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    PARLIAMENT.

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    BEDLAMITE WTKllA'rUJiE.

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    Untitled Article

    14 TheLeader and Saturday Analyst . [ Jan . 7 , 1860

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    kinds of dissentients . Some there are of the good old " let-wellalone" school , —a sect of philosophers to be respected rather from the antiquity than the soundness of their doctrines , and which numbers amono- its disciplesJhose agricultural Sblons who persist in decrying guano and the steam-plough , not to mention those Conservative old ladies who never have and never will travel by railroad . I'he chimerical objections which reasoners of this sort raise against an International Exhibition are most astounding . The late Colonel Sibt . hb . rpe , for example , prophesied that one of the results of the Great Exhibition of 1851 would be that the next generation would

    be pie-bald , " and afterwards publicly thanked God that he liad never visited the Crystal Palace in Hyde Park . As for the former dictum , we can only say that it was certainly not very complimentary to the virtue of Englishwomen ; and for the latter all that can be said is that the worthy member for Lincoln voluntarily excluded himself from an agreeable and instructive spectacle . Some of the larger manufacturers may possibly hold aloof on the ground that these exhibitions may dissipate many popular delusions as to the superiority of articles of a certain make , thereby tending to diminish their own enormous gams ; this , however , is a reason so thoroughly selfish that it is impossible to treat it with respect .

    Some small amount of opposition may , perhaps , be anticipated from the shareholders in the Sydenhani Crystal Palace , arising out of a belief that another Exhibition would injure their property . This also we believe to be entirely visionary . Profiting by experience , it is not likely that the projectors of the scheme will be content with a temporary stmefcure , to be sold aud . removed , and converted into a rival Crystal Palace , Their probable , and we believe most , prudent course will be to have such a building as may be permanently maintained for this and other great public uses . As for the direct influence upon Crystal Palace shares , the holders may console themselves in the belief that their admirable establishment , as the most attractive place of resort near the metropolis , cannot but be largely benefited by any event which brings hundreds of thousands of visitors to London ; and this we know to be the opinion of their more enlightened directors .

    To sum- up the argument then , we are of opinion that the objections to a Great Exhibition of 1 S 6 L are either entirely visionary , or of so slight a character as not to be worthy of serious consideration . On the other hand , the advantages are great and sure ;—the improvement of the peaceful arts , the competitioa of peoples in " an arena less bloody aiid more civilised than ' the battle field , the ^ romotion of a better understanding among the leading Tuitions of the world . _ It may be easy enough to pointa cynical sneer at these Utopian fancies , byshowing that the Great Exhibition of 1851 wasimmediately followed by a sanguinary war , in which no less than five natioiis were immediately'involved , who had but a few short months previously engaged iu friendly competition in Hyde Part , that

    We are not so sanguine in our . tht'ories of civilization as to expect the world is to be changed like a garment , and' that human n . ahvre is to be metamorphosed by a resolution of the Society of Arts . These things come gradually , and until the . world has made many revolutions and undergone many changes we are afraid that soldiers , lawyers , and doctors must be endured as necessary evils . Yet wlio shall say that the Great Exhibition of 1851 had not something to do with the speedy close of the war that followed it ? Who will deny that these impi'ovements in the mechanical arts , which tend to render war more destructive , do not , in eifect , diminish tlie chances of its prolongation ? Cicero declared that arms should give way to togas—in other words , that Arms rn ' i ' cst , sooner or latera givo way to the Arts of Peace .

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    rrUIJi ] Session of Parliament about to open , will be a memorable one A in history . Tho two great parties are already marshalling their strength ; counting the numbei ' s they can safely rely upon , and watching with ourelul interest the minor cliques , whose opposition or adhesion may , at a critical moment , have an important action on the-great questions of the day yet to be decided , and possibly pa tho ultimate position of the Pahnerstonian Cabinet . T . here can be no doubt that a formal trial of politicsal strength will take place , uncl that tho new Reform Bill will , by consent , ufibrd the first b attle Hold , on which the leaders of the two groat purtios will array their followers ' and join issue . The ' . . Cabinet , it is reported , after ninny divisions , actual disruption ,, and temporary secessions , has at lust compromised differences , and prepared a series of bills , live iii number , which are to be brought forward at the earliest moment by the Foreign Secretary . These bills will have relation to disfrunohisomeut , unfranohirtomonfc , and principle of rating . On the latter , it is nvnonbil . will ln > <> mir ' . <» nt , l atf > rl , tho whnld ; Ultll £ rOlliHti (! f ' orGO of I lift

    well-defined divisions . The Palmerstoh Cabinet , we have reason to believe , calculate on a working majority of somewhere about twen ' tyrfive ; but this number may be largely increased by an unexpectedly liberal measure , or by timely concession ; while on the other hand , it may be suddenly diininished or converted into a minority by Opposition from some of the leaders of the subordinate but important sections , whose votes cannot be relied upon with the same certainty as those of the occupants of the Treasury benches . Mr . Bright will , iio doubt , have formidable influence , and tlie course the ° honourabje member intends to take will , at the outset , be narrowly watched . It is well known that Mr . Bright intends to agree to no bill that does not contain provisions for admitting- to the franchise a large portion of the working classes . Lord John Russell and his Cabinet have found this question their chief difficulty . While admitting the justice of the claims to the franchise of the skilled working classes , the nice point to decide has been , how far this new clement can be introduced , without giving it undue preponderance over property and education . Until the bill is fairly before the country , it would be premature to give any opinion as to results . One circumstance may be relied upon , that both parties are desirous of seeing a termination to the Reform agitation . It is not unlikely that Lord Palmerston will be enabled to carry the Government Reform Bill after discussion and modifications in committee , mainly because the Derbyite party doubts the expediency of any bill just nt this moment , and would gladly decline to take the responsibility of proposing a i ) ill , if called again to office . Assuming the Reform ' Bill to be carried , the Session may be considered as virtually over , as the ministry would bring forward only the necessary financial measures before proceeding to a dissolution . But the . programme of proceeding * , as far as it lias probability for its 'basis , will mostlikely take tliis > foriri : The Reform Hill will be introduced . ' about a fortnight or three weeks alur Parliament assembles : Having been laid before the House , Government will most probably adjourn the formalconsideration of its provision !* until after-Easter . The various stages will be leisurely proceeded with , and before the Commons ! finally agree to ill' ! measure tlie session Will be tolerably far advanced . Then will came the diflicuTtv—perhaps the chief oner—the reception the measure will meet within the-House of Lords .. If the Commons' measure shall be found to have too large , a portion ' of the -Briylil element—that honourable gentleman having no -superfluous love for . the : arisfior cratic portion _ of the . legislature— -then it is very likely that the Lords wifl reject the measure , or so modify it as * to mider its rejection by the Commons indispensable . While the Reform Bill " drags its slow length " through ' Parliament , other bills will be introduced and pushed forward vigorously . Law . Amendment , Bankruptcy Courts Amendment , Tithes Abolition Bills , will be certain of a hearing . Above all , the Budget and the pioinised revision of taxation—second only in importance to the Reform measure—must be brought on by the Right . Hon . Gentleman who fills the po ^ t of Chancellor . 'of the Exchequer . The Lords will , at least , initiate a Bill for the Reform of the Liturgy . Here alone is a tolerably ample catalogue of measures likejy tube brought forward , in the last session of the Reform Parliament of 1832 , many of which will have to be finally determined bv tlie new Reformed Parliament of— probably— 18 < Vl .

    ve » peetivo parties . As fiiv as club vpport may bo relied upim , there haa boim u compromise botwoori tho £ 10 household rating 1 , atnd the ( £ 5 franchise advocnted by tho Bright party , by the adoption of a mean of £ 7 household rating . Turing 1 the ascertained numbers of Palmerstoninn supporters and Derbyito adhorpnts—or more properly , the Liberal party , including 1 whig , radical , liberal , and advanced liberal , and the Conservative party , comprising 1 ultra and moderate tories , —the balance of votes , in understood ' to "preponderate , on the side of the present Cabinet . Tho Conservative party , ap a' party , fc unquestionably tho strongest in compaqt . iwnnbora ; but tho minor parties , auoh as the independent nnd the Jriah parties , when joined to tho liberal party , undoubtedly carry a majority of votes , 16 would bo a purely speculative calculation to givo wunnbtirH . I * urtios ore not now divided ; aa horetofbro , into two

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    / l LAfllAlM , ¦ iiiways , . even m me usiys or ayuney , for w tho religioiis elemyiiL in its population , is but now giving to the world a new church . The British public , as a body , has probably never heard of the Cottle Church ; but we , in common with emperors , ministers , members of parliament , and other celebrities , have boon favoured with an exposition , if it can be so called , of the * doctrine * of that sect . Tho Cottle Cluuch , it would appear , does not disdain tlie political eleinunt ' in its teachings ; sind one of its principal features ( in which , perhaps , it does not stand alone ) consists of ture to suit

    altering texts of Scrip jts own purposes . Wo regret that space will not pernu'fc us to go into any detailed account of , tho tenets of . this faith , but tho few specimens we shall givo from the manifestoes which have reached us , will probably suffice to give our readers a general notion of Us scope and characteristics , and will enable them to ascertain the inspiration from which it proceeds ; wo may add that , notwithstanding the extensive and well-organized propaganda the Cottle Church possesses , its ; foundev appears , in the later tracts that have been issued , to bewail tho small impression nd yet produced upon the public mind , even to a notion of abandoning- personally further active attempts at prosolytism .

    A remarkable and valuable quality of tjio literature of this Church is , Mint the perusal of the smallest extract from ono of tho tracts will bo as effectual in determining its origin and character as tho purusal of whole volumes . The oxtracts wo shall now set bofore our readers will , wo think , bo sufficient to convince them of this fact beyond tho possibility of a doubt . Tho first'document or tract wo como to is dutod 9 th March , I 860 , and i . s addressed by Mrs . Klizaboth Cottly , of Kirkstall Lodge , Olopham , to Lord Derby . Wo liavq slig-htly mocliliod tho language , jn order to suit it to the present channel of publication . 'Wb . xix , 0 , — -In fchoin j ( "t ^( e hoavona" ov ohuvohos ) Imth ho aofc n ( JowiaU-Olnriatiim ) tjibarnuolo for tUo ^ Uagivw ) Sun- ( dfty of Christendom ) whlph is its a brlilogrooj » ( Prlnoo N" « , pploon ) coming < mfc of hi « ( brldul ) ohnmbor ( at Turin ) , and rojolcoth ( wlfch BlUaboth , iu hor note to tho Privy Council , li \ ib . 1 , 1850 , ) us a strong ( Itpman ) man to run n ( Derby ) race . " Again i " X 8 A . xlu . « , 3 . —Ho shall not cry ( aloud ) , nor lilt up ( lu » voioa iu

    Parliament.

    PARTJAiMENT .

    Bedlamite Wtklla'rujie.

    BEDLAMITE WtKltATUJiE .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 7, 1860, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2328/page/14/