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    ^ ^ a x) k i Csiy 0

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    I^ it lilir Mnita.

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    ^ ^ A X) K I Csiy 0

    ^ ^ a x ) k i Csiy 0

    Untitled Article

    There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Abuoi ^ .

    Untitled Article

    ENGLAND'S TRUE ANSWER TO RUSSIA . " I do not take the pains to discuss the questions of the East with any man who does not perceive that the independence of the Ottoman empire is a question of life and death to Great Britain . " The words of Chatham still express truth , for our own day . Permit Russia to have her will of Turkey and many questions are settled in that quarter , in a way fatal to ourselves , even on our own shore . Shall freedom of commerce he extended or extinguished in Turkey ? We have extended it , Russia will extinguish it . Shall the

    relations of states be determined by the opinion of the majority and the convention of the whole , or shall the strongest dictate and attack what territory it pleases ? The maintenance of Turkey is the maintenance of order ; the extinction of Turkey would be to admit the licence of Rus-Bia . We have acted now for nearly forty years on the supposition that each State would defer to the judgment of the majority ; Russia has taken advantage of our reliance on that supposition . , to extend her footing in Europe , to increase her hold , b y grasping , by aggression , by spreading her armies , and stationing her spies at every

    corner , and preparing to out-general us by intrigue , where she cannot hope to beat us by main force . The time Eas come , she thinks , when her principles and arts can be put to a naked contest , and we have permitted her to accumulate all her resources , to her own satisfaction , while we have deliberately delayed our own preparations until the eleventh , hour . It is lucky , however , that she has brought us to a stand before a longer time has lapsed , for every year was increasing the excess of her resources , and decreasing our own , and so increasing the probabilities of a still more painful and hazardous position for our welfare , if not for our national independence .

    Even in the course of these latter negotiations with Turkey we have ascertained , experimentally , what we gained by a policy of concession , Avhat we gained by a policy of compulsion . While the negotiations Afore conducted by Lord Stratford do Redclifle . at Constantinople , England and France prevailed ; Austria and Prussia were forced to join the conference , Russia listened to terms . When the negotiations were transferred to Vienna , where England was represented by a chef' d'orcJicstre , ay hose boat success avus to present a tea-service to the royal family , we temporized , and Russia returns to bullying . Then there was a prospect of peace , now there is every prospect of contest ; and movements will be let

    loose there in the East , vvhidi cannot be brought under control by the- Powers , still less by the ideas , of Western Europe . England him nin . de as great sacrifices as any State toward * maintaining Mint com entional authority , which the Russian Emperor breaks with ; i stroke of his pen . England has supposed the ideas which she favours to have made progress , even in the East ; tho Turk has been a proiniNing pupil ; but here , again , Russia stops in , ami , by destroying the pupil , baflles the master . Content with the maintenance of that which En # linhineu reverence , authority , contentAvith the gradual . adoption of her ideas , England certainly has not been one of the Powers scrambling for a share in the partition of nl ; ates , or intriguing to win subjects from their

    allegiance ; but the authority , to support which sho sacrificed political HympathicH and natural alliances , is razed ; and the ideas which she supposed herself to have inscribed on ( he commercial Blato of Europe , are to h ( 3 wiped out by tho threatened erasures of Turkey . . 'IIor co-operation in tho maintenance of order is not reciprocated , her quieneent policy in a failure . The naked exposure of that truth in an ael vantage . But tho allured aspect of tho surface of Europe ,

    if not its altered condition , demands an altered course . Henceforward the policy of waiting upon events will not serve . However convenient it may be , to inactive minds , which naturally shrink from the responsibility of original conceptions in policy ; however it may suit , the indolent habits of long peace , it has . become too manifestly dangerous to be continued . We have made lee way , even while our antagonists were obliged to moderate their antagonism , in order to save

    appearances ; but now that they have unmasked their approaches , to continue the waiting policy would be to surrender to those who have deposed the super-sovereign authority , and whose political principles Ave dread , the dictation of the continent . Surely no English statesman can so far indulge the indolence of routine , as to hesitate in grappling with the formidable question—What next ? And surely no statesman , who has sincerely confronted that question , can fail to perceive that a new and more arduous course is

    assigned to England ? By setting himself to oppose Europe , to overrule its law , and dictate the distrilration of its powers and boundaries , Nicholas has superseded any question of " impartial" mediation , has , de facto , destroyed arbitration , and has thus forced all who care for the maintenance of any authority and order in Europe to take sides . . Russia has brought us harshly to confront our

    actual position . It is plain that England has not succeeded in advancing those principles or interests which she has at heart , by her quiescent policy . Although only now nakedly set in motion , the forces Avhich are moving towards the ascendant in Europe , so alien to the rule which she would promote , have long been at work , in defiance of her opinion . It has long been , a covert as now it has become an OA ert truth , that the

    ascendant in the world is to the most vigorous , positive , and actiA e power ; and , if England would influence the world for the welfare of mankind , she must cease to be languid , negative , and passive , and must assert herself in action , as well as on paper . But , forced to an active and a counteractive policy , is England to be neglectful of the most obvious sources of success , or even safety , and to leaA 7 e to her antagonist all the resources , which he has already begun to utilize , in the way of beating up recruits ? In such a contest failure

    would be the most gigantic of crimes , for it would be to anticipate and bankrupt the welfare of generations yet unborn . Nicholas is already sacrificing to tho A'irtue of success , and is exerting himself to Avin the first great recruit , Austria . England has natural allies , but it is no time to trust , like fond aa omen , to technical obligations , like natural affection or formal bonds . Our very kinsmen among constitutional states , in tho natural relation of political affinity , have learned to mistrust us , because we are lukewarm and quiescent . That must be mended . That State

    has the most and the fastest friends , which is at once the most generous , strong , and resolute . England has already defined the principles on which she will act , aho has but to declare that she will stand by those principles , and defend them might and main , with head , hand , and heart , to the last drop of her blood , and many States in Europe Avill respond to such a dcolararalion . England has proved her moderation , let her show her resolution ; and the States in Europe that desire independence for themselves , and order for the whole , > vill recognise- in her their

    natural leader , Avill see in her rear the tranquil ground of safety . Waverers , then , which cannot givo the cue to the dominant policy of Europe , but which may lend an important weight to either side , such as Prussia , Avill become the spontaneous and natural recruits of England . The stronger she appears , in resolution , in resources , in purpose , the stronger will her following be , the better assured the restoration of her influences and that Order in . Europe , ( or the ' sake of . which she has made ho many mistaken sacrifices on tho altar of tins Russian Siva .

    Untitled Article

    .-. KSSKNTIALH OK A NIOW UKl'OliM BILL . M 1 NINTK . HH have no spare time on their hands , for there is work enough already cut out to furnish occupation even during a holiday extending from August to February , if indeed ( lie condition of ail airs does not necessitate an earlier assembling of Parliament . To put other subjects aside , . Lord . John Russell is pledged to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary Reform . Timos are

    strangely altered since it fell to the lot of tl eminent statesman to announce the Minister ?* proposal on this subject in the year 1832 TJi first Reform Bill was the work of a " Whiff ctw net , and was introduced b \ j a Whig aristooraf " It is a matter of common history that the resin ? of that measure hare advanced far beyond tl intentions of its authors . Lord Grey struggle ! fiercely against his own convictions , and strove liard to impress Parliament with the belief th f the extension of the franchise would not curtail the privileges of his order . None loved the

    aristocracy so deeply as he who struck the first and fatal blow at its exclusive lights . Perhaps indeed , the fairest testimony to the actual merits of the first Reform Bill may be discovered in the small amount of interest excited by the very imperfect measure lately introduced by Lord John liussell . The contrast was striking between the strong conflicts of 1832 and the contemptuous indifference of 1851 . In the earlier period there were burning ricks and trembling landlords a

    nation without a voice in . Parliament , a proud and wealthy nobility , an impoverished and indignant people . In the latter period , commerce had been freed from unjust restrictions , food was abundant , wages good , and the sound of discontent was hushed . At all events , the subject can now be approached with calmness . The unrepresented classes hold positive opinions on the subject , and are prepared to discuss the question with their rulers with m ore intelligence and information , if not with less earnestness of

    purpose . It is not undeserving of notice that the task of extending the franchise should have been entrusted to Lord John Russell . But no spectacle is more painful than that of fallen greatness , resulting from a failure in power . The lustre which shone around the early career of Lord Grey was clouded by the indecision and weakness which marked the latest actions of his political life , and it is lamentable that a similar fate should have

    befallen his pupil . Lord ' John Russell has lost those qualities which , at one time , impressed his policy Avith a thoroughly English character . Prankness and honesty , no doubt , he still retains , but the trace of a laborious career may be recognised in the feebleness and indecision which are now bo drearily conspicuous . We do not , therefore , look forward with confidence to the promised measure of next session . We have no reason to believe that it will reform the House of Commons so as to make it a fair representative of the

    people-Whatever has been accomplished under our present system , it is fairly urged that there aro classes , interests , and individuals , who are unable to make their voices heard within tho Avails of Parliament . Measures are passed affecting important interests , or touching largo classes , in which thoso who are truly concerned can only influence legislation bv means of petition . How

    are these anomalies to be rectified P How is tho mechanic to be fairly heard when tho labour question comes under discussion P How , m ^ ' Avhen capital has its Mastermans , Hudsons , Morrisons , and the Avhole race of timid , indifferent , and land-owning representatives , who aro ig » O " rant , careless , or prejudiced in tho matter P ± liC mechanic demands fair discussion , and the Jlouso

    of Commons makes no provision for it . Instance abound . The professions claim to bo licara . Education has no representative . Oxford , Cambridge , and Dublin enjoy an undeserved monopoly . How many men " in tho country will uu » in Sir Robert inglisP What docs that cvnngelical champion , that stickler for worn o statutes , that believer in anciont books , knowaDou educational reform P Why Avas it that tho member fur Newcastle was the only man who «• nouneod the pitiful backsliding of Ministers * 01 tho subject of University reform P The reason obvious .

    Still no Blight ' difficulties' occur when wo ^ endeavour to suggest a remedy . Is ^ l ) OflB 1 jH j |; represent all clauses and all interests Y ¦ ^ practicable for every clans and every ltlU * L { fiend its member to Parliament ? Sevoral Pjj ^ have boon suggested—such as .. vcry jfl * joni » one of extending tho franchise to all apsoc ^ and all learned bodies , or that ° f f roup . Jtnin the members of one profession within « > < { dih'triet , and conferring upon thorn th Y thisW Kendinjjf a member to Parliament . An v 0 . wo . should have a certain numbor oi njeni " presenting medicine , law , and tho flf [ . { jlftfc ibssiouB . Wo cannot avoid tho concur

    I^ It Lilir Mnita.

    I ^ it lilir Mnita .

    Untitled Article

    SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 17 , 1853 .

    Untitled Article

    898 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 17, 1853, page 898, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2004/page/10/