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    In this Cease , as in the former , we , last—that of the J > ebais- —\ s the most probable . According to this , no positive threat is offered to Sardinia , but simply a , negative one— -that of withdrawing Trench troops . " This would not be inconsistent with the Emperor ' s speech on opening his Chambers , in wlich he says , " I have not hesitated to declare to the King of Sardinia , that while I left him full liberty of action , I could not follow him in & policy which had the disadvantage of appearing in the eyes of Europe to be based on a desire to absorb all the States of Italy . " If Victor . Emmanuel rejects the advice to respect the " Autonomy of Tuscany , " Austria may fancy the French guarantee at an end , and may endeavour to occupy Tuscany or the Romagna , in which case , even without French aid , she might be worsted ; and if she were successful , it could not be for the interest of Louts Napoleon to stand aloof , and allow the Mood of Magenta and Solferino to be shed in vain . The proposition to make a child ( the Duke of Genoa ) King of Tuscany , looks as if it were made to be rejected , as it would be displeasing to the Italians , and could not satisfy Austria . TJnless'the Thouvenel despatch has been .. published in a spirit of inexplicable hypocrisy , the King of Sardinia is assured of safety , even if he rejects the new scheme . This , we think , is evident from a consideration of its contents . M . Thouyenel writes with a degree of dignity and selfrespect that was never seen in the State papers of Count WAiiEWSKi , and his tone is rather that of a constitutional minister than of a mere flunkey of absolutism , capable of eating any amount of dirt for a sufficient consideration . He reminds the Austrian Government that , after the interview at Villafranca the Emperor of the FuENqH said , " The principal object of the war is attained—rltalyis abouttobecoine , for the firsttime , a nation . Venetia , it is true , is to remain under the sceptre of Austria ; but she will , nevertheless , be an Italian province . " . It is impossible to regard this allusion in any other light than that of a complaint against Austria , ; who , instead of permitting Venetia ; to be an Italian province , has poured out upon that unhappy district a flood of military brutality , in the vain hope of extinguishing every Italian thought and aspiration , Speaking of the dynasties Tvhich have not been restored , and of those winch remained in possession , M . Thouvenel throws the blame upon them , and . complains that the latter " did not accomplish any of the reforms which the Emperor had in view ; " that the Austrian Government was silent as to its " generous intentions" in Venetia ; that " the Duke of Modena desired to return by force to his States ; " and that "the Grand Duke of Tuscany waited so long before adopting a resolution which the interests of Ids house pressed him to adopt without delay , that an Assembly met and proclaimed his deposition . " ' By such conduct M . Thouvenel declares the situation was ¦ ' gravely compromised" when the Zurich negotiations were opened . The French minister further reminds the Austrian Government of the efforts made to induce the Italians to take back their potentates , and the failure of these endeavours , which brought France " before an hypothesis which the Gourt of Vienna long knew she neither could nor would neeppt—that of the employment of force to impose a solution . " M . Thouvenel gpes on to show that Austria could not be permitted to employ force to restore the abolished dynasties , and inquires , " Could France , in her turn , without , violating her principles , do violence to the populations ? " Reiterating the statement , that France persevered in using moral efforts , which were all she promised ) .-lie reminds Austria , " that , without asking lier to approve of what has taken place , she cannot expect it to be absolutely condemned by a Government based . on universal suffrage , and . proceeds to point out that continued opposition to the will of the Italian people would cause monarchical ideas to be replaced by those of another kind . Laying clown the position , that the employment of foreign force ' is excluded , M . Tiiouvenel supports the English proposals , and protests against the supposition that France desires to replace Austrian influence by her own . He then urges Austria , if she cannot npprove of what is practicable , at least to withdraw active opposition , and thus removo all cause of conflict with France . Iif conclusion , he promises another despatch about the Romagna , and deplores that tho Court of Rome has rejected all useful advice , and allowed things to come to this present pass , but declares that France will endeavour to promote any solution less radical than the dismemberment of the Pupal States , " on condition that the principle of non-intervention on the part of foreign powers is maintained . '' ' * . ; This despatch was written on the 31 st January , and it jia , of course , possible that the Frenoh Government ) ms changed its jBincl in the interim ; but its publication at the present moment is a re-enuricjation of the liberal principles it contains , and ; would provpko a more abundant and bitter hostility if those principles wore to bo violated , —a supposition which is the more impro *

    . whole tenor and probable object of this document is to encourage Italy , assure Europe , and pjape Austria in a dilemma .- She cannot in reason refuse the solution offered , and if she accepts it is bound to give securities that she will not disturb the peace , either by direct action or by a continuance of assistance to . the King of Naples and the Pope . We regret to see . that Lord John Russejll exhibits so little courage and straightforwardness when speaking in the House of Commons on the conduct of the Court of Vienna . His explanations on Wednesday were not the whole truth ; and any reader of the " coiTespondence" just published is aware that he did not obtain from Austria , as he told the House , a promise not to employ force beyond her own boundaries ; and it is ridiculous to describe the attitude of armed expectation which Austria avows she is keeping up in the hope of finding a good time for action , " as a great gain and security for the peace of Europe . " Lord John Russell knows perfectly well that he lias gained nothing of the . kind , and that it is the fear of French cannon , and not the blandishments of Whig palaver , that for the moment keeps the Hapsbuu . g myrmidons in check . It is not enough for his Lordship to be liberal with , inteiv missions and valiant in fits . England has a right to expect firm , consistent conduct ; and the tone of the letters we felt it our duty to praise last week ought , in common manliness and honesty , to be followed up by an uncompromising denunciation of the Jesuitical tricks and fraudulent schemes ; by which the Austrian Government is endeavouring to excite a European conflagration , in the hope that , like Charles Lamb's " Ho-ti , " she may roast her diplomatic pig in the expensive blaze . We concur with his , Lords hip ' s hope , that the Emperor of the French will give up his scheme of annexingKlice and SarQy , because , to persist in such a . plan would assist Austria in her endeavours to entangle the whole of Germany in a crusade against France , and would alienate from his Government much valuable English support . At any rate we have an assurance which . ovi £ ? ht to allay unreasonable fears , for in his . speech the Emperor declares that he . will not . seek the additional territory by objectionable means , bit it by " exposing the question frankly to the Great Powers . " If Louis Napoleon surveys his position with his customary intelligence , he will perceive that he has already quite enemies enough , and that the Austro-Jesuit and Boukkon conspiracy against his ( xovei-nment will easily be made formidable by any important mistake . The Society of St . Vincent Paul , which is in league against Mm , ramifies all over Prance , and has its adherents in England , and other countries of Europe . He may afford to despise reactionary cabals while the intelligence and the democracy of Enmce are with him , or not against him ; but the betrayal of Italy' would be the signal for republican plots , and the pursuit . of sphemes of aggression -might lead to a dangerous European coalition . He is in such a position that he may count upon a splendid success if he continue to act fairly , but in which nothing would be so perilous as betraying himself . His rival and enemy , Austria , must yield if his own errors clo not strengthen he / hands . Her State Council is composed of incorrigible blunderers , and her Emperor knows nothing , and learns nothing * that , for his own safety , an absolute sovereign ought to know . The time lie gives to State affairs is for the most part occupied in idle formalities ; and it is only a finv days ago that he alarmed one of his adherents who obtained an interview , by asking whether the British Parliament had yftt met ! On learning that his visitor had not seen a newspaper since he left Bug-land he commended his prudence , and declared that ho never read them himself . What the Jesuit priests think is good for him lie learns , and it is understood that his haughty intractable disposition renders it perilous for any one . to propose reforms . It is not before such an opponent , bankrupt alike in intellect and cash , that the French Emperor will quail while his own reason is clear ; but we wish we could see in the English Government more symptoms of a desire to promote the reconstruction of tho okments of tho Austrian empire , instead of vain and mischievous efforts to sustain an edifice of tyranny nucl corruption , which will bo a source of dnngw until it is pulled down and partod away . If English diplomacy can settle the Italian question without frosh disturbance of the peace upon just and sound foundations , wo should be foremost in giving it praise 5 but we are siok of efforts movoly to delay a , catastrophe thai ; cannot' be averted , and feel that it would be the soundest policy to join Franco in bringing such a pressure to bear upon Austria i \ a would speedily relieve Europo from a most uncomfortable ami expensive suspense , While this question is unsettled , no merchant knows the value of his stock . Tor dny it ; is up—to-morrow it is down , not in consequence of any legitimate coininerqial causes , but because an effete and pestilent

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    [ have had two versionsand the bable because inconsistent with the Emperor ' s speechThe 200 The Leader and Saturday Analyst March 3 , ISeo . _ , » -. . 1 , 1 -i _ ili _ !»„„«„«>» . T-nrx-vTibie + ont . Wl + Tl + lifi TTimr » Pvr » v ' a cnoo / ili TPVici

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 3, 1860, page 200, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2336/page/4/