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mslation . Mr . Chadwick looks on the Reform Act of 18312 as a very inefficient instrument for putting an end to corruption , and finds some uetty faults with it because the majority of the electors do not always vote at contested elections . That act , however , was passed in almost blind obedience to public opinion without due appreciation of its consequences . It was the real turnmguoint of the fate of the country . It made ^ the Legislature quietly obedient subsequently to public opinion as manifested by the press , and led to the repeal of the Corn-laws and of the Navigation-laws , and barbarous commercial enactments . It
many was a constitutional insurrection , pregnant with the most important consequences , the result of the sentiments of the people as made known in combination through the press , to which no local and special inquiries could ever have led . It is a mere mockery in Mr . Chadwick to tell us , when a similar sta ^ e of our social existence has again arrived , and public sentiment and public opinion are decidedly m favour of reform , that we must have some special and local commission of inquiry into the condition of particular boroughs to enable us to remedy an acknowledged wrong . Neither is it
possible that any committee of the Privy Council , composed of the leaders of both parties , " narrowing the issues of public contention , " limiting therefore . by its will what the people ought to discuss and ought to have , could frame a measure which would give satisfaction . " Complex and slovenly as may be the legislation : resulting from our present practice , it is not merely superior in all essentials to their plans ; we can also assert that'their plans in this free country would be impracticable . They might fulfil the letter of a theory , but they would be in opposition to the life arid growth of the
. nation . We are not ungrateful , however , to these gentlemen for their disquisitions . . The subject they have mooted is certainly one of the most important . which can engage public attention . Already , as we see from various pamphlets which fall in our way , and from the writings in several journals , that the spirit of inquiry is evoked into the very principles of legislation , " into the right , " as a Mr , John Scott expresses it , " the legislator to enact any law whatever" which will hot be set at rest till
something much more clear , definite , and practical than is suggested by either of those gentlemen , commands the assent of the public reason .
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THE AUSTRIAN LOAN . The moneyed classes have done well in giving no support to the Austrian loan . They will liaye learned by the hearty congratulations of some of the journals how much is in their power . Only the first step- is difficult , and having taken that , they will be emboldened to go further . Ambitious sovereigns cannot carry their warlike designs into execution without the aid of the moneyed classes , and in their hands , therefore , arc now placed the immediate destinies of Europe . Fortunately for the world , they have a strong interest in keeping . 1 * X 11 J 1 J # 1 J * the Their is invested in
peace property already great masses in the hands of different Governments , in fact , the bulk of it consists of those claims on future industry which the Governments have already bestowed on them for a due consideration , and it is because the respective Governments have already incurred these obligations that they cannot now move without the assistance of their croditors . These depend , undoubtedly , on the continuanoo of the different Governments for the safety of their property , but by contributing to war they may deprive the Governments , however well-meaning , of all power to guarantee their possessions , and by helping them to injure one another they will ruin
lueraseives . They demand protection ior railway property , but the onl y effectual way of protecting this is not to expose it to the risks of war . They may endanger all the property belonging to them , whioh the several Governments of Europe are now bound to proteot . They onnnot enhance its value or secure its safety by diverting the great fund on W j " ^ ^ depends—futuro industry—to purposes of destruction . They are too much the masters of ** o \ rar-desiring olasses to stand any Jongor in awo of thorn , and now that they have begun to fool then- own strength we may hope that they will go lurthor . We have some reason to boliovo that our observations on this subjoot in our two prcooding numbers have not fallen , on barren ground . The 80 U was ready for them , and we hope they "will grow up and produce something like ft union
amongst all the commercial and moneyed classes to keep war in check * or put an end to it amongst civilised nations . In every country the commercial classes are becoming more and more powerful ; in every country they are naturally allies and friends ; in every country they have the same strong interest in preserving peace ; and now that they have begun to act somewhat in opposition to Governments in order to preserve peace , we may expect they will go further and establish a permanent league amongst themselves to keep the classes who for ages nave contemned and plundered them peaceable and honest . . _
We are confident that they will by so doing please the French and gain their gO 6 d-will > No people in Europe more desire the gains of commerce than do the French , and if their martial spirit be , as is . said , the standing danger of Europe , by no means can it be so kept for ever in subordination to the welfare of Europe as by now preserving the French from war . They desire peace , but they may believe that their safety and honour are bound up with the Empire , and they may , unless countenanced and helped by the action of other nations , be unable to preserve peace . They will not now contribute
cheerfully , as in the Russian war , to the exigencies of the Grovernment ; but a loan might possibly be wrung from them if they saw their sovereign exposed to any hazard or the slightest dishonour by Austria obtaining a loan in . other countries . To prevent them being placed in the dilemma . Of dreading another revolution , or of advancing their money to the Emperor , the moneyed men of other countries must not make advances to their opponents ,. We shall strengthen the desire of the French for peace by withholding from Austria the sinews of war .
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BIOGRAPHIES OF GERMAN PRINCES . ¦ . - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' , ; ' ¦ : .. ; ] sro .. - . xii . ' : ¦; '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ / ¦ , ; . ' " WILLIAM AND CHARLES , DUKE AND EX
DUKE OF BRUNSWICK . This Brunswick dynasty has in the olden time been a sore affliction to Germany . Quarrelsome , self-willed , and strong-headed have been its members , rebelling against every law , and breaking through all restraint : —Equalities that have rendered them sad obstacles to national unity . The fire of this turbulent and rancorous spirit has not entirely died out among them in our own times ; and the descendants of the Guelph now and again give evidences that the characteristics of their forefather have still some vitality remaining . These modern gentry , indeed , have shown not unfrequentl y dispositions alike despotic and extravagant , so much so that the brother of the reigning monarch—the notorious Duke Charles of Brunswick—even lost
his' throne ; for his malpractices , by an insurrection in 1830 ; the only example of a German sovereign in our days who lias been driven away from his principality without ultimately contriving to get restored to power . ' .,. •' The two brothers mentioned are at this moment the last issue of the elder branch of the Guelphs . They form , unfortunately , a par nobile fratrum > of whom Germany has but little reason to be proud . Their education and early life , it must be contessed , but ill fitted them for becoming worthy members of the community , for during the chequered career of
their tempest-tost father—who fell ; it will be remembered , hi the Napoleonic wars , at the battle of Quatre-Bras—the two young princes were in their earliest years left almost . Without care or guidance . Th . eir wanderings and vagaries began at a tender age , indeed , when the eldest was but two years old and the other barely six months . It was after the battle of Auerstadt , in which their grandfather , Duke Charles William Ferdinand , met his deathwoimd , that their mother , tho Princess Marie of Badon , was compelled to fly beforo the angor of tho Corsionn despot . Carrying with her her two hapless boys she effected her escape from Brunswick to
Sfcralsund and Sweden—thenco to Denmark—on to Hamburg—again from Hamburg to Karlsruho and Bruelisai ; at whioh latter place , in 1808 , she died in childbed . Tho motherless princes were then consigned to the charge of Amelia , the widow of tho Landgrave of Hesso-Darmstadt . But scarcely had tho little fugitives readied nor oourt when tire tide of war again compelled them to fly , this time under tho promotion of a doughty soldier , bat very iudifforont tutor , Colonel vpn Nordonfeis . Onoo more they traversed tho length and breadth of Germany—wero then sent into Bohemia—afterwards had to make their way to Pomerania and Swedsn ;
and lastly found a resting-place , for a time , in this country . They were placed under the guardianship of their grandmother , the dowager Duchess Augusta , sister of George III . In 1814 they returned to Brunswick , and from thence had to be started on fresh peregrinations , but in which—for the sake of the reader ' s patience—we will forbear ; to follow , them . During this period of hurrying to and fro their education was entirely neglected- They grew up unacquainted with the simplest rudiments of knowledge . We will not here rake up the many scandals that were current at the time affecting those
different parties on whom the duty of instructing them devolved . But this much we may say , that- ^ - whether it was the effeGt of bad education , or natural vicious inclination , or a combination of the two—the princes ; more especially the elder—turned out a disgrace to humanity . At an early age Duke Charles rendered himself notorious for a mode of life only too usual with princes ; and his character exhibited also many other vices besides unmitigated debauchery , viz . grasping cupidity and wanton recklessness in squandering the contents of the exchequer of the country . The society ia
which he took delight was worthy of his manners and predilections . It consisted of the lowest and most despicable individuals . On the other hand ,, men of the most temperate andmoderate principles became hateful to him , simply because they were unable to look with aught else than a feeling of reprobation on the filth and corruption in which he revelled . Under his rule the duchy of Brunswick was subjected to a despotism never before imposed upon it . A " Secret Cabinet" was organised , which bad the surveillance of political men ; and a single expression of censure from them on the orgies of to their to
the Court was suflicient cause names grace the pages of the Black Index . At last all parties ^ -Conservatiyes and Liberals , the people and the aristocracy—were equally incensed with their half-crazy ruler . No wonder that , on the breaking out of the revolution in France aud Belgium in 1830 , the inhabitants of Brunswick rose in insurrection , stormed the ducal castle ^ burnt it to the ground , and drove out their worthless Duke . His brother William thereupon assumed the government with the consent Of the nearest , relations of the House of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel , and subsequently with the sanction of the German Diet * No doubt , this sanction would not have been given
so easily , had not the reckless duke shown the same contempt for the aristocracy he had displayed for the outraged rights of the people . In vain did he move heaven and earth to regain possession of his lost dominions . The Diet at Frankfort remained deaf to his entreaties . He was not even allowed to return to the duchy , but had to remain in exile , residing first at Paris , and then in London . At this moment , in consequence of judicial proceduresinstituted against him here , he is again spending his time in the French capital . For years , our readers have been familiar with the eccentric figure the ex-duke has cut among us with his diamond suit , his oddities , and his frantic attempts to remount the throne of Brunswick . He foolishlv hoDed to impose upon the people of
Brunswick , and gain them over to his side by the distribution of manifestoes , in which he promised all manner of liberal measures and institutions ; but he never mastered the courage to attempt a formal counter-revolution . His most celebrated performances among ourselves have been his speculations in tho clothing line , when making to the public the very desirable offer of twenty thousand uniform * suits , going at an enormous sacrifice "—probably the garments of the army some trusty Falataff was to brine : for restoring him triumphantly to
Insnaughty principality . No less he distinguished himself by the even greater boldness with wluoh herushed into the perils of true British lawsuits to vindicate his susceptiblo honour . The result ok this latter proceeding has generally been the munificent award of " 0110 ponuy" compensation , as 1 a full equivalent for the artiole in question . An JL 84 & * he became tho Protean editor of a Gorman republican journal in London , doluding himself with the idea that , by this ndvooaoy of the popular cause , Gorman republicans would bo induced to restore him to his dwohy j or , who knows , oven make him their Emperor I The two brothers , Charlos and William , continue , of oourso , to maintain close relations of deadly enmity , such as behoves true Guelp hs of tho old stook . They regard oaoh other from afar wittt sleepless eyes of hatred—wishing for no bettor
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fro . 463 , Febbttabit 5 , 1859 . J THE IiElDBfe 179
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 5, 1859, page 179, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2280/page/19/
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