On this page

• Text (2)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    and fully made out that had war been declared m July , as a consequence of menacing the Emperor , there is- no doubt the opponents of Government would have blamed them for unnecessarily rushing into the war . " Allusion has been made to our communications with Russia . I will shortly refer to what these communications were . When the Turkish Government found that further negotiations were hopeless , and thought it advisable to commence hostilities ^ the allied fleets were ordered up to the Bosphorus ; and in October last a communication was made to the Bussian Government , stating that the fleets were not there for the purpose of attacking Russia , but that we were

    determined to defend the Turkish territory . My lords , no aggression did take place on the Turkish territory ; and in the meantime we received assurances ( and they were distinctly given to the Austrian Government as well ) that Russia would still remain on the defensive . For upwards of a month there was so aggression committed on the Turkish territory , until the horrible amir at Sinope occurred , when the Turkish fleet , peacefull y anchored in a Turkish harbour , was completely destroyed , and where , if the combined fleets had been present , they would have repelled the aggression and chastised the aggressor . Her Majesty's Government then felt , in conjunction with that of the Emperor of the French , that the time was come , not only to prevent the recurrence of sticti a disaster , hut at once to protect the Ottoman flag

    and Ottoman territory ; and no time was lost in making such a communication both to the Russian . Government and the Russian admiral . But we 3 id not think—whatever may be mf noble friend's opiniotf- —in the situation in which matters therffitifod , that to- permit an aggression ( we having undertaken to protect the Turkish territory ) on the Buss ian territory wonld have been proper or lawful . We did no harm to the Turks'bjfthaty because they were - tort weak to attempt any aggression upon the Russians ; and they . could only hare done so under the protection of the" French and British : flags . We thought that for us to permit that , and to become accessories , and more than accessories , in acts of overt hostility towards Russia , wcfuld hove been justly to expose ourselves to the accusatioffiof having committed acts of hostility without having the nianliness or the courage to declare war . We

    considered that that would have teen a dastardly course , and wholl y unworthy of England . We did not declare war at the . time these instructions were sent , because , in the beginning of December , we did not see that war was necessary ! . "We had reason to expect that our objects in protecting the Turkish territory and flag might be carried ont without war ; bat to commit acts of hostility tinder the mask of peace we thought—and I am sure your lordsnips will agree with uswould have been unjust and unbecoming the dignity and character of . this country . Our communication to St . Petersburg was not regarded in the friendly light which my noble friend seems to think . On the contrary , the Russian Government , so far from being satisfied , required its ministers at Paris and London to obtain written explanations , to know if a system of reciprocity and an armistice was to be established in the Black Sea , and if we were to remain neutral , which

    we certainly were not . The British and French fleets were there for the protection of the Turkish territory and flag , and to insist that a weak power should not depend upon the will of a powerful nation . To have declared ourselves neutral would have been to stultify ourselves , and to tie our hands for the future , and injure the very cause we wished to support . But mjr . noble friend seems to complain that Russia was not ¦ allowed . t » transport her forces from one Russian port to another . Why , if we had permitted that , we should have had to remain , passive spectators whilst large forces were being conveyed from Russian ports to Erzeroum and to the most distant parts of the Black Sea , or to have passivel y witnessed the spectacle of the Turkish fleet interfering with such an expedition and insulting it . That , my lords , would have been an anomaly ; but certainly 1 do not think it so great an anomaly as the occupation of the Danubian Principalities without a declaration of war , in order to obtain a power which could not be rightfully demanded or conceded without the sacrifice of the independence of the Sultan . "

    With reference to Austria and Prussia , Government had fresh reasons to be satisfied . " Austria and Prussia have come to three determinations , which are recorded in separate acts—first , that the war , prolonged to whatever extent it may be , shall not be suffered to alter the geographical limits previously settled between the belligerent Powers ; next , they have recommended the terms of an honourable peace , which they say ought to be accepted by Russia ; and thirdly , they have recorded their conviction that the counter propositions of Russia are not such as to be worthy of being sent to Constantinople . Therefore , through the joint action of England and France , as well as Austria and Prussia , the means of assenting to an honourable peace have

    been placed in the hands of Russia . And , whilst I do not wish to pronounce any unjust or harsh judgment , I must still say that there can now be no doubt what will be the individual opinion , of mankind with respect to that Power which appears determined to plunge Europe into the incalculable horrors of war , when , with honour to herself , she might have averted it . —( Cheers . ) Certainly , Austria and Prm-aia , as I took the opportunity of saying before , a few days ngo , havo met tho proposals of Russia in a manner becoming the dignity of independent Powers Whilst England ana Franco are preparing to go to war with Russia , and are determined to do so if necessary , with Austria and

    her intentions beyond that which she had led Austria to expect , Austria would be governed by a sense of her own interest and dignity , and she had sent . a large portion of troops to the frontier , first taking care to give satisfactory assurances to Turkey with regard tathe object of this measure , and declaring that if armed intervention should become necessary to maintain the strictly legal aud territorial status quo , she would not refuse to join in it . The answer of Prussia was quite as dignified and decided ; and on account of this intention of Prussia being known , I believe Count Oxloff did not extend his mission to Berlin . ; and therefore I think that your lordships will be of opinion that our endeavours to secure the alliance of Austria and Prussia , and our deference to those Powers , have not proved in vain or been misplaced . " In conclusion , Lord Clarendon praised the conduct of the people during these trying times .

    Passing over Lord Glenelg , who approved of the policy of the Government , and expressed that approval in the highest terms , and also ^ passing over the Duke of Argyll , who defended his colleagues , we come to Lord Aberdeen . He treated the Opposition with hardly disguised contempt . What , after such speeches only to move for papers ; the least they could have done would have been to censure , not to say impeach , the Government . So completely did he approve of his own policy , that had he an opportunity of acting ob a similar occasion , that policy he should repeat .

    " I feel that the people of this country are not sufficiently impressed with the importance and with the magnitude of the war in which they may be engaged , and this I think mast be apparent to all your lordships . ( Hear . ) In fact , we have been so long without having experienced the horrors and the miseries of war , that it is but too common to look 11 pon it now as a source of pleasurable excitement . JL believe that the feeling in this matter is a . generous feeling ; and although they do not look to the consequences which must inevitably ensue should war take place , the feeling is a generous one to resist aggression and injustice . ( Loud cheers . But , my lords , it is not for us to encourage that feeling . It is , on the contrary , the duty of the Government as much as

    possible to resist such feelings , however natural , and however generous they may be ^ -to direct , them in the course of a pacific policy , fl must admit that already , without measure , have imputations of cowardice , and vacillations , and treachery been cast upon me . All this I submit to , but at the same time I do not see in what a more courageous policy consists . It seems to me we have more moral courage in resisting strong impressions , because we think them irrational and carried to a mischievious extent , than those who deal in the common-place taunts which I am ashamed to hear applied by the noble earl . ( Loud cheers . ) .. ' ..... . I could verv much wish that we bad seen the worst of this state , be it war or be it peace ; but , although I have ventured to say that I did not think war inevitable . I hare never said that it

    would not take place , although . I not only hope , but most ardently pray , tbqt it may not take place . All that I said was , that it was not inevitable , that I did not abandon that hope ; and ,. slender as it is , I will not abandon it even now . It is a matter of very little importance what I may hope , or expect , or think ; but what is important is , that her Majesty's Government are making every possible preparations as if war were inevitable . That is all the country can desire , and they may leave me and others to indulge our hopes and our prayers as Ave may think proper . I can repeat that every effort will be made , and is making at this moment , to carry on the war , if war there mast be ,, in such a manner as becomes the character , the dignity , and the power of this

    country . At this hour 1 will not fatigue your lordships by saying more ; but I am so far glad that this motion has been brought forward , because I do think , that in addition to the papers which are upon the table , the clear justification of my noble friend ( Lord Clarendon ) , who has had the principal management of these negotiations , must have been such as to satisfy your lordships that there has been no want of prudence , foresight , or skill , in the management of these most difficult and complicated negotiations ; and I have not the least fear in appealing , not only to this House , but to the country , not merely for an acquittal of her Majesty's Government from blame , but I would almost venture to trust that there may be approbation of their conduct . " QCheers . ) Midway in the debate Earl Grey delivered a

    speech , bearing against both sides , adopting Mr . Cobden ' s views , and repudiated by both sides . His argument was that the original fault of the Government was in having permitted themselves to be drawn into the original quarrel between Turkey and Russia ; and arguments were not wanting to Bhow that they ought to have pursued a more pacific course . Because Russia had done wrong , it did not follow that we should interfere on behalf of Turkey , as we had no treaty to entitle us to do eo . But it was said that our interference was required upon grounds of national policy , because it was of European importance to maintain the independence of Turkey . It was bitter mockery to talk of the

    independence of the Ottoman empire ; and he called upon the Government to define what they meant by it . Did they mean by it the authority of the Sultan over hia subjects ? The character of the Turks was that which it had always been . This was proved by their harsh and cruel treatment of the Christian population , in which it was hopeless to anticipate any permanent improvement . This he contended was tho expectation entertained , as appeared from their respectivc despatches , both by tho Foreign Secretary and Lord Stratford do ltedcliffe . He quoted Mr . Layard to show that the Mussulmans were also treated with extreme tyranny and a total want of faith . Such being tho character of Turkey , ho uaked whether the maintenance of the Ottoman

    empire , which would perpetuate such evils , could possibly be an object for which this country ought to make any sacrifice whatever ? But it was said that Turkey must be maintained as a security against the aggressions of Russia . Now he was unable to concur in the popular apprehensions of Russian aggression—first , because a' nation of slaves could never become reall y . formidable ; and next , because corruption and peculation were destroying the efficiency of the public ., service of Russia . He ridiculed the notion of a Russian invasion of India ; and , adverting to the despatches , expressed an opi nion that peace would have been preserved if Turkey

    had been allowed to accept the Bussian . ultimatum . He drew a picture of the evils to Turkey and her allies , resulting from the adoption of theopp&jite course , and suggested the possibility of ^ a Greek i&-surrection aicled by Russia . ' Should stadKaii event occur—and it was far from improbable ~ wqttld ^ the people of England and , Prance consent toUnlpiirere on behalf of the Mahomedan , while Russia defended the Christian population ? fie thought nokCTne inevitable result of such a rising must be ^ he

    destruction of the Turkish empire ; and where tnen would be the utility of our interference ? "trTi ' at should we have gained by it ? ; Having _* a ^ ell lpon the inexpediency of interfeTui& $ ^ ' ¦? $$ * affair ^ f other countries , the noble earl co % ljIudM ^^ 3 eclarlnff that in his opinion the course ' wWch h ^ M ^ Sw s Government had entered upon was pregnant ' with danger . . . -. ¦» ..: ; . , ; l . VmA w * The actual upshot of the debate was the ^ witkdrawal of a motion , only made for the purpose' of delivering a speech ; and the practical upshot ' iwas that Lord Derby and Lord ClanricatdQ alike r declared they-would forget the past and , support 1 the

    Government for the future . s -.. - -,, „ - j In reply to Mr . DisraeUivIiord John Kcsseix had every reason to believe th'it the letter of the Emperor Napoleon published by th © JMoniteur was authentic The British Government hftd been informed by tb ; at of France that they thought it desirable that an effort should be made , by means of an autograph letter from the Emperor of the French to the Bussuui to tne

    emperor , procure a xernunauon ^^ opputes which , had so long subsisted ^ The . SngHsh Government , when in possession of the natureof the letter , replied , that they had no objection to such a step being taken , and suggested certain modifications , which had been substantially adopted . Whilst perfectly agreeing with the general contents of ; the letter , they would not say that every particular word or phrase was such as they -would have proposed . They entirely approved the step Jaken as a most laudable endeavour to prevent the outbreak of

    war . Ecclesiastical , Courts . The Lord Chancbllok stated on Thursday the existing evils regarding testamentary juriBdictum- — evils which had been admitted for ^ enty . years . And which are perfectly well known . ' Haviiig mad ^ but his case , lie stated the provisions of the ^ biU for redressing those evils , which he laid on the table . f u propose to transfer to the Court of Chancery the contentions business ; but ninety-nine ont of one hundred of tbe entire oases belong to the class of business which is called 4 common form * business : that is to say , it consists in this

    —the will is brought b y the party interested , ~ probably ? to his solicitor ; by the solicitor it is brought £ o the' proctor who submits it to a certain functionary-of the covHijauL great accuracy is necessary to see that all is right , ; 3 &i& afterwards submitted to the deputy-registrar or registnttrof the court , and the will then passes . If there be any difficulty about it the registrar speaks to the judge of the oburt ; and if the difficulty cannot be removed , then it Becomes contentious , and a motion is made to the court . ' What I propose on this subject is this—I propose at once to transfer to tha Court of Chaiicery all the staff as it now exists . I believe that the functionaries discharge their duties satisfactorily , and I believe that all of them should be transferred at onre

    from the ecclesiastical court to the Court of Chancery . Tha business will go on in the usual way , except that it will ba under the control of the Lord Chancellor instead of being under the control of the Prerogative Court . I propose , a * the registrars will not have tho advantage which they now have of communicating from time to time with the judge of the court , for that cannot be conveniently done in the Court of Chancery , to constitute ono principal registrar whoso business it shall be to superintend all this common form business , and secure by hi * experience what has been pointed out by the commissioners to show the advantageof having the matter In . one court—utunulj . that i £ c court will become acquainted with all tho details , and obtain knowledge which othorwise might not be attained ; within diatriot

    and whenever a person shall die any , the affidavit of the executor will bo conclusive on the subject , and he may , if he thinks fit , prove the will in tbe country instead of proving it in London . That arrangement is , howover , confined to non-contentious business , because it would bo utterly impossible to have fit persons—where there must bo such a small quantity of business—to deal with any of those delicato questions that from time to time arise as to the validity of wilLs . Bui even that is a matter not ulways very easy to deal with , and it is extremely important that inaccuracies on the subject should bo avoided ; and to afford security lor that purpose , I propose that the party shall bring the will to the registrar , and that when the probate shull bo prepared , the will shall be eventually sent up to London , to bo kept where all original wills are to be kept .

    1 ruasm it rests to avert wnr . or , at least , to render it of short duration . ( Hear , hear . ) And , undoubtedly , tho interests of theso two Powers are in harmony with a noble and generous course which Avill bring safely abroad as well as ni homo , for they will have with them the universal opinion of Germany ; and revolution , my lords , will not rear itB head , nor will England rufuHO its sympathy to countries which are faithfully endeavouring to perform tueir duties and obligations . ( Cheers . ) My lor < Js tho answer of Auatria was , that s © long as Kusbia maintained a defensive attitude , s <> lung Austria did not feel it incumbent on her to act ; but now that Huania appears deter mined to go forth , and to push

    Untitled Article

    Untitled Article

    February 18 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . 140

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 18, 1854, page 149, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2026/page/5/