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Leader (1850-1860), 8th December 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1175, ' J^ttltlfr ^ "flVfr i* I0LIUUI JUliUlK.

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    • " rf"V*T>l TK f\ <>^ M| •> Ngpr* dlUA eil X g% V^ s-SZm *- jC ?W K 4- ? Qy& (°y * SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1855. __„ —
    • ' J^ttltlfr ^ "flVfr i* I0LIUUI JUliUlK.
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      Untitled Article

      December 8 , 1855 . ] THE LEADER . 1 \ 75

      Untitled Article

      TO CORRESPONDENTS . r V ~ S M —Zamoyski ' s regiment will consist of Poles . We think an English officer would find it diffrcnlt to ffain an entrance to the corps . The best way would be to write to the Secretary of ibe Polish Historical Society . T S ( Bury ) - —Mr . Whitmarsh , Serjeanfs-inn , is the Regis trar under the . Limited Liability Act . The expense of £ registration is from £ 5 . ) to . £ 100 ; of provisional regis" The Sardinian States , " part IV ., is omitted throngh press of matter .

      Untitled Article

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and conviilsive , as the strain to keep things fixed -when all the world is by the very law of its creation in . eternal progress . —Un .. ' Arnold .

      Untitled Article

      SIX NEW " POINTS . " GERMAN" diplomacy is pressing hard iipon the "Western Powers , and the Western Powers are pressing , with all their force , Tipon the Northern . The rumours of the past week mean , probably , that Atistria is making use of the early days , of winter to take the lead in negotiations for peace , and that Sweden is weighing the risks of a declaration in favour of the Allies . There

      may be a convention , held back for the signature of Denmark ; if so , it is still a secret . People—journalists especially—are speculating in guesses , an amusing and , to the armies , a profitable game ; but the public would be better informed if politicians , instead of listening jit the key-holes of cabinets , or catching the ooze of state-craft , would study the bearing of known events , and calculable probabilities .

      Among calculable probabilities are some which favour the idea of a speedy peace . These are : —the disastrous condition of France , the disgust of large thinking classes in England , the efforts of the German Cabinets , the auguries of an extended coalition against Russia , and the partial exhaustion of that empire . But , on the other hand , we have a tremendous force of opinion in England disposed to " one more campaign" —the dangers to Louis Napoleon of a ridiculous treaty , and the little chance that exists of extorting adequate concessions from Kiissia .

      Were the Czar Alexander to propose , in good faith , to submit to the public law of Europe , to withdraw his claims on Turkey , and to offer solid guarantees , lie would find no large party in Great Britain disinclined to a pacific settlement . Only a few unheeded bawlers and disappointed contractors would groan at the prospect of peace . But taking public opinion as it is , and estimating at the lowest its definition of the objects of the war , it appears very unlikely that at this stage of the conflict ; , Russia , should so far humble herself as to concede thorn .

      It is a now tiling , in tho discussions on the war , to find the public defining its views . One good , however , lias resulted , from tho circulation of pence propositions . Some clear ideas have been elicited . Most formal and most substantial arc those of the Times , whic-li lays down , as the smallest concessions that will be accepted , the following terms :- — 1 . That tho Euxino shall bo declared a commercial ftCa , open to tho merchant nhipfl of all nations ; but to the men-of-war of none . 2 > That every fort and fortification on ite ( shores Hhall bo demolinhed and clif-aiumi-led .

      erected into a State , under the guarantee of the great powers . 6 . That all military and naval establishments in the Aland Isles shall be prohibited , or that the group shall be ceded to Sweden and Norway . This programme , with some modifications , has been adopted by the half-official speculators in guesses . They lay it down as imperative , that Sebastopol should disappear , and the Black Sea be closed against ships of war ; that the mouths of the Danube must be released from Russian control ; that the Principalities must be guaranteed ; that the political claims of the Czars upon the Sultans must be renounced ; and that Russia must make new arrangements , equivalent to concessions , in the Baltic . The second of these schemes—semi-officialis the parallel of the first , excepting one particular . It excludes the idea of raising the Principalities into a State , under European guarantees . Turkey , probably , would not consent to have a new political distribution of her territories dictated by her Allies ; though , of course , if the Allies insisted , Turkey must yield . But it would be a curious result of the alliance , if it should dismember the Ottoman Empire . That is the difficulty of the future . We may come to terms with Russia ; how shall we come to terms about the rich p rize of Empire , which France and Austria at present hold in pledge ? The extent of the propositions renders it improbable that they should be accepted by Russia . The Czar may be disheartened , the nation somewhat exhausted ; but a great stream of opulence runs from England , through the Prussian ports , into Russia , feeding the Avar . Alexander the Second might lose more by the moral humiliation of a treaty than by successive defeats . He can still utilise , for military purposes , large classes of the population ; he is still unassailable on his European frontier , andhe has yet to learn how far Sweden and Denmark are prepared to enforce the policy of the Allies . But this does not preclude the chance of a peace proposal , authenticated by him , and transmitted through Austria . It will be for the English Cabinet to prepare for spring enterprises , irrespective of the overtures that may be made . It would lie the policy of Russia , obviously , to employ the winter—the season of suspended armsin feints of negotiation . She knows how these illusions affect a government and a people that can consider onl y one subject at once . We have other grounds for this remark than a self-suggested fear . What number of gunboats are in preparation ; what floating batteries' ? What is going forward in the arsenals ? Where is the salvage of the floating battery that was burned last year ? Have the great ship-builders had their orders ? Government tolls us , circuitously , that unless the . six new points are granted this winter , they will be taken b y force next spring ; that the 1 ' repon- derance question will bo settled by the con- quest of the Crimea , and military and naval movements not yet foreshadowed . Austria ., however , loses no weight ; Prussia still keeps open the rear of the . Imperial Redan ; Russia must not only feel her weakness , but confess it , before the war reaches u natural conclusion , ' in France the Empire of December begins to faint for money . Public gambling hua been carried too far ; the war costw its million a week ; ihe importation of corn—sold at less than cost-price—1 » sensibly draining the Exchequer . Then , Nai'OUOON has undertaken to outvie Coracalla , and to give France stones in exchange for her liberties . Ho dare not dismiss that army of workmen which builds his now palaces and streets Our Queen ' s reception in the French capital induced also u perilous expenditure for » time of war nml

      scarcity . His own Court is one of the mosi extravagant that ever fed on France . Consequently , our ally and leader has inducements to retrench his expenses . But the war was his salvation ; the return of peace -would be , perhaps , the return of political activity in France . Such , from an external point of view , is the present aspect of the question between Peace and War . The main element in the calculation—the submission of Russia—is that "which seems the least probable . But there are other forces at work , —which must be considered as events proceed .

      3 . That tho Danube shall bo a froo river , opcm to the commerce of all nations equally . 4 . That IluBBitt shall codo bo much territory an will bo required to keep both bankh ) of tho Danube free from hostile interference . B . That tho Danubiart Principalities shall bo

      Untitled Article

      THE " COURT CIRCULAR" ON RELIGION . In the Court Circular this week we find strong corroboration of the principle on which we insisted in discussing the false policy of " Religious Protectionists . " The King of Sardinia is a guest of which our Court and Government are justly proud ; he has received marks of sympathy and esteem from all classes in the country , and especially from the religious bodies ; among others , from the Three

      Denominations , who presented an address , and this address is clearly printed in the Court Circular ! They report to the royal visitor that the Presbyterians , Independents , and Baptists first organised their representative committee about a hundred years ago , to promote the removal of restraints on civil and religious liberty ; and they have succeeded so well , they say , " that nearly all barriers on civil and religious grounds have been removed , and those which remain , we trust , Avill speedily

      disappear . " The ultimate result is , " that in proportion as inequalities on religious grounds have been removed amongst us by the Legislature , so has the nation become more firmly united in itself ; " "lhat freedom in the teaching and profession of religion is safer fnr the civil governor ^ more conducive to the peace and happiness of the people , and more favourable to the development of a nation—intellectually , socially , and religiously—than either persecution or patronage on account of relitrion . "

      , < ! , We hope so too ; but we must ; isk what the respectable Dissenters of tho Three . Denominations mean by " religious liberty ? " There is a mode of giving liberty to " religion" which docs not succeed in giving liberty to person , or to thought . This limited liberty is admirably described by a writer in the Globe : — " The Irish and English Pupal priinatoH toll hb , it in novor thoir Church , but iilwayw unbeliever ?) in its clftiuiK , that uro guilty of « pernei : iition ' and ' tyranny . ' To bo convinced of this , it is only nocoHHnry to under-Btand and ueoept the doctrine of ' reli tf ioun liberty ' ad UHtini flddaun . ' Truo i-eligioun liborty' ( ad wo find Btatod in ' un . American Catholic Revimv , ropublinhcd by Dolman in London ) oonmHfcH in the ti / x-rhj of re-Unionnot in tho liborty of inudoln , Kvan ^ clicalH , and

      ] i ' , , politicians , l «» *« that of Sardinia ) thai- » " / ' < > r * on » , lay or clerical , shall be oxi-mpt fmm miliiwry ' <;« " ¦ ' J """" , Hct , ion-wV ;« too i « p , »™ , ; ,, tin ... M-. n > o » j « . l our own l ' nrHam « iifc ( iudH . io . iHly or injn < h ,, <> n , < ly . it ih not now

      our purpo ; ,, ;„ ,, „ .,,, ) r ^ -- / »¦ . " ^ nn . aZ ' wtmtion Hhall , * "XL X r ' . iH to ., iH ,,. rHoeution retained tl . on , n . v ., 1 ^ ,, ,, ,.,, „ ' Iil ) flrty of ;^?^;^ : nu ;; ,, ^ ln :: ^ -. r . ^ . iK ion . which i * ? ' /« r < , L < 1 ! . « . «* "'¦ i "'" " " " KvnKolicalH and politician M' a 1 n ,. ' .. iXr profoHHod' rr . uK tuko tho liberty to bocom « ,. r , y „„« of tho «« . For a ' h . Hriouh , ' liberty of roliffion in tholihoi-ty to rmnuui in horo « Uj

      " Rf"V*T&Gt;L Tk F\ &Lt;&Gt;^ M| •&Gt; Ngpr* Dlua Eil X G% V^ S-Szm *- Jc ?W K 4- ? Qy& (°Y * Saturday, December 8, 1855. __„ —

      SATURDAY , DECEMBER 8 , 1855 .

      ' J^Ttltlfr ^ "Flvfr I* I0liuui Juliulk.

      Mnliltr Manx

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 8, 1855, page 1175, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2118/page/11/