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NOTICES TO CORBE 8 FONT > BNTS . I fc is impossible to acknowledge fche mass of letters we r&-ceive . ^ Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quiteindependent of themexiteof tliecommuuiea * tion-Several communications unavoidably stand over . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of . the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . \ Vg cannot undertake to return rejected communications .
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THE NEW MINISTRY . The new Government is an interregnum ; Lord Derby has proved himself an impossible Premier , he has accepted the post as chief commissioner of a Board to administer the affairs of the British Empire until the next constitutional Cabinet can be formed . The Board comprises men of ability and character , but they . are so placed aa to be debarred
from distinguishing themselves or serving their country according to their capacity , and in obedience to the unanimous wishes of the country . Some of them may do some good while they are in power ; but unless they negative the character which the same Government left behind it in 1852 , and acquire entirely new attributes , they can but repeat the failure of that year .
In general terms we may say that it is the Cabinet of 1852 called forth again , but it is called forth under totally altered circumstances . 1852 was a year of profound peace . The break-up of parties consequent upon the transformation of the Tories into Freetraders , and carried out by the perplexities of the Liberal party , had ended in converting the House of Commons into a set of distinct minorities , no one of which could command power * ' Almost all the greatest measures for which we had been
calling for many years had been carried ; the country was fatigued after the exertions of more than one generation . Excepting the unenfranchised classes , who had not yefc learned the way to give effect to their jusfc claims , there was no very great and absolute demand for measures ; the period was negative ; the Tories had clung together bv the force of tradition ; they presented tho largest number of men , there was nothing for them to do in office , and they entered for that purpose . They accepted ' power' merely to prevent the doing of things which were inconsistent , not with living convictions , but with tht ; ir defunct opinions . In fact , they entered oflice to bury
the last remaining principle that distinguished them from tho rest of English politicians'Protection—and they did 1 bury it . On reentering now , however , they find an exceedingly complicated state of foreign affairs—our nearest ally half converted into nn enemy ; our most important dependency shaken by a general' -mutiuy- ; -our ~ tea-fit > ld- "thi'eateHing' -t > o separate itself from us by a general mutiny of the Chinese Empire against tho English merchantmen ; and at home a state of expectancy for measures not yet forthcoming , which , under the imperial regime of Fvauce , would perhaps bo called ' culpable expectancy . ' Lord Dwbuy and Mr . DxujiAJflLi , therefore , resume office not lit a period of political satiety dud
weariness , but at a period of general expectation . It is a time to try any Ministry , and . we shall-be'disposed to make every allowance for that which has been brought into office by an accidental combination without any real strength for keeping itself there . If we find individual abilifcyin the Cabinet , we do not find it collectively . Mr . Walpoeb will probably make a good Home Secretary , but how will he manage the police business when . Lord MaIi-MESBtTEY , as Foreign Secretary , becomes agent in this country for Louis NapoIiECXN " , that potentate being under a paroxysm of
alarm and irritation against our institutions and our guests ? How will he manage publichouses through Mr . Haedt , his Under-Secretary ? Sir John PAEHfgton" is popular in the Colonies , and , as Home Secretary , he might push the subject of education ; but he helped to get us into hot water with the United States by annexing "ftutvtan with the British Empire ; Lord Derby and Mr . DfsraeIiI cannot consistently let him educate ; and so the man who is too good for home politics is sent to sea- —made First Lord of the Admiralty , in order , we suppose , that he may command the Channel fleet should Lord Maemesbttry ' s friend take it
into his head to visit the Lord Warden at Dover ! Lord Eli / enbobottgh understands the border tribes of India , state ceremonies in the Oriental fashion , and the way to encourage . Jack Sepoy ; he has some peculiar notions about the proper mode of dispossessing- the East India Company , and Lord Derbt believes him to be a sublime authority in Indian matters . He is a man whose temperament would make him issue edictswe have yet to see what he can do with
Parliamentary bills . Sir Frederick Thesiger is a powerful Nisi Prius lawyer ; but he is placed at the head of Equity and the Peers . The Colonial Department , vacant by the execution of Sir John Pakington , is accepted by Lord STANliEY ; but how can he act with Lord Derby ? Perhaps the most appropriate appointment is that of Lord John Manners as Chief Commissioner of Public Works , to establish cricket-grounds in the City and elsewhere .
But the difficulty is to know how these most respectable gentlemen will manage collectively ; they must handle questions k la Derby , and how can that be contrived ? Our relations with France must be managed under further conditions . Lord Deruy cannot do as Lord Palmbuston proposed , Lord Mai * mesburtt cannot take the independent position that Lord John Russell would ; they cannot simply take up the dropped bill , even if the forms of Parliament should allow it ; but yet they must keep peace , with . France .
They must maintain the independence of England , while Louis JMapoleon knows that he has them on the hip , and they do not enjoy tho confidence of the English people Whatever ability Lord Ellenuoroucui may show in the Board of Control , sent over to Calcutta , there is still a very important Indian department filled by a worthy gentleman who is not regarded as the Chatham of the war department—General Pkisju A measure that has been forgotten in tho turmoil of political
excitement ia . tho Bank Charter question , which was to bo debated on the question whether the Charter should he contiuued , - with-or ~\ vithout-inodiacation- ?~ -4 l he-question is now to be thrown as a plaything in the bands oi' Mr . Disuamli . And ; above all , what will tho English public do for a Reform Bill ? It is staid that Lord Gius y was invited to join tho Cabinet , probably for the specific purpose of drafting tho Reform Bill , since of nil living politicians ho in that happy wight who haa conceived the possibility of reform reduced
to the smallest dimensions . Most Minifftriteto can claim to be jndged by theif acts j but ? ihb nerw Government will require mttcn : gtfeifer allowances . The grand difficulty with whieii it MS V 6 contend 13 an essential mistake in the rety organization of the party . It is a piatty withont any raison d'etre . ? It has not a pob > tical principle to rally to . There is not ; a man who could be placed in any of the offices of domestic administration , scarcely a id&b that could enter the Cabinet at all , who
would be prepared at this day to dvow the principles of the Tory . The new-fangled substitute c Conservative' signifies nothing at all : Lord Grey , the ' Whig , ' is ttiify more reactionary than Sir John PakincpTo * , the quondam ' Tory . ' Mr . Gr-ADSTOW * , ' Conservative ' enough in some things ' , rs j » e * - volution ary in others . Lord Derby himsfclf has perhaps no principle , except that of il&t being ' Liberal ; ' while Mr . Disraeei ' s chief aim is to show that the Conservatives ai * e > a party who reconcile the ' Liberalism of fchtt morrow to the Toryism of the eve . ' Thggg is , in fact , nothing that holds the part # together ; except some adhesion to the personal recollections of a past that has
entirely disappeared . It is this , the moat unsubstantial of all political halluciaar tions , which makes men like WALBOiiBi Pakington , The si ge a , Stanley , and Kelly consent to serve under those who are their inferiors intellectually , politically ^ , and practically . The line , therefore , wfeich the new Ministry must take in order to keep itself going , must be one of incessant difficulty . This action involves almost a coatra * - diction in terms j and if the Government « an but manage to sustain the credit of the countr 7 abroad , we must consider it to have acquitted itself well . It is an interim Ministry , holding office until a Government really representing the country can be found-
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LORD PALMERSTON'S FALL . The intrigue to restore Lord Paxmebsixot is one at which no reasoning politician can connive . After sending to Lord Cowley fo * a character , which arrived too late , the fallen Minister , believing himself essential , hopes to be recalled by universal acclamation , as the statesman who , though he may have be&a misunderstood on a particular point , haa uniformly administered affairs at home with , vigour , and sustained the honour of fctw country abroad , i ' ar too liberal applause up
claimed for him in both characters . His dff * imtstic legislation , has been signalized by ao immoderate proportion of fuilures , while bis foreign policy has been marked by undig- " nified inconsistency , by a practice of wheedling the powerful and bullying the weak . That he brought the Russian war to a concltv sion is a fact upon vyhich . au enormous exaggeration of praise hns been founded ; for the truth ia that Lord Palmisrston inherited a work , the more difficult part of which had been performed . Lord Abmrujcjsn , the Dulte of Newcastle , and their colleagues , had epared tho path for him , hud borne the
pr heat and burden of the day , h » d overcome difficulties and defects accumulated by fortyyears of peace and rust , and left him , with a renovated army , uml an organization mufib improved , to finish the taking of Sebasfcoool . In-tho-. iaaltic-lie-did-uothiwg- ^ inoco ^ . t |) iaiJ , J ^» been done by his predecessors , and when , « . treaty was signed it was buset with doubtful complications . We believe that when tU © history of British diplomacy from X 8 & 4 * 0 1850 uluill bo written , it will be found that Lord John Uussjili . supported British ! & ¦ toreuts more worthily at Vienna than Lord CLAHiiNnoN did afterwards at Paris . AJX
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No . 414 , FBBBPABflr 27 , 185 & 1 EHB I # BA 3 >^ R , fl 0 fr
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w There is nothing so revolutionary , because there inothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when allthe world is by the verylaw of its oreationm eternal progress . —De . Aekoid ^ _
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\ ^ s ~ \ _ y ?——SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 27 , 1858 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 27, 1858, page 203, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2232/page/11/
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