to proceed in accordance with the system that had prevailed previously to Lord Stratford ' s departure from Constantinople . But the announcement that now comes to us from Smyrna strangely belies this assurance . Our own Government made a great boast oH having withstood Russia and Austria , when they demanded the surrender of Kossuth and his
brother fugitives . An English fleet entered the Dardanelles , and the fact was made much of in the British parliament . Great doubt , indeed , was thrown upon the sincerity of our Foreign Office at that time , by the extraordinary explanation made to Russia , that the fleet had taken the step under " stress of weather . " Nevertheless , whatever may have been the sincerity of diplomatists , then the independence of Turkey ¦ was maintained for the hour ; but now what is the case P Within the last six months Turkey has surrendered a privilege to France , and has
oeen made to revoke it under coercion . She has attempted to reduce certain rebels to order , and has been made to draw back under the coercion of Austria . She has been made to surrender the protectorate of her Christian subjects to Russia , which is somewhat as if England had been made to surrender the protection of her Roman Catholic subjects to the Pope , only that England is strong , and the Pope is feeble . Arid now she is made to surrender her territorial independence , by driving away those whose residence within her frontiers does not please herself . It appears to m that Lord Stratford's arrival in
Constantinople lias not been followed by tho promised guamntee of Turkish independence . Jt is impossible to disconnect this surrender of an important territorial privilege in Turkey with the proceedings in London respecting Kos-Hutli . It is <| uite evident , that until the Jarre of public odium was brought to bear upon the ( iovi'niim'iiL , our own Ministers were aiding the ( Jovci'iiiiicnl , of Austria , with certain policemen from 1 ' russia , to dog the steps of the foreign refugees in I Ins rounlrv , in order , if possible , to bring them lo trial for . some breach of English Huv . Thai our (* ovcrmncnt should m ; iintain
Hritish law iufaef , against any infringement , Avhel her l > v l'Vamcis of Orleans or Louis Kosjiiilli . would be only a . laudiibleadhe . si * > n to duly ; but in I his rase we h .-sve Moiuetlinig ( but exceeds fidelity to law . There has been an evident desire to stretch Acts of Parliament , intended for the suppression of domestic nuisances , into instruments for subservience ; to tin ? purposes of Austria . The use of police espionage , especially the use of spies disguised aw servants , is an innovation upon IOngiinh pruetice which cannot plead the sanction of our law . Although bound lo proceed by Corn it * which the Crown lawyers could certify an Hale , it is clear that our ( Uovoninieut , avrh endeavouring to frustrate the territorial privilege of England ou an iwylum for
political refugees . If we are not surprised , therefore , that the same privilege has been surrendered in Turkey , we may the more safely regard the new turn of affairs in Constantinople as a practical explanation of the ministerial policy at home . We have already explained the importance of Turkey to England . She is one of the outposts for resistance to the encroachments of that power which has alarmed even Lord John Russell himself . Parallel to this announcement in the
Times , of concession to the latest ultimatum , is an article upholding th # policy of establishing a United States constructed out of the Christian provinces of Turkey , —the policy which we have maintained for some time . The commercial importance of Turkey we have equally illustrated , by the fact that her trade with this country exceeds that of Russia and Austria put together . The question now in agitation at Constantinople is , the destruction of that trade by the absorption of Turkey into Russia ; and a very great step towards that consummation lias been made by the surrender of the new tiltimatum to Prince Menzschikoff .
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ENCROACHMENT ON ENGLISH BIGHTS . The progress of public business , correction of corrupt practices at elections , and local improvements , are excellent things , but all these things may be bought too dear ; and in some respects the tendency of improvement has been to make dangerous inroads upon the public privileges . Lord Shaftesbury ' s services on behalf of the working classes are indisputable ; but it is not to be forgotten that his endeavours for their material welfare are accompanied by a denial of their political rights . There has been no man who
has done more to withstand those rights for the working classes than Lord Shaftesbury ; and his obstructions have been the more effectual , because he was able to plead that he was their " friend . " He is one of those " friends , " however , who like to give in the form of charity , and not in the form of due to right . Amongst improvements much needed , is some security for the working classes , that when their houses are removed in the progress of the new arrangements of towns , new dwellings should be provided for them ; and it is exceedingly proper that P arliament should secure that convenience by a public statute . It is not ,
however , proper that Parliament should be administrator of local affairs ; and the enforcement of Lord Shaftesbury ' s resolution , just carried in the House of Lords , which requires the promoters of local improvements , involving so many as thirty houses of the labouring classes , to deposit specifications of the removal with the clerk of Parliament , should be watched with jealousy . The proper course would be , for Parliament to make provision for these things in the form of a general statute upon a general principle , with securities for enforcement in the form of penalties , upon information ; leaving tho local administration to local authorities . For Parliament to interfere in the
details of street improvements would be to consummate the system of centralization . This progressive sacrifice of public rights ought to bo brought before Parliament ; but when and bow ? There are great difficulties in doing so . Private members have been , so anxious to make themselves public men ; they have so abused the privilege of . bringing forward " grievances" on Hupply nights ; they have so fatigued Parliament with ' " motions" and " bills" to carryout every crotchet , that there has been a growing tendency to put them down by standing orders ,
and in putting down the private members , public privileges liavo also been suppressed . Motion nights arc ? now restricted practically to one in the week ; and then a man with a real public ; object must take Iiis chance amongst a shoal of sehemerH , visionary or corrupt . Supply nights are crowded in the hriiio way ; and very lately tho Speaker himself made ' a most , unwarrantable attempt to check the right of questioning I , ho Ministry on the administration of the CJovernment . by
implying that each member had only a right to ask one question ! ( jfreat anxiety is felt , at present , by many persons , lest an important province of 1 , 1 it ; British Empire should bo sacrificed by niisgoverninent . JtonrenentativeH of the j'higlish people not only have the right , hut own the duty of bringing forward that Hubjoel , before Parliament , not in bulk , or in the sbapo of a grand scheme for tho settlement of the wholes , which , indeed , is not a private- member ' s buaiuoBB : but iu detail , aa each
danger threatens . The standing orders , however , so restrict the privilege , that it is virtually destroyed , and we can only hear of that endangered province in those little questions which precede the debates , and which draw no attention , or in some long-winded motion aboutindividual wrongs . It is so even when the province at stake is one not less important than India . But a new practice is rising in Parliament , for which even precedent has not deprived us of the faculty of surprise . From time to time a corrupt borough is brought forward , and when its affairs
are investigated it is found that in many cases the corruption resides principally in a particular clique of the voters ; or that the voters are placed in such circumstances as not to be socially independent . In Derby a party can be bought to turn the election , and "the borough" is dubbed " corrupt . " In Chatham the voters are under Government employ , and their bread may depend upon the votes they give . It is very unpatriotic of voters to consider their personal interests before that of their country ; but unluckily they are not without shining examples in
either House of Parliament . Nevertheless , there is no charity for a fellow sinner in those august chambers ; but the utmost rigour for the corrupt voter—after the election . Various pains and penalties are directed against him ; he may be examined , pursued , imprisoned , prosecuted , fined , and politically extinguished . Still the corrupters , of whom the House of Commons is formed , are so constant and eager at their work , that the supply of corrupt voters is never wanting .
The reformers grow angry ; and , defeated in their ingenuity to provide statutes for extinguishing the frailty of human nature , they at last hit upon the notable expedient of cutting away the diseased part—disfranchising the borough . They call that " cutting the Gordian knot . " Allow them to proceed at that rate , and there is very great doubt whether the social health of England might not invite them to cut it away piecemeal . is
Now the very principle of disfranchisement so objectionable in itself , that it should never be resorted to without the most inevitable necessity ; instead of which it is becoming a nostrum in Parliament , almost as fashionable as St . John Long ' s counter-irritant , or the operation of clipping the uvula for a catarrh . We do not believe that in any one case disfranchisement has been the only possible resort ; certainly it is not so in the case of the dockyards , whose workmen Lord John Russell proposes to disfranchise at a blow . Before disfranchiaement there is at
least one other expedient which might be tried , and one which is capable of partial as well as general application ; we mean the ballot . Indeed tho dockyards offer a peculiarly advantageous case for tho trial of the ballot , as an experiment : it would effectually prevent the corruption , without depriving the electors of thoir rights .
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PROPOSED IMPROVEMENT IN THE PARLIAMENT AGENCY BUSINESS . One of tho newest departments of business developed by the growth of commerce , is that of tho Parliamentary agent ; of which there appear to be various kinds . Let us say that we use no confidential knowledge of tho class , no exclusive information ; but onl y gather its characteristics from facts patent to all the world . The development of tho particular kind of agoney , us often happens , has developed now modes of business . If you go to the proper shop , you may now
obtain every kind of commodity and accommodation in tho line , f rom a first-class borough to a freeman of tho old sort , —from a genuine petition to a " fighting petition . " There only need two improvements in the organization , in order to make it as convenient as that of our omnibuses or tho Parcels' j ) elivery Company , —tho establishment of a central of lice , with a clearing house , like that for bankers' clerks ; and a more obvious co-operation between the several connexions or particH which tho profession supplier But , perhaps , tho latter could be improved only in name , itB practical efficiency being already complete .
There is , indeed , still another trifling improvement needed , to Hecuro tho utmost convenience for a public , spoiled , perhaps , by the facilities which court its custom in almost ovory other lino of buHinoHH : tho improvement is , a more systematic announcement of the goods on hand . J&itato and house agents announce the " eligible premison " on their books—why not tlio Parliamentary
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468 T HE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 14, 1853, page 468, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1986/page/12/
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