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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . Ebbata in oca Pabis 1 < etteb last Week . —Owing to an accident , tTie openinff sentences of our letter from Pans last week were rendered almost unintelligible by a congeries of typographical errors . We think it worth while to restore those paragraphs to sense . They were written as follows : — "There has indeed been no lack of materials 01 late ; —the entry of the troops ( a real circus melodrame , which , I must allow , was a complete suceess , for Vhaumns * we are , and Chauiins we shall be for a long time to come );—the reveille of the students announced by the hisses bestowed on the drama at the 066 on { LaFiorentine ) , a . rid upon thelec turesof M . Nisard . who , some twenty-three years since one of tlie writers of the National , in company with Sainte Beuveat the time when the National was conducted by
, Armand Cat-rel ;— the funeral of David d'Angers , and the ovation of Beranger , with the numerous arrests that followed . " The foot-note should have read thus : — ? " v / iauvin is an epithet made out of a proper name , and given , in vaudevilles and melodramas to the old troupirr en reimite , who weeps over his moustaches as he contemplates the picture of the Grand Ilomme " Errata . —In our last number , p . 91 , in the review of De Vere's " Stray Leaves , " for " which is the fief-tree of India , ' rend " while in the fig-tree of India , " and for" Bouje , " read " Bouzee . " The Nightingale Fund . —We regret that the report of the Committee reached us too late for insertion this week . We have found _ space for an epitome of it in our Postscript . ""
No notice can be taken of anonymous communications Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith K is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Tlieir insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter- ; and whenomitted . it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . Communications should always be legibly written , and on one side of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficulty of finding space for'them . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . During tlie Session of Parliament it is often impossible to find room for correspondence , even the briefest .
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THE PEACE IN PAHLIAICENT . On tlie subject of the war , Parliament represents the unquestionable opinion of the country . It is felt by the vast majority in and out of the Houses , that a Treaty concluded at this moment with Russia would be a sacrifice to the sentiment of Peace . Our Plenipotentiary at Paris , therefore , will have a right to maintain , in their amplitude , the principles declared by the English Cabinet : for Great Britain has not been forced to propose a pacification . The Legislature and the public concur in thinking that Russia is now negotiating under circumstances more favourable to herself than
those which would probably result from a third campaign . It is acknowledged , perhaps reluctantly , that if she concedes the original object of the war , no grounds will exist for postponing the peace . Lord Clarendon declares that the negotiations will be conducted on the part of England with- sincerity , and that the just claims of every Government will be respected . But it is equally clear that the submission of Russia must be real , and that the securities obtained must be effectual . A treaty concluded upon any other basis would ruin the character of every statesman concerned in it .
In the policy of the Austrian and French Cabinets there is sufficient guarantee that no immoderate concessions will be required from Russia . It cannot be the object of either of those Governments to humble or to exasperate her . The peace is for her benefit , no less than for their own . Consequently , there is no
foundation for the idea that Lord Palmerston lias amplified the demands of the Western Powers , so far as to increase the difficulty of pacifications . The only danger is , that the princip les which have been , to this point , asserted , may be forsaken , and that Russia may obtain peace without purchasing it by adequate concessions .
The document called the Queen ' s speech contains , on the subject of the war , only a statement , part of which is untrue , prefixed to a platitude , from which we learn nothing . To say that . Sevastopol " has yielded " is to exaggerate the event of last September . Sebasfcopol was a group of fortresses , some of which arc still hold in groat , force by the enemy . Not ; only tire the liussians on the north side
preparing for an obstinate defence , they literally defend , from that position , the most important cities of the Crimea . The Allies could not quit Sevastopol , to march on other points , without leaving a powerful urmy of i nve stment . Shnphe-ropol and Bak ! . ehi-Serai , the . seat ; of government , and the depository of the uchnini .-it'ration hnve never been attacked . The occupation of the Crimea has only advanced a step . Neither of the allied nations , therefore ; can claim a conquest . It i $ , ( hen , a mistake to suppose that in the event of an unsuccessful negotiation , the wai
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ment of his diplomatic career in the United States by fitting out , in the American ports , privateers to cruise agaiast English commerce—England being a power with whom the United States was at peace , although she was at war with Prance . Citizen Q-enet answered the remonstrances addressed to him by Washington , who naturally wished to preserve a position of honourable neutrality , by a most insolent letter , appealing from the President to the people ; and Washington forthwith sent him his passpoi'ts . "
which should sweep American commerce from the seas , and " lay the seaboard of the Union open to the attacks of the greatest naval power in the world . " Our contemporary , therefore , somewhat more than hints that our navy is to be sent to " sweep American commerce from the seas . " What will cotton-consuming manufacturing Lancashire say to that ? What will
Birmingham , Bristol , Glasgow , or London ? We put the question distinctly . Are Manchester , Liverpool , Birmingham , Glasgow , Bristol , London , and half the British islands , prepared to see the English navy " sweep American commerce from the seas , " raising a storm , in those seas which will intercept so vast a portion of English commerce ? And all for what ? Because our Government allowed itself to be involved in the petty treacheries of agents whom it sent to execute aoi illegal act .
There is much parallelism between this case and the present : the grand difference is that Genet appealed from President to people , which Crampton has not done ; but the main principle is exactly the same , an infraction of the law and a violation of neutrality . What account of the precedent have we copied ? That given by the Morning Post . It is contended that Mr . Cra ^ ipton is not implicated as Genet was , because the English Government issued a circular stipulating that agents should do no acts which should constitute a violation of the law within the United
States , or bear the appearance of recruiting within the jurisdiction of the United States ; otherwise parties must expect no aid or assistance from the British Government . This is very good , as a safeguard against the acts of agents , but it does not do with regard to third parties . If I hire a man to trespass in the garden of nay neighbour , and tell ham to bring away certain things that he may find there , I do not exonerate myself from an action for trespass , by telling him that he
must not violate the law of property , or do anything that 'looks like stealing . It is true that Hektz , Strobkl , and the other agents flagrantl y violated the law , and ostentatiously flaunted their connexion with the English G-overnment ; so that our Government , by its agents , directly violated that enactment of the Neutrality Act , which declares that persons should not be invited in the Union to go forth and be enlisted beyond the territories of the United States . We told
our agents to do an illegal thing in a legal manner , and they betrayed us ; but we have to apologise to the Union for sending them there at all , and the apology ought to be ample . If we are too proud to apologise , our only course is to cancel the wrong done , and leave the question in statit quo . The first step would be to withdraw the chief of the agents
OUH RELATIONS WITH AMERICA . If we may trust the Morning Post , we are on ¦ the point of sending out a fleet to make war upon the United States . The alleged ground is , that , the Government of the American , Republic has not been satisfied with the reparation made in the case , of the recruitment . The reader must bear in mind that while the
recruitment question was suffered to grow into a dispute , where no dispute ought to have arisen , the real bad blood is provoked by a want of straightforwardness in the strict observance of treaty stipulations . At present , however , according to our contemporary , the hazard of quarrel rests entirely upon the recruitment question . Now how does that stand ?
The Morning Post takes two grounds . In the lirst place , that sufficient reparation has been made . There are two parties to the decision of that question , and England cannot decide it for herself . If America is not satisfied , England lias not done enough to secure tlie purpose of all reparation , and her only alternative would be to cancel the wrong done . As we do nut , know the amount of apology which Great Britain has made for violating through her agents the laws of the United States , wo are not capable of giving our own judgment on tlio moral sufficiency of the rep urn lion . We very much doubt-, however , whether our statesmen who have the prefix of " Lord" to their names , are willing to nuiki 1 that genuine npology which avus demanded b y I . ho , case . In the second place , it is maintained that no wrong wass committed . We will state a parallel . " In tlio yonr 1703 , Cit , i « ou Ucmot ,, the flrafc Minister of tho Fronoh Jtoimbliu , rtignulinod the
uommouocwho had so mismanaged the affair . Now , nobody casts much moral blame on Mr . Cramptom ; but he is officially the chief agent . If the express wish of the Union had been carried out , and he had been withdrawn from a post where he will no longer be useful , all subsequent difficulty might have been avoided . This might have been done without humiliation to our Government or to
Mr . Crampton . He might have been promoted to a higher post—to the St . Petersburg embassy , for example , which is to he revived just as the English legation at Washington is to be dropped . Our Government chooses neither of the alternatives , but elects the tei'tiian quid . The Morning Post hints that America has resolved upon the course described , "in ignorance that > ve are to be at peace with Russia ; " implying that the Americans would dare to resist us it
wo were at war , but not if we were disengaged . We need not , point out the insulting character of such language . Our contemporary continues : — " Tho uaval power of Euglaml , Jiovor inoro fully developed than at prouont , ooniprinea a i ' oroo *> l ? flhipuof-tho-lino , frigutoH , and inovUir and gun-boata , in compnriBon with which tho ontiro navy of the United SiatoH in but a weak und iuoffloiont squadron , and will , with a certainty of peuoo , bo » ot at liberty , to aofc ii » vindication of tho national honour , in whatovur < ' { Utu'fcor it may bo aiiuuHocl . " The Americans arc told to consider whether a war should bo rashly and weakly provoked ,
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February 2 , 1856 ] THE LEADED l 07
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SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 2 , 1856 .
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and -convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation , in eternal progress . —Da . Abnou > .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 2, 1856, page 107, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2126/page/11/
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