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Public Affairs , ] THE LEADER . 721 ^^^^^^^^ ^^¦ i ¦¦¦¦ i ^ i ¦¦ ^^ i ^ i ^ ¦ ^^ ¦ ¦¦¦ I ^ ¦¦¦¦ ^^ ¦¦¦¦¦ i ^^ rr ^ BiioMgsxcaajsig . zss » . . iimw—sag—
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THE LIBERAL ' UETOX . That Lord Derbyobtained a lease of power , will be regarded by the historian of these times as an important aid to political progress ,. It is easy to point out the failures . of the Tory Cabinet , and show the folly of a liberal nation permitting itself to be ruled by a party whose avowed principles were antagonistic to reform . ; but in fact the Tory JSiinistry were more serviceable than the Palmer- ' stonian party , which they displaced . The country could not have accepted Lord Derby ' s Reform Bill , but it is a great gain that a Tory Cabinet should have been brought to admit the necessity
At the meeting which took place at Willis ' s Rooms on Monday , Lord John Russell stated that if the amendment were carried he wouli be ready to . serve under Lord Palmerston , or that noble lox-d under him ; as her Majesty might desire ; and he expressed his belief that no Ministry could hope to be permanent that did not include within it an adequate representation of the three- sections of , the Liberal party—the : Whigs , Peelites , and Independent Liberals . This frank confession , that the erroneous dogma of the all-sufficiency of the Whigs must be cast aside , opens the door for hope , and Mr . Bright commented upon the situation with , more wisdom and discretion than he usually displays . He reminded the meeting that the Reform Bill had introduced into the House of
Commons from 100 to 150 members owing _ no allegiance to the leaders of the two parties into which the House h ' ad formerl y been divided , and yet Whig leaders had persisted in forming their Cabinets as if no such change had taken place . He understood that a different state o $ things was in future to prevail , and without such change he saw no good in displacing the present Government . Mr . Bright ' s willingness to unite with the Whigs , upon condition of their exclusiveness being broken up , will meet with universal approval ; and it was a pity that Mr . Roebuck could not for once forget the part of " Dog Tear ' em , " and concur in a course so decidedly judicious . " We do not differ from his condemnation of Whig Ca * binets as they have been , but Mr . Bright ' s
po-MAGENTA AND ITS RESULTS . Tue bulk of the British people ' have received the news of the splendid French and Sardinian victory at Magenta with sincere delight , It is rare , indeed , . that the most successful war produces all the advantages which its sanguinary agencies were invoked to procure , and the gains of battle are usually accompanied by circumstances that reduce their value and dispose every thoughtful mind to set a higher pi-ice upon the less showy , but more solid achievements of peace . Still , after all deductions which the most-prudent calculations can require , the battle of Magenta stands out , not only as a display of heroic courage and strategic skill , but as an event of profound and happy significance in the history of Continental Europe . Slrallow minds and narrow
hearts may sec in the Italian conflict only a struggle between rival despots , and regard it as indifferent to humanity whether the one or the other prevails . Such , however , is not the view taken by the English nation , and no attempts to raise the ev . il spirit of international jealousy or excite alarms of aggression and conquest , can prevent popular synipathy from rejoicing at the success of French arms , and still more at the prosperous results that have attended the outburst of Italian patriotism , which Sardinia has called forth . The battle of Magenta is a grand step towards the expulsion of the Austrian tyrant from , the Italian soil . For the sake of Italy we rejoice in this , and as Austria has constituted herself the special representative and protectress of all that is vicious and reactionary in civil
government , and , more than any other existing power , has soug ht to debase ^ the intellect beneath the grovelling superstition of Papal Rome , we regard her defeat as a triumph of civilisation and huinanily over an unhallowed combination of Jesuit cunning and brutal force . Since Francis Joseph has been upon the throne , all his talents and energies have been directed to build up an army which should enable him to resist the just demands of his own subjects , and condemn adjacent countries to languish under a mis < yovernment almost as hateful as his own . After years of preparation the day of trial has his boasted
come ; his generals arc outwitted ; le <> -ions ai * e scattered ; and at a safe distance from battles , in which his Imperial and . Royal opponents freely exposed themselves , he receives news of well-earned disaster and richly-merited defeat . If the dull intellect of this perfidious scion of a perfidious house is capable of tracing the logical sequence of events , he will feel that the treachery and cruelty to Hungary , with which ho inaugurated his reign , were the first links of a clfain of crime leading to the retribution of an jgnominious , because unjust and unsuccessful war . It is a remarkable condemnation of the Austrian
Government , that it is alike incapable of military as of civil progress . In the days of the First iS apoleon its forces were scattered , its combinations abortive , and its movements too luto . Precisely the same blunders have signalised the present campaign ; the forces that should have defended Pttlestro were dancing after Garibaldi , who laughed them to soorn ; and their mostbrilliant rcnerals made their arrangements as if . Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel were ignorant ot
the existence of the Tloino , and were only desirous of attacking them , m their strongest positions oh the J ' o . A few weeks ngo the believers in Austrian despotism prophesied the capture of Turin , but instead of the Austrian eagle floating over the walls oi tuo Sardinian capital , the Sardinian onsign waves proudly from the citudel of Milan ; and iiiHtenU of the shrieks of an agonised people with tho spoiler in their homes , houses are illuminated , ami nappy citizens welcome the advent oi ' the monarch oi their choice . , P 4 llI , It i « diflicult to toll whnt has boco . no of to Austrian army , and what schemo . s Us loadoj a entertain , but they nro retreating »« wt ™ nl , ami may possibly attempt to make a stand on the Adda , previous tu a final . WiHmmnou in their grout fortrusses ofthu Mint-in . Fortunately th
sitibn ' was distinct enough , and was quite as much a declaration of hostility against reconstructing a Whig ministry of the old sort as of readiness to / cooperate in forming an administration upon a much wider basis . When Mr . Bright spoke of his unwillingness to take office , he reminded us of the old nolo episcopari joke . By all means let him " ratify his ambition by taking office , should he . invited to do so upon honourable terms , but as an important principle would be recognised by accepting his aid in such a position , let him not be unmindful of the responsibility he will incur . The Manchester school has hitherto shown itself capable of vigorous-assault and vigorous self-assertion , but in office , the constructive powers of statesmanship will for the first time be demanded of them , and it will be well if they be found equal to the task . .
If we contrast the declarations of Lord Palmerstou and Mr . Sidney Herbert about the war , with the tone assumed by Lord Derby , we shall find that the former are much better exponents of the general feeling of the country on this vital question ; and in our forlorn condition , destitute of statesmen who are felt entirely worthy of confidence , there is something both safe and facetious in the idea of Palm ' crston balanced by Bright , and Bright in turn counter-checked by Palmerston . The advantage arising from the contrast of political colours will be pleasingly exhibited by the
juxtaposition of such chllorcnt hues . 'JLhe prospect may alarm " our old nobility , " but we hope it will teach them that talent and patriotism must be sought beyond their own order as well as within it , if stable governments are to be formed . The Manchester party may not afford the pjensantest nor the highest exhibition of their qualities ; but oligarchicaf exclusivencss has done its utmost to prevent the rise of statesmen from the ranks of the middle class , and our hereditary legislators will find their charmed circle rudely invaded , because they had not sufficient sense and civility to invite bystanders within its pale .
Mr . Bright ' s admirers arc anxious to sec him supplant Lord Stanley as Indian Minister ; but this would be an experiment too hazardous for any prudent Premier to recommend . The most useful way of introducing the Manchester school to oflice would bo to place Mr . Cobdcn at tho Board of Trade . But while conjecture i j busy as to tho formation of tho coining Liberal Cabinet ,, it is satisfactory that old party bitterness has died away ; nnd * not
only doos thu country contemplate tho displacement of tlio Tories without bitterness , but tho general fooling would bo gratified , if it were possible , to see such men as Lord Stanley and Sir John Pakington associated with a Liberal Government . The old demarcations must bo abolished in appearance , as thoy arc to . a large extent in fact , and serviceable talent obtained from any party or section that can honourably unite for the general irood .
for an extension of the franchise , and have been willing * on any terms , to advocate Mr . Locke King ' s proposition to admit 101 . 'householders to the county suffrage ; It was a pain to get rid of Lord Palmerston ' s Conspiracy Bill and Press Prosecutions , and likewise that his lordship should have a signal lesson on the folly and danger of treating even a " China Parliament " with that jaunty , coiitemptuo \ is impertinence that characterised . his rule . It was also a matter of congratulation that the defeat of Lord Palmerston was not followed by an aristocratic exclusive Whig Cabinet , but that Lord John Russell should be taught that the only way of regaining power and public confidence wasbv consenting to a little widening of Whig
narrowness and a little thawing of Whig ice . The recent elections showed that the country was not disposed to rally to a mere Whig cry . It could not be cliarincd with the prospect of seeing Sir Charles Wood at the Admiralty , nor Mr . Yernon Smith again permitted to exhibit his incapacity to manage Indian affairs . There was weariness of Palmerston , and some hope , but no enthusiasm , for Russell . Under these circumstances , the Tories might have been secure for a time , if their manifest leanings to Austria , and the consequent probability of their entangling us in a war with France , had not hastened the coalition of political elements , whose discordance was tlieir only source of strength . _ _
Between Lord John Russell ami Lord Palmerston there was personal rivalry , augmented by the unmistakeablo dislike entertained by the xnember for Tiverton for any wide measure of Parliamentary Reform . For reasons more easily conjectured than known , tho Court was supposed more favourable to the pretensions of Pahnerston than of Russell , while Lord Lansdowno nnd other venerable Whigs were willing to sec the representative of the house of Bedford in a subordinate place . The dispute botweon tho two wpuUl-be premiers bivdo fair to keep tho so-called Liberal party in a
state of split , and Mr . Bright ' s friends did not hesitate to express their wishes that tho Tory negotiation * with Lord Palmer * ton might succeed , and that his lordshi p would commit ; nn act of political suicide by joining tho Cabinet of Lord Derby . A littlo reflection has , however , induced various sections of the Liberals to agivo to an assault on tho Torv camp , and to try to ajjroe upon tho much more difficult questions of organising a ministry and deciding upon tho principles it should maintain .
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OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STRAND , M ' . C .
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SATURDAY , JUNE 11 , 1859 . ,
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There is . nothing " ?<> revolutionary , because there is nothing so . unnatural and convulsive , as tho strain to keep thing's iixed when all the world is by the very Irtw of its creation in eternal progress . —Dit . Absold . - * a »
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^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ SUBSCRIPTION TO " THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UXSTAMPEDi PEEPAID . ( Delivered Gratis . )
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Leader (1850-1860), June 11, 1859, page 721, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2298/page/13/
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