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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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^ v . 3 . 16554 THE LEADER . , . % * . .
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THE REFUGEES . We have already recorded our protest against the ill-chosen language of the refugees in Jersey . We have now to protest against a violation of right , if not of law , committed by the Governor , and app roved by certain classes of people in that island . It has also been sanctioned , we infer , by Lord Palmekston . Thirty-seven exiles , who had found an asylum in Jersey , who had not broken the law , and who , if they had offended , had offended only opinions , have been expelled by edict , under circumstances of insult and violence . It was not enough that the loyal inhabitants of the island had repudiated the sentiments of the refugees , which they had a right to do , considering that they were not themselves proscribed . A good deal of unnecessary bluster was excited , and language used by the Jersey editors , as well as by editors in England , which in virulence at least equalled , and in brutality exceeded , any expressions contained in the ob noxious number of ISHomme . Even this , however , was not more than what wo expected from apublic which never thinks , and from a press which the public licences to hypocrisy . It was natural that people also , who had admired the freedom of Lord Brougham ' s anonymous letter to the Queenpopular and applauded , in its day—should bo astounded at the familiarity of M . Fklix Pyat . It was inevitable that others , who understood t J \ t « s a h o e y i > s < ri ^ n u ii a o J . tl tl c < a 13 p a ; Ii
neither the French . language , nor Roman Catholic figures of speech , should detect blasphemy in a proverbial expression , Ifc was logically probable that good citizens who were delighted when Louis Napoleon declared himself necessary to the Almighty , should have clear ideas of piety . All this was essential to the consistence of the English character . But we must regret that the Jersey officials have obliterated the error of the refugees , by tyrannical , barbarous , and cowardly act . Looking calmly at the document , which was the original cause of offence , we are bound to say that its purport has been greatly exaggerated , or rather misunderstood . It was a mistake , it was ill-advised , ill-considered , intimed . As addressed to an English lady , it contained phrases which few Englishwomen could be expected to apply in their true sense . The refugees , also , imitated the first Napoleon , by intigating the assassination of the French Emperor , though the French Emperor has no right to complain of them , since he has pensioned the man who attempted to assassinate the Duke of Wellington . Men who conceive that they may , with their own hands , consummate public justice , are bound . to fulfil their project themselves , if it is to be fulfilled at all . No one condemns Mutius Sc ^ evola ; but every one would have condemned him had he sought to do his work by deputy . We are not able to say whether the last act of the Government in Jersey is a direct infringement of any public act . We are inclined to believe that it is not , and that the rig ht of refuge in that island has not been adequately secured by law ; but whatever reasons existed for expelling M . M . Ribeyuolles , Pianciani , and , Thomasthe only reason beiiig-fchat Government had the power to do it—tile expulsion of the thirtyfour others is , upon the face of it , unjust . They were not included in the order by which the Erst-named three were forced to leave the island . Consequently—and it is so avowedtlieir offence consisted in the publication , after that date , of a document which is made , by the British Government , an excuse for treating violently and pusillanimously a number of helpless men , exiled for their resistance to a military usurpation . Allowing that by the publication of a defamatory or impious document the refugees could have deserved such a penalty , what did their second declaration contain' ? Did it contain one false statement , or one treasonable word 1 It stated that UinisYitorxiss , PiANCiANr , and Thomas had been banished from Jersey by ' an act as arbitrary as the coup d ' etat of Louis Napoleon . That Louis Napoleon , by the sentence of tho legally-constituted High Court of Justice in France , is liable to arrest and punishment . ( 1 he judicial sentence being quoted , with tho signatures of the five judges , and of the rrocurcur-Gonerals . ) That lie had taken and broken his oath as an official . That ho had betrayed a constitution to which le had sworn fidelity . That ho had violated iho highest laws of France . That ho had imprisoned the representatives of the people , by aw inviolable . That he used violence upon \\ o judges . That ho had massacred men , ivomen , and children on the Boulevards . That he had guillotined three citizens who > had endeavoured to servo npon him tho writ oi wrest . That ho had bribed tho nohhers , functionaries , and mogiHtratcs . Tliut ho Jm < oon-[ iscated public and private property . 11 « J no liod proscribed or execute , ' « ' * f ™ £ * French citi . cn ., transport . " * «< » 0 ^ ™ 2 . alleys of Africa -nc , ^ J $£ Ttts ! l ^ llW ^ " xicratcJ b ' n . fordoing it , \
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SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 3 , 1855 . -
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . ARNOLD . \ ' .
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THE CONSEQUENCES OF WAR WITH AMERICA . The evil consequences resulting from hostile relations with America would not necessarily stand deferred entirely until the actual outbreak or declaration of war . We should feel them beforehand ; and a list only of the principal evils is sufficient warning of that which the community has at stake . la the first place , there is the cotton tradethat is , the wealth and property of Liverpool . and America . Liverpool might sell threequarters of its shipping , or all . Manchester must shut up her factories for want of the raw material to work them , and of a great market to receive her manufactories . But indeed , Bristol , London , Belfast , Glasgow , all the commercial outlets of the country , the whole trade of the United Kingdom , would , to a certain extent , suffer . If we do not fear Russia on the highways of the seas , should we feel the same perfect fearlessness towards America ? It is true that her navy is not strong ; but how long has it taken her to "build ships ? Is not one of the very pretexts for the present movement by our Executive the statement that privateers are building in New York for the Emperor of Russia 1 If the men of tho Union are building privateers for Russia , cannot they build war-ships for themselves ? Do they want their millions , the men , or the skill ? Would they then want the will 1 There is not a branch of our trade that is carried afloat that would not be endangered l > y the war with America . We laugh at Russia , but our Transatlantic enemy would make our most sanguine traders and hardiest mariners look grave . The war with Russia has entailed an in- creased taxation upon us . It has about doubled our ordinary imposts . Supposing that the war with America did not cost us more , we should be spending about three times as much , yet that would not represent the whole of the loss to us . If we actually manage to convey any commerce by sea , the under-writers would ex- pect a heavy insurance , and we should positively pay taxes to the Americans : for , what is under-writing but distributing over the many tho Josses incurred by the few ? And the prices which America would take would have their exact equivalent in tho diminished prices realized , by our own traders , with interest for the tmder-writcrs . . Wo have spoken only of the Union : the loyalty of Canada is said to be firm ; yet the Canadians are rather hurt at not having had more attention shown to them , —more consido- ration for their loyalty , —more commissions for tlxeir officers , —more honours to be com- petod for on an equality with tho people of this country . Tho loyalty of Canada we believe to bo quite Bincero ; but if there were a war of principles between monarchy which has re- maincd so exclusive as ours , and republicanism which is so inclusive ; is it not possible that the republican party in Canada might at least put us to some trouble , and that the trade with I ¦
a ; 1 s > i ' ¦ ! , , . ( j , £ ( \ ^ Canada would not have to pay on both sides a proportionate insurance % Our harvest is slightly deficient this year ; we do not anticipate much practical diminution of our bread , because we expect ample supplies from abroad— but whence ? From America . Aye it may be said America has as much to lose as we have by hostilities . Granted . We know that we are not mistaken when we say that the Americans would be as strongly disinclined to war as we can . Nay , they are more so they have not taken the initiative in provocation : we have placed them on the provoked side There is , moreover , this difference between us and America : In this country , if a man loses his employ , ten to one his bread is gone his only locus standi is the workhouse . In America , there are few men of activity and i energy who are not j acks-of-all-trades , following , probably , two occupations , and finding readily two more occupations op ? n for them it the one fails ; and if there is nothing else , there is the laud to fall back upon . America , therefore , could more readily , and would more cheerfully , make the sacrifices that otherwise should deter both sides from the war . Let us for a moment suppose that the trade between the two countries is stopped . Bread riots would not then "be a tragi-comedy , partaking of the theatrical ; there would be a ; stern reality in them . Nor would they be con- ' fined to London ; nor would they be caused ' only by the failure of bread . There would be failure of wages ; thousands upon thousands out of work in Lancashire . Paint that picture j of the possible future—Manchester out of work l —with all its incidents ! . Nor , we have said , should we wait for all the ^ evils until the _ actual declaration . The very fc fear of it would stop many a cotton cargo , delay many a bale of goods , keep back * . many a barrel of flour , throw out of work ^ many a sailor , many a factory-hand ; give fi employment to the under-writers , set an . ^ anticipative tax upon all our trades , increase ^ our payments , stop our income , beat down our fc ] hearts , and fill the working-classes of this ^ country with bitterness rankling against those ^ who could have dragged us into such a con- ^ dition . n
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 3, 1855, page 1053, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2113/page/9/
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