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Leader (1850-1860), 3rd February 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 108, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      THE SITUATION— -NOT COMFORTABLE . " The Situation" has been anything but dignified for the great country that calls itself England . We , the conquerors in many a field , have been called upon to go to war , we take our rusted arms out of the Museum of Peace , send our soldiers into the field- —and the result is the state of things in the Crimea . Having at last been obliged to confess that the country is disgraced ; , we want to find out the culprit . The War Minister is the most

      obviously responsible ; but there is no case against him . The more the facts are investigated , the more evident it becomes that the Duke of Newcastle neither neglected his duty , overlooked the necessary orders , nor was personally--incapable .. ; .-,-but _ jce _ . y _ eu . army organised not to do campaigning , and a staff of public servants organised not to exeuntil the

      cute the public business opportunity of disaster has been turned to account . " The system" is the culprit . Very unsatisfactory conclusion , sinc e the public is indignant , and burns to punish somebody . The whole arrangement for a criminal charge is ready , Roebuck prosecuting ; we are only waiting for a case . At last xt is procured—Lord John BtjbselIi turns Queen ' s evidence .

      " That is the man ! " he cries , pointing to Newcastle , " and those , are his accomplices . " The public want is met by the enlightened selfishness of British commerce : JJord John has sold his colleagues ; they are arraigned , condemned , and executed . The Aberdeen Ministry is dead ; we pause , and we find that there is no case . The Powell * of the ¦ , Cabinet had been romancing . He has his deserts—and so have we . The great : British nation , through its elected representatives in Parliament assembled , has been hoaxed ! '

      We want a new Ministry , and then we find our plight . Parties in Parliament are so broken up , that not one can conimand a majority . That is , as in matters of religious " heresy , " nien ; orp so divided about se- great standards of the ^ British- constitution cease to ra , ] ly the sonji ofjlngj ^ id . i , Our gentry squabble and divide into . 4 i $# e joint-stock coteries , mutual guarantee aqeocfc&ons , to secure prizes to their The WWjf Instigator of the Chartist follies of 1848 .

      own . members . The party which for its own share commands * , the largest support , is that Tory faction , whose old * rallying cry was divine right ; whose late principle , still unrenouncedj was " protection" to exclude the raw material of bread from our ports ; and whose latest apology was to reconcile our finance with the new principles of commerce But even that party cannot command enough of the Commons to found a Government upon . The Queen " sends for" statesmen , one after beneath

      another , but they confess themselves the power of undertaking to conduct affairs . England , who could once produce two or three Ministers at a pinch , can - now only produce one by a hollow truce among the factions , who substitute for outward competition treachery in the Cabinet 1 They ride about in cab and coach , interviewing each other ; but cannot form au Administration . At last , a member of the late Cabinet returns to Lord John , " as a dog- "

      And while the gentlemen of England who monopolise the entree to Downing-streetwho parade the exclusive right to be " sent for "—are cabbing it about town in search of a Grovemment , the popular members flock about clubs , asking the latest news , as if they had no more concern in it than , if official England Were Java ; while the people looks on in sheer helplessness , opening its marvellous mouth , and wondering what sort of Government " Negotiation" will send it . Such is the " attitude" England ' s people , with a great war- on hand , and a great Alliance waiting for it to come up .

      Untitled Article

      THE NATIONAL PARTY TRIED BY ITS OPPORTUNITY . ¦ „ . Neveb have the parties which compete for political power in this country been put to so severe a trial as they are by the state of the war and by our alliances on the Continent . The most glorious opportunity offers itself for any man , or set of men , who can grasp the power of England . The most magnificent results await a simple use of that power . It cannot be said that any of the parties represented in the late Cabinet have been able to profit by the opportunity ; yet , in strict justice , it ; cannot be . saidjthatth ^ the opportunity . The late Ministry was framed for the purpose of carrying on her Majesty ' s Government , beneficially to the public of course . , We believe that many of the members joined the Cabinet for that object , and no other . Whatever opinion we

      may have as to the fitness of Lord Abebdeen to be head of a War Ministry—and no one has given stronger evidence of his unfitness than Lord John Russell , in betraying to the public how completely the Earl held aloof from the management of the war— - we still are impressed with the conviction that he would not have undertaken office if it had

      not been from the sincere desire to save the country from embarrassment through the want of responsible servants : The statesmen who entered his Cabinet had various objects in view ; but , at all events , they were called upon by the facff of their position to waive their individual or party pretensions , and to submit to a neutralising balance of power within the Cabinet . Thus , no set of men as individuals or as a party , had an . opportunity of signalising themselves . While they were simply carrying on public business , their subordinates were quarelling in the competition for the sweets of office . We excuse the

      Aberdeen Cabinet for its neglect of the war , by pronouncing it to have been froin its origin incapable of acting with , vigour , or with that ambitious love of distinction which js , after all , the true support of the statesman . But now that the Aberdeen Cabinet is gone , the opportunity is open . There is not : only

      office , as in ordinary times , for ' any party that Will take it , but there is an opportunity for leading this country through a great war ; for re-establishing her influence in Europefor taking up the championship of national independence against its great enemy , Russia ; and for initiating a new order of things on the Continent , A chivalrous mission is advertising for the man to execute it , and he will have to his hand all the power and treasure which this country can bestow .

      When we look around , however , we find no statesmen , or set of statesmen , who appear anxious to undertake the mission . Lord Abebdeen , head of the Government which was actually in possession of the opportunity , did not give his attendance to the war business . The Duke of Newcastle was generally devoted and diligent in his vocation , bu had not sufficient strength to wield the power in his hands . Lord Palmebston would be ambitious to make a noise , if not to showhis efficiency in any post in which he might be placed ; we have no pledge , and little faith , that he would undertake the mission now

      open to the British statesmen , that of reducing the power of Russia . Lord John Russell has gone so far as to hint at peace with Russia , without any terms humiliating to that power ; the arrogance of that power absolutely demanding humiliation for the safety of Europe , if not for the satisfaction of the powers she has provoked . The Earl-of Carlisle and the Marquis of Gbanby , fair representatives of the Whig and Tory parties , d with

      have both hinted at a peace arrange absolute consideration for ^ the honour or the pride of Russia . The men representing the parties who usually compete for the trust of the Crown , have already shown that they are either indifferent to the opportunity , or absolutely resolved to misuse it , by . defending Russia from the ^ consequences of her own rashness , and by shrinking from the exercise of English power . It would be a glorious opportunity if we had any " National Party" capable of now stepping in . We will not pause to develop

      all the ideas that crowd upon the mind at the mere contemplation of such an opening . If our popular party , our middle-class stntes-- ^ j— cou j ^ ~ givefuS Bme Tewluclriiienaa the working statesmanship or the landed gentry of England has produced at forme * periods , the finest results might now be secured for the people of this country , of France , of Austria . Let us but name the most immediate consequences . France and Austria have joined in an alliance' which places them in direct opposition to Russia and Prussia : the two latter are banded to

      defeat the alliance , by a combination of armies arid of diplomacies : the militarypower of Austria must be absorbed in defending herself against her Northern enemy : she would not have that power to employ for the" maintenance of her' provinces against internal insurgents : the statesmen at Vienna know the position in which they stand , and its immediate necessities : they are prepared , it may be presumed , with measures for retaining the provinces of the empire without military coercion—measures , in effect , for

      securing the co-operation of the subjects of Austria . The reforming statesmen of Vienna must be prepared t 6 take the lead of a revolution . Such is the position abroad . Our Government has had the patience to compass that alliance ; it breaks down in the ' grander office of mastering the consequences and controlling the results . Could ft truly popular English member , a CjiOMwteiL , now take the lead , what influence would hia counsel exercise over the treatment of the provinces of Austria ; over the " gains" which the allies of Austria must get out of the War , of which

      Untitled Article

      l'O CORESPONDENTS . , During the Ses ^ oriyParHamenfc it is often impossible to f tndrooia forcorresponaence , even the briefest . No notice can toe taken of anonymous , communications . Wnateveris intended for insertion must be authenticated bythemme and address ' of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of . his good faith . Oomnimications should afvrays be legibly written , and on onesideiof the paper only . If long , it increases the difflonltv of finding spade forthem . ... Wecannot undertake to returnrejected communications .

      Untitled Article

      Errata in our last—In the Xitcrary Summary , page 89 , 2 nd column , 36 th line from the top , instead of JGreJ * Essays , read Grefs Essays ; 48 th line from the top , tor arduous , read odious .

      Untitled Article

      TERMS OP SUBSCRIPTION TO fii &f ) s 3 lcatJct . " PoraBalf-ifear ... .. £ » M . 0 To be remitted in advance . t& * Money Orders should be drawn upon theSTRAsp Branch Office , and be made payable to Mr . Am ? bed EqSiowa . t , at No . 7 , Wellington Street , Strand .

      Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      There is nbthing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive as ., the strarn to keepings fixed wlien all the world isiby tlie very law of its creation in eternal progress . —De . Abhoib .

      Untitled Article

      lili tr SATTJBPAY , FEBBTTABY 3 , 1855 .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 3, 1855, page 108, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2076/page/12/