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Leader (1850-1860), 3rd February 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 112, Untitled Article

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      Commons , and be gave ^ llthe patronage to tteWhig aristocracy—the Bedfords , Rockinghams , and Graftons Lord Palmerstoa could form a Ministry on similar conditions , bringing in the Toriesor the Whigs , and acting himself for the nation . But LordPalmerston is not a great man who can act like Chatham : he is , perhaps , even not so grand a patriot . The Tories have evidently refused him his terms ; and the Whigs , always jealous of him , suspicious of him , will doubtless long hesitate before they put themselves in his power—for clearly Lord Falmerston ( even if Lord Lansdowne were the nominal leader )

      would not undertake to obtain the Government for them , and to run all the risks for them , if Lord John Bussell were to be retained alongside him as the real chief , still their confidential agent . Lord Palmerston knows that it is the Dukes of Bedford who govern when the Whigs , are in office , and he would indeed be sacrificing too much , perhaps his popularity , if he went into Government anew with his old friends , to leave them the power to humiliate him , as they did in 1852 , whenever they get tired of him , or whenever they conceive themselves strong enough to do without him . These are the considerations which

      explain the prolongation of a crisis . A Government is nop formed merely by certain men : they must be representative men—not of popularity , not of principles—but of great county families , and of great city and borough cliques of old Whigs or adroit Conservatives . Sir Robert Peel , when his burst of popularity was over , but when he had offended and sacrificed the great Tory party , was a great individualitybut was no power—and could never again have been in office , except in the case of a democratic revolution , unless the Tories had readopted him . Mr .

      Gladstone is similarly situated . The House of Commons was enthusiastic about him on Monday night . His speech was surpassingly ^ grand;—a splendid effort of genuine genius : it was made by a perfect debater ; it indicated the true statesman . But Mr . Gladstone is a mere individuality : no county magistrates trust him : he is at the head of no great political conspiracy : he merely represents the age in England ; and the Age is never " sent for . " This is the secret of the weakness palpable in this crisis , when nobody thinks of the Peelites , except as

      materials for coalition : they are merely a collection of capacities ; and only that they happen to be in Parliament—they might just as well be so many editors of clever newspapers . This also explains why the public eagerness for this and that man i 3 not attended to . It is a monstrous libel on a Sovereign wBo ^'' is " TO t ~'" only ~ t b 76 f 6 Ughly nationalrthoroughly patriotic , but thoroughly intellectual , to impute to the Queen any enmity to Lord Palmerston . The Queen knowe , with more accuracy than is shown in the gossip of Jones , the peculiarities of the constitution ; and

      reflection upon those peculiarities should convince Jones that it would have been simply a waste of time to send for Lord Palmerston . It may be true that Lord Grey would be a capital minister of this , and Lord Ellenborough an excellent minister of that But these are merely clever men—Earls , it is true ; but not nobles representative of other nobles , and of noble combinations . Hence they have to wait until a : chief like Lord Derby , or like Lord John Russell ,

      haying arranged with the Queen , arranges with them . Perhaps a great individuality , say like Mr . Gladstone , might destroy this system , by counterconspiring with his Sovereign and his middle-class public against the conspiracy of the nobles to wield exclusively the power of the realm of England . But —Mr . Gladstone probably thinks that the nobles are rather strong : warned by the fate of Pee ] , and by the miserable life of Canning , he prefers , like Mr . Disraeli , to make use of the Marquises of Carabas .

      The accuracy of these views is illustrated in the quarrel between tho Duko of Newcastle and Lord John Russell . The Duke of Newcastle , by his statement on Thursday night , set himself perfectly right in public opinion ; facing public opinion with the boldness of a manly intellect and the sincerity of a generous heart , but with the modesty of true merit , he explained tho facts , and appealed to his countrymen against the conspiracy of which ho was the victim . In less than one year , as Mr . Gladatone predicted , the Duke of Newcastle wiU be reinstated-In public favour ; in ten years , when all the old lords

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      3 KLF KKSPONSIBUE rOB NONE . 3 confessbe bath

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      THE MORAL OF THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS * ( To the Editor of the Leader . ") Sib , —Is it not humiliating or amusing , according as one happens to be serious or cynical , after the complete wreck of the old ministerial vessel , to find the wise men of all the accredited organs of the press put forward and recommend not any new system , or new men , but merely the old timbers and the old officers . The wreck is to be broken up , forsooth , and a raft made of its beams to float us through the storm of a European war , and the command of this miserable raft is to be given to no young or bold sailor , but to superanuated lieutenants or matesconvicted of sleeping on the Watch , and allowing the vessel to drift ashore . ¦ ' Even the Times , which so oft and so irrefragably demonstrated the danger of entrusting even a cockboat to Lord Palmerston , -would now thrust him upon us as Prime Minister . Lord Palmerston , to the knowledge of all the world , has failed as Home Minister . Earl Grey , in the remembrance of every one , failed as Colonial Minister . But , as a certain class of traders are never worth anything till they have been bankrupt , so our statesmen are really not worth public consideration till they qualify by some

      egregious failure . Who does not recollect Lord Ellenborough as Governor-General of India , with the gates of Ghuzni on his back , and recalled in very great alarm by the East India Company ? Who does not recollect Lord Grey ' s embroilment of England with every one of her colonies ? Yet these are the men put forward for the office and the business of which the Duke of Newcastle has made a mess . According , to the same rule , his Grace will be the fittest man for Premier in a twelvemonth .

      Every family , every clique , every aristocratic knot , every editorial - closet in London , has its minister . And every one of them is incapable , imbecile , and superannuated . Why have not the people of England a choice , a candidate , a champion ? There 5 ^ - ^ p ^ r ^ w Iijj ^ --c - all - | ; n ' emsely e 8 - pOpIilar-OTgans , - which affect to represent the middle-classes , and to be the friend of the lower ones—yet whom do they recommend for first officer at this critical moment ? Why , of course , some hack official , some superannuated statesman , a man who has run the gauntlet of power for the last half century , kept every man of promise and of talent from the light , and holds a foremost position solely because no younger man has been allowed to rise up and dispute it .

      Political power and fitness in this country , as in every country , is the fruit of experience and apprenticeship . But the old members of the great political corporation for the last fifty years have had no apprentices indentured to them . They would take none but the rich and the well-connected . And all the rich and the well-connected were so stupid , that there was not an average pound of brains amongst them ; and it is therefore that we have no statesmenno relay of Ministers , and that we must either take the old ones or go without Ministers altogether . All this may bo of comparatively little consequence in time of peace , when the only result is to obstruct the progress of the nation . But it is of tremendous consequence in war , when it sacrifices 30 , 000 men at a swoop , and may , by prolonged imbecility , bring the horrors of Sebastopol homo to us to taste , every one of us at our own doors , and upon our own soil .

      The war has read very plainly its own lesson . All that is democratic in the army has proved effective , horpic , indomitable ; all that is aristocratic in the army has proved itself , brave perhaps , but incapable . What is the remedy ? Plainly , assimilate tho army to those of France and of Prussia , whose officers arc neither appointed nor promoted for wealth or from connexion , and where the meanest person has tho chance of promotion . What Minister of those named would or could do this ? How , then , is it to bo done ? By the people seeing , admitting , and expressing tho necessity for such reforms , and the constituencies making them the conditions of election . Then , and not till then , will Parliament do anything . Then , and not till then , shall wo reap any

      notable result from the war , or grow nearer to a profitable peace . . We have the example of Lord Derby ' s Ministry to disprove that the inexperienced cannot do as well as the experienced . The Tories improvised a Cabinet They filled their offices from , the Conservative clubs in such a way as we may suppose . They took the first men they met with .. The result was just the same as if they had spent a month m sifting the party . The majority of the Administration were very decorous noodles , and there were one or two very clever men , who made the machine work . Could not the people , out of their men and party , do the same to-morrow ? It will be said " No ; " for the gentry and the House of Commons would not stand statesmen of the old

      it and all the discarded cliques—the Russells and the Palmerstons—would unite with the Grahams -and the Newcastles , as well as with the Dizzys and the Pakingtons , to trip up the men who had but popularity behind them , honesty within them , and no clique around . True all for the moment . But had the people a party , or had the people a press—a press could soon make a party they would make themselves respected , nor allow any band of nobility and gentry to trifle with them . Sir it i s the press which , more than anyone or any thing else , totally fails of its duty in such an hour as this , and in so failing is alike wanting to its own interests , to those of the country , and the people . I am , Sir , yours , * ¦ ¦ ¦ A Pressman .

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      A Tdbk ' 3 Notion of tub End of Nicholas . — "VVo went on to a genuine Turkish kibaub shop . I know not whether my reader needs to be informed that kibauba are small pieces of mutton grilled on a set of skewers , which are served on pieces of thick baked bread , with a little salad . I was about to sit down on a low stool , when Dr . Sandwith remonstrated , " Do not sit on the table . " He then took mo to the corner of an old khan , or general lodging-house , where an old schoolmaster was giving instruction to four or five boys . He belonged to tho class of Softas , which seems rather to answer to tho idea of tho old Jewish schools of tho Prophets . They are genorully tho most inveterate Mussulmen of tho empire ; and this man , who had formerly given Dr . Sandwith some lessons in Turkish , would not riao when wo Christians entered , or give us the slightest salute .

      Ho seemed , howovor , glad to sco my friend and to talk to him . I was unfortunate in suggesting , as a sort of touch-stone , that he should bo asked how * ho liked tho now Sheik-ul-Islam ( tho highest functionary of thoir faith ) , tho former one having been lately displaced for his too close sympathy with tho old Mussulman party . This evidently rather ruffled him : "Why do you ask mo that ? You must havo somo reason . I cannot tell you : I do not know him , All I can toll you of him is , that , before ho was appointed , tho lightning of God fell upon his house . " Wo naturally got upon tho war , of which his viow is as follows . "Nimrod was formerly a groat conqueror ; but God defeated him by tho hands of Abraham , to whom bo blessing for ever ! Ho was devoured by tho worms , and perished miserably : so it will bo with the Emperor Nicholas . "—Diary in Turkish and Greeh Waters .

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      who are now carrying on our affairs wilTbe dead , and forgotten as soon as dead , he may even be Prime Minister . But , for the present , notwithstanding his explanations , which would justify any very pubhespSited person moving a vote of expulsion ^ of Lord JohnRussell from all his clubs , and refusing invitations . to all . his dinners , the Duke of > ewcastle has to step on one side , to aback bench , while Lord John Russell is by no means down . _ „ . Saturday Morning . "A Stranger .

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      There is no learned man but will . ^ &tfs « i 3 fra ? SFj £ ! 8 ^ S be profitable for him to read , why should it not , at leasYbetolerablefor his adversary to write .-MinoHr .

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      - v * THE LBADEP ; [ Saturday ,

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      HOW TO CARRY ON THE WAR . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) London , January 31 , 1855 . Sir —Should you think the following idea worthy of consideration , I shall feel obliged by its

      insertion : — PROPOSITION . That a war fund of three hundred millions be created ; the interest to be paid out of the principle while the war lasts , and whatever portion may be used during the war to be a claim on the Emperor of Russia . RiSASONS IN FAVOUR OF SAID PROPOSITION . lstly . There is a great deal of capital on the Continent for which the owners now tremble ; and as England , I believe , is allowed to be the safest country for investment , we may conclude a very considerable portion of the 300 , 000 , 000 / . would find its way from there into this country , thereby-precluding the enemy and false neutrals from benefiting thereby .

      2 ndly . The creation of such a fund would dissipate all false illusions on the part of the Russian Emperor , and be the most powerful argument that could be used for bringing him to terms . 3 rdly . It would enable " the Chancellor of the Exchequer" to remove all war taxes , and home reforms be proceeded with . Other obvious reasons may be adduced , but I hope I have given sufficient to call the attention of

      cleverer persons than myself to the subject . -In conclusion ,. sir , I holdJh ^ yiewsj ^^^ GJadstohe about carrying on the war without increasing our dobt as absurd ; and if we peril life and property to transmit to our posterity a free and unpillaged country as their inheritance , they will sadly have degenerated if they do not honour our memory for pursuing such a course . Your obedient servant , Faugh A . Baixagii . —¦—i i i ii i in ¦— - ¦¦¦¦¦ ii ii ¦ . i i ¦ i ^^—^ __ m

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 3, 1855, page 112, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2076/page/16/