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ment ^ fc ^ ifci * carri ) ed : ? Because i » i ' tau » Ba&eails o £ the manufacturing class iW 4 ^ i ^ i ^ sadm 3 ! k to stop a , ] Vl 3 rds t ^ rial' M « dWiL « f because tW Tories would poatyMM ? a&y xe& » m aa long as . possible ; Bscif ^ r t ^ BKtaa borongh , atExio-crg l ta preserve iteei ^ w&itLct require ifc » Members to vote agamat tlia whole Bill ; . > c * ubb Far !** mentory agents dislike a reform that would itt «*^ rewitk 1 &e £ r trade ; ,. because the cljtsses already enfranchised ffeei ao Bnfttlae ? to feelp the
'consist in privileges granted to th » people b y ' other Orders ^ but in tite * freedom * seeoaeedbiy itfafe people themselves . In like * mmtmer , & national unity cstnnotf Be the reeralt of aney ( dictated organisation , but onl ^ r of ca ramxwi libeling—a common feeling superior to cliquish notions , to closet refineraents , orto sectional in-Hesests * - If the people are apathetic , and do not ¦ interfere wdfch the G-ovemment , that eireuna' stance is a fact ,, and iteoEStiffcu'tes the warraot
of th& € } -oVemiB © n ? tin GStifry&rug on public « ffair » , as if the idea prevalent ! amongst the' people had suffered judgment to go by default ; While the English peopleleave questions of 3 Ceform to Ministers , or even to the enfranchised classes , no Itefbrm . Bill such as the inilKons could adopt will be passed * or even proposed . " While- the English people leave the conduct of affairs to diplomatists , foreign affairs * will be conducted alter the fashion of
diplomatists , and not after that of nations . Examples 4 > f | b& two methoc ^! are furnished at present By England , which leaves its public affairs to- diplomatists ,, and America ,. whose' people stand forward and exercise an active voice in directiag . their own affairs abroad as . well as at home . If ,, indeed , the : ihgHj& people were in & essdilaaa i& aete together , there i » plenty For W to &p . If it cars see sofflcetfeoig better ttem ^ tfEfficuIiieB ^ ii * every <^ tjBrjfrise , something more important than crfticism on . secondary details ,, it couEcfsoon Be in € he inidstof deecfe .
though ftcaaseeiy iess ^ mportafrttQithe ii&cmate ? interests of EiigllandC Jftmn the speeches of M . Y inefce- and M- BetkiHtfnn BolWeg-, m > the Prussian * Chamber of Dteptttiea , ft is evi * dent that in the most educated Prussians ^ as * well as the body of the people , there are not only feelings oitEe strongest sympathy with England , but a strong- desire and a strong capacity for conducting afiaira in that mannec which -we call " constitutional . " The Conttoi Prussia is more than suspected of placing ; the resources of the kingdWt at tfre serviced
of the general enemy . Tine same sympathies and the same capacity have been shown , in Kedmont , whom Austria is already denouncing as a " turbulent neighbourj" evidently with the intentian , under shelter of the English alliance , of doing some injury to ; the Sardinian kingdom . And the English people , incapacitated for action , seems a » if it woulek suffer its (^ overtttftettt to betray eonstiMtionat and English interests by sacrificing- Sardiniar to our " aHy . ** The opposite policy is that which it would well become a national
association , to enforce . ' Without making , goilquests * for ourselves , we might stand up foe every nation that , by adopting our in » titu *» tions said our principles , practically entered into as League -with us for sustaining and ? extending- English institutions in Europei There fe a danger * in being isolated as we have become y and one danger touches us at home . . There are fashions in governing ; and our Gbovernmeat . too . much , assimilates to the
fashion , of political conduct on the continent .. I « e& u * exstesal the regioik of constitutional government , amd we strengthen oaraelvea as well as onr ae % libotjrs . Bat that is not to be- doa « by tfe fdree of ** moral ** suppoirfe To- speak more plainly , it is only by meeting the ettemy iti the : field * and fi ^ lfctahg \ &va against ; the armies and ^ tfrigues- ofthe AbsOr ^
lutist , tuat tue influence at jCiUguati ixlsciiiUK tions can be expended . " We b ^ Lieve that not nation continues to be ) great after it kta ceased to-be a conquering nation ; y and ther is a field of « o » qfireat ep&m t& thar Baglisb people , if that people should recover the spirit : and strength to di ? aw ~ tbe sword in support of the national flag .
The correspondent who takes exception to ou » article on thia su ^ ect , last w « ek ^ po werfadly illsatcates- the condition : of the English tifcHwfc at prea ^ ent * Our fair GftTrespoodent totidly loraes ^ sight of tbe Baffin qtieation in a number of miiror considerationa respectnig the abstract rigjit of the Ametdcaftis to- GuBa . Jjtesg&iifiiig the merits of tliaf ^ questloit we naveouraeives . no doubt . Authorities on
international , law recognise the right of auy jtarifc y m ai state to * call in . an , ally , during , ci ^ l . w « r \ anid the ? Cuban- iasurgenta posses * tfcat right j which , if they were to succeed , -would be ratified by the eonatrtUtedattthority-of the island . Beyond that itechmcalifev , however , Cuba is essentially and gBOgraplkcally Atnerican . As much so as Gibraltar is Spanish ; and if Spain had Baif the manhood , which
resides in . the English or . American people , or which , hag resided , in . the Spaniards themselves , England would be unable to hold that pillar of the Mediterranean gate . Should there be anything in the nature of a -war in the GhnX of Mexico , military necessities alone would render it imperative for America to occupy the island ; necessities which have always been permitted to override mere political considerations .
The question of " light , " however , in Cuba has nothing to do with the topic which * we were discussing . It is the conviction of the Americans that they ought to take possession of Cuba ; they have the power to take it ; and the union of conviction and power , as we have more than once shown , constitutes the
nearest approach to a definition of right of which reason is capable . Hussia , if she have the conviction and power to seize Turkey , would have the right to seize it ; but we £ ave th © conviction and power to prevent her , and her right ceases . We have no conviction on the subject of Cuba , and do not intend to prevent the American . Its is the fact that the
idea of the conquest of Cuba possesses the Americans ; and instead of treating it o > & an abstract question , to talk about , they at once organize themselves to do it . To effect the annexation by purchase they regard as an indulgence to the Spaniards ; and bo do we . The Americans , unquestionably , would even have let the Spaniards keep the iBlau . d , if they could have kept it on neighbourly terms . Now there is work which Englishmen might do in Europe , of a more disinterested kind ,
itt ea $ eB ( &inff ; tlie jsws&ge to the whole body o ^ 'ro ^ ttftop ^^ and because greafe body of the peo 0 t , 1 atfmg tbtaEy abandoned- the fcfeff ofnman ^ ng ^ foritsel ^ lias sunk into apathy . Thus an immense mSsstof passive indifference , or disguised htfsiil ^ jr to r ^ for ^ leaves the people , at one ead sfenk into despondency on the subject ; « nd tlte statesmen afc the other smalf intfehtRms
end ^ iiife ^ foTW ^ rcP -without the power , of em ' r y iflg * ifaegfrto fulfilment . The . « $ ensa ^ nr against Ministers , p £ pur-Buin ^ a tareacfierous . subserviency to Itussia , is" a ' sfuTindre jErmfd ^ Ble charge tLan that of neglecting isei ^ emit ^ et ife is 1 cte ^ e 1 «? hich , from the disorganised state of the public , cannot be reducedrttr conftriDcation or refutation .
The >! tftbrT has many versions . One reeently r « ttB * i ^ . at a meeting iaSfeaffdrd is , that Xord BSmfrafoh , acting as- the instrument of ^ Russia , invariabfy" cajotes and guides the unconsei&tig ^ eSdrerament df Englaftd-infe ^ uch atwrae a&remnliwin-felfiaing ^ thi «? w ^ ies of Buisiki According ; to ? -this view ^ the > only tJi *« rTwhich . « ccouat » fi ^ tiie alliance w £ Eng ~ JaaawitiiA « B ^ aJr- ^ l ^ e : Anattta iaptatyititt
tirt gpMnfti of ; INbbw ixr , Torkey , and whale tfaei »* i » , 'n # r giiwaeiteea against the e ^ erttoal osstctKumBOm o »» Jrjraxtco wsenttGUP conexnentat wtPTiMB ^) ' Big im that tak . of Ltord Pat * aaesrtott ^ litiacho jji : which Mr . Urquharthaa V ^ tbulbMKtba world te sonw * fifteen years , HiiilfiiMt' Mfoco ^ CDn 8 iiered . tBadLthe parubleiit i&jK > foe& by [ Lord ; 3 ? aliactera 4 on ' ft devotion ; i » the JM ^^«* ject » , anddwstafefca of thB di « lo
yamm £ > thcme wmcte ^ really jgofvema Europe . MtbiiikBns foarmco £ tecaaaki % that : the £ ngli » h Mimii ^ iyrfog' &a ta « n « beings usually shows s fflrtibtndmconrparteitcy taASootend with foreign diplomatists , and is habitually overreached * Thffjgreat expounders of tki * explanation re-| jw 4 k t ^ emselenes ^ ; as tJae only exeeptions to * incompetency ; . ; for they are Lord Malmos btuy « nd his Mippoorters , Mr . Diaraeli and thm ^ JSeaiof iy ^ Thj . Now , circumstantial evideuac » logically no evidence at all , unti l the dbaitb b » oompleted by the positive link
which IB wanting—actual proof of some * O 3 X 6 dnimnftfcing' fact . Xn political as ia sociali affairs ^ an y tale can be proved on circumstantial evidence ; the ( i Man irt in the- IroniMaak" or u Junius' * can be anybody who > r-was alive at : the time ; . But it is a ¦ erkms andatpracticai evil that such questions should rest upon : circumstantial evidence Accustomed , ta shut themselves up in their own . class , to consort socially with people' of theiirownv order ; or even their own circle of
acquwmtance ,-r- ~< $ aily increasing in the disuse of congregated action ,- —the inhabitants of 12 ng 3 and ace becoming separated into small € irc | M which really know nothing of each othe * i Those who have been framing a mea ~ ¦ are ; of reform know nothing whatever as to the ftolings , tfhe faculties , or balrits of those whom they fear to admit at once to the suffrage . JEn like manner , those who are accused of meditating if not pursuing high
treason to their country , permit themselves , their motives , their feelings , and their habits of xtrind to remain totally unknown * feo the nation , except through set speeches in public . Under such circumstances , it ia drawing too fast upon , the future to propose any extensive union of the people ia " a league " for a speciiie purpose . We have repeatedly ahown that the liberties of a country do not
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KOW AND . WHERE ENGLISHMEN ^ ABE MAl > fi LCXYAL , JksFonwE'R colony has given its testimony to > the loyalty -whien resides at the heart of the British people , when , loyalty is observed towards that people . The coton / of ITova . Scotia has made a declaration to Queen Victoria , which a Ministerial journal has cited aa a
lesson xo the Opposition ; . hut which we , in turn , might horn up as a lesson to English statesmen of whatsoever party , and most especially to the men now in office . The House of Assembly has unanimously adopted an Address proposed by Mr . Secretary Howe , which the reader will find enttre in another page , and which is well worth his perusal . A nobler declaration by a national body was never made . The ! Nova Scotians assure their
Queen , that wherever toe national nag is borne their sympathies * will follow it , and thab in triumph and disaster the efforts of its gallant defenders will ever be marked with deep interest in this , portion of the empire . This declaration ia proposed by one of tie Ministers of the colony , it is seconded by tlie leader of the Opposition , and the Qlobe justly points to this example as one of patriotic feeling over-riding party conflict , which might be a lesson to our own leaders of the Opposition . This is not the first time that Kova Scotia haa behaved with the same
fidelity to the imperial interests ; nor ia Nova Scotia alone : Canada has made the Baino declaration , and has set to Nova Scot ia the example of that practical promise which is appended to the declaration .
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lK * Why Y E mm THE LEA 1 > EKL 8 ATtJBD ^ y ^ j ^^^ . ^ M ^— ^____ _ . i ¦ ! i in - i . 1 - ¦ |_ J _____^^^_ . —^ ^ ^ . J ^ ^ ___ J 3
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 15, 1854, page 350, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2034/page/14/
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