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yet give the name of the President of the Board ; but there "was no opposition , the "bill appearing to be generally approved .
TIEE TICKET-OF-LEAVE SYSTEM . In the House of Lords , Lord St . Leokakds brought forward the question of the ticket-of-leave system , which he urged had proved a complete failure . He stated that a number of persons had relapsed into crime and been re-convicted merel y because the ticket-of-leave acted as a bar on their obtaining employment , and he thought that there should be some intermediate system of employment on public works , before these men were turned loose on society .
The Duke of Newcastle contended that the number of persons who had relapsed into crime after having obtained tickets-of-leave was very smallonly one per cent . ; that a regular system was adopted , by which , before the convicts were released , efforts were made by the authorities to get them employed by private persons , which was , as a rule , successful , as it was impossible to return to a system of transportation . The Government had their attention , directed to the subject of tickets-of-leave , and if it should be found necessary some plan of employment on public works would be resorted to . Lord Campbell expressed his belief that the system would never answer .
The Bribery Bill passed through committee with little qr no discussion , and several other bills were advanced a stage .
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The Globe announces that Parliament is to be prorogued On the 12 th—Saturday next .
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THE DAY AFTER TO-MORROW . Ii ? wo are impatient with tho people of this ccimtry , who sufler a dilatory conduct of affairs to provail at head-quarters , wo must confess that thoro 1 ms been oi ' ton too much reason to complain , that tho patriot party of Europe has not suillciantly appreciated tho virtue of passive quietude , —tho policy of wai
ting , or permitting events to grow until they two ripo for action . The groatobfc clanger that appears at present possible lor tho patriot cause is , that aomo sudden and partial action should anticipate opportunities , should expose tho Liboral cause before it i « Htrong , and render a final victory not noaror , but impossible . There ia a time to come perhaps not long honco , which must not be
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Egertou Ural , objivteJ on Thursday evening , on tho score tliat ; it would entail oxponao upon eounliea . Upon his own county [ Cheshire ] , lor examp le , it would , ho said , entail the " enornunm expense of 12 , 000 ^ or 13 000 / . in providing barrack accommodation for the two regiments ) . It ia a national
ox-THE MILITIA . B AJRRACKS BILL . The amendment on . the fourth clauso of the Militia Bill , which Mr . Robert Palmer sue ceeded in carrying on X ^ ridny night , is noi only a damage to tho bill itself , but is the key to a mass of misconception , which tho landed interest and a particular school of economists not at present much in fualiion conspire to keep up . Government proposed to charge upon counties tho cost of providing barracks for tho militia . To this M »' . Jattou
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lost : but neither oaght to be mistaken ; and the nearer we approach , the more cautious should we he lest we mistake . "We would earnestly point out to the patriot party , wherever it may exist , the example of France and England , as bodily shown in the position of the allied . forces in Turkey . " We can imagine the amazement of out friends at holding up that example ; but we believe that it is a sound precept , and . we beg them , at all events , to observe one great distinction , of which , we too constantly lose sight . We are repeatedly blaming the
Government for its want of energy and decision , when , in truth , we must confess that the real blame lies with the English people . If it is the English people which makes or permits the present Government , it is the English people which has encouraged the policy of non-intervention ; and if we have any serious doubt at the present moment respecting the use of the opportunity now opening to the patriot party , it is as much froan the indifference of the English people as from the impatience of continental Liberals . " What the allies have done in the East has
been to wait until their own forces eould be equipped and mustered , until the Turkish Government could be made fully to understand and feel the necessity and policy of cooperation in details as well as in designs , and to wait until the progress ¦ of negotiations should convince Austria that her only safety would be in taking the side of European order——that is , against Uussia ; and to do so , however Prussia might behave . " We believe that more might have been done already ; but if something be done now , and well , vre shall-not complain that it was not done sooner . At all events , it is the fact tliat the allies
find themselves in Turkey on ground which is much more consolidated in a military sense than it Was at the commencement of the War ; and they have Austria on the eve of advancing to co-operate . So far , whatever may happen , the allies start from a strong position . It is not that we are satis / led with the present posture of affairs ; but we may depend upon it that the contest is not going to terminate upon the ground which it at present covers . We have seen signs of disturbance
m Italy ; we have read witli some impatience the announcement that Austrian reinforcements had arrived in Parma , to put down the people ; but our second feeling was a wish that the people should wait . We do not hope , still less wish , that England should play traitor to Austria ; but the period is coming on , not fust but certainly , in which Austria will have to account to other powers besides England . Denmark , too , has just put down a constitution by a coup-d ctat
avenging upon the Danes , who trusted their recreant sovereign , tho injury which tlio . se Danes helped to inflict upon tho people of Schleswig-Holstoiu , who wero deprived of their constitution to swell the national pmle of the conquering Danes . Our Government , too , assisted in that suppression of a constitution , and wo do not understand that our Government is interfering for tho defence of tho constitution in Denmark . Hero , too , is another account to be settled , but it must stand ; we shall bo able to nettle
it better a short timo hence , than at present . Hosso Caasel , that audacious little state whoso Prince and Prhno Minister flod in terror at the consequences of their own lawless troa eh cry , was put down by Austria and Prussia ; England observing the doctrine of non-iutorvention . —Another account to bo settled in tho midat of Germany . The King of Prussia is meditating « grand trenehory toward a his allies Austria , France , and England . Hois about to side with Russia . This alone , should it take place , will bring tlio war to n new stnirc
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Hitherto , the other three of the Eour Powers have dealt with " Prussia" as if that expression indicated Jfong Erederiek "William alone , and as if the trimming Prime Minister Manteuffel , were enough to represent the whole of the state besides . ~ Now , in England we know better ; we know that besides the king , more than the king , there is the Prussian people , which has evinced its knowledge of liberty many times during the reign of the present man , as well as his predecessor ' which has already achieved national
independence . Are we to suppose that tliis Prussia will be conteafc to sneak at the tail of royal Prussia—> a Russian vassal ? "We will not anticipate the answer to that grave question ; but let us observe this alternative if Prussia royal be permitted to earry all the strength of the state , its army and finance , to the side of Russia , then Russia is permitted to enter into an integral part of Europe , where Russia will most likely find other allies , and will stand on friendly ground , even at the frontier of France . Half of
Europe will then be arrayed against the other half ; despotism , will be maintaining its last great fight against— -What ? Shall we sappose that England can give the character to the other side , and that the armies of the allies will be fighting for constitutional freedom ? If , indeed , we had the old national zest for war and victory , we might take such a share in this great continental conflict as to stamp our own character upon the liberal side of the conflict , and to make even the standards of Austria and "France array themselves under the flag of popular and constitutional freedom .
Supposing that the Prussian people have their own 1 voice in this question , that they refuse to give away the army and treasury of Prussia at the caprice of their maudlin king , then the war of the Turks and the Russians will be exte nded and complicated with the civil war of the Prussians and their king ; and it is impossible to suppose that the representatives of popular freedom , not only ia Prussia but in Hesse Cassel and other German states , —in all the oppressed parts of
Europe from Denmark to Naples—should remain quiescent , or permit the wretched clique that now occupy the thrones of Europe any longer to dispose of tlie destiny of states . Then simultaneously with tho Prussians would be the timo for the people to rise—we will not at present venture to say where . We will not at any timo venture to sa-y where they
should not rise , if the opportunity he a veal one . But what we do say is , that come when tho time may , their plans should be so pi'epared as to leave them after the end of the contest freed from the maudlin , disgraced , diseased , and depraved specimens of bad humanity who now totter upon thrones , like those of Prussia , Spain , and Naples , by the su ( franco of disunited pooplos .
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August 5 , 1854 . ] THE LHADEJl * 31
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Foreign . The Monitcur of yesterday morning has the following : — Bucharest , July 29 . The complete evacuation of Bucharest will take place the day after to-morrow . Officers and soldiers that remain behind will be treated as deserters . Russian troops are concentrating on the Sereth . The evacuation of Moldavia is not spoken of .
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¦ TO CORRESPONDENTS . . Coxetasi Readee . —A journalist ' s opinion , on a point of law is worthless ; ask your solicitor , or Lord Brougham , who is familiar with all questions of foreign copyright . Wo received , late last evening , a letter from Mr . Barker . It must laccessarily stand over till next week . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters wo receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communicatioa . No notico can bo taken of anonymous communications . Whatever is intended for insertion must ho authenticated by tho name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . All letters for tho Editor should be addressed to 7 , "Wellington-street , Straml , London . Communications should always be legibly wril ton , and on oiw side of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficulty of finding space for them .
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SATUEDAY , AUGUST 5 , 1854 .
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There xa nothing so revolutionary , becnuso there is nothing so unnatural nnd convulsive , as the strain to keep thinflo tlxed when all the world 13 by the very law of its oraiiXion in eternal progress . —Dit . Ansoi . p .
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 5, 1854, page 731, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2050/page/11/
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