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INDIAN DEBTS AND DIFFICULTIES.
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GERMAN NOlSr-INTERVENTION.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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questions , but who are substantially right in preferring patriotism to pelf . Popular leaders must satisfy these desires . If the House of Commons cannot furnish such leaders , the House of Commons must fall .
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13 believe it was this journal which gave the first intimation of the dangerous character of the movements of the G-ercnan princes , and especially of the so-called " g ood understanding" brought about at Toplitz- between the narrow-minded Prince ofPitussiAand the Pope-ridder infatuated Emperor of Austria . A few days ago the German papers denied that Prussia had undertaken to guarantee the remaining Italian possessions of Austria—which , by-the-bye , was not . our assertion—and since then we have a little more explanation of the Austro-Prussian scheme . It is noAv stated that Austria has abandoned the idea of a guarantee ,
and that " so long as the conflict is only between Austria and Italy , Prussia will observe the principle of non-intervention , but if other Great Powers interfere , and thus violate that principle , Germany would not hesitate to support Austria in the maintenance of the rights guaranteed to her by treaties . " At first sight this does not look unreasonable . The Italians are now in a position to command their own future if the principle of non-intervention is enforced ; with prudence they may confidently reckon upon rescuing Naples from the tyranny of the Austrp-Bourbons , and adding all her territories' to the national Government of which Sardinia is
the head . Besides this , the 'Roman States may fairly reckon iipon a speedy emancipation , and then , omitting for the present , all . mention of the city of Eorne , the Quadrangle and Venetia would-be all that remained in hostile hands . 'No doubt their liberation would bea most difficult task , and one which ought not to be undertaken without great prudence and precaution but it is , nevertheless , one which Italy might justly hope to accomplish against all the forces which Austria could bring into the field , if other Powers simply left her alone . Our first question , therefore , is whether the Prussian Government ' s doctrine of non-intervention is an
when their Emperor was on the threshold of a new Italian war . If Fraucis Joseph really is converted from the crimes and follies of absolutism , he will prove the sincerity of his new convictions by the voluntary abandonment of Venetia and the Quadrangle . Let . hjm , offer to give them to Sardinia ' with the consent of their inhabitants , and his Hungarian , Bohemian ^ and German subjects would then have some reason to believe he intended to keep his word . There is now a firm band of sympathy between Italy and Hungary , and it would be impossible for Francis Joseph to carry on a war for entering Italy to which the Hungarians would be consenting parties . To return to the non-intervention doctrine , we should
like to know to what extent the Prince of Prussia desires to impose it upon Austria . It is now stated that Austria will not wait to be attacked , but that if Gab-ibaiiDi becomes possessed of Naples , she will herself begin the war . If Prussia suffer this her moral hold over Prance will be gone . It may be awkward for Austria to wait until she is attacked , but the moment she crosses her own boundaries she will be intervening between some disappointed potentate and his subjects ; France would be entitled to break her neutrality also , if she pleased . We are far from advocating another French intervention . We are thankful for Magenta and Solferino , but believe that the greatest service France can now render to Italy is to let
her alone , and insist upon other Powers doing the same , and affording Austria ho aid in any shape , or in any place , when hostilities recommence . It would be absurd to pretend to any confidence in the French Empire , but whether or not that sinister phantom portends danger to Europe depends chiefly on the conduct of tjhe German Powers . If they will not respect the rights of the nationalities , tlie power of the nationalities will be in the hands of France . They might be safe if they were honest and enlightened . They are not safe as miserable pettifpggiiig reactionists . By ah approximation to Popish despotism , Austria and Prussia forfeits the confidence of German Liberals ; and it is time every German knew that if his Princes make the fatherland Austrian they will also make the Ithine French .
honest one , and we fear it is not . The only kind of non-intervention honestly applicable to Austrian affairs must comprehend the whole of the Austrian States , and must amount to a positive undertaking on the part of the German Powers that they will neither meddle themselves , nor permit any one to meddle "with the internal quarrels of which the dominions of Francis Joseph may be the seat . Such a non-intervention they might fairly hope to impose botji upon Russia and upon France . That this is their intention , we have not the shadow of a proof , and we have some reason to believe that a very different scheme
has been arranged . France is entitled to insist upon German non-intervention quite as much , as Germany is entitled to demand French non-mtervention , and it would be a gross breach of neutrality if , on the . outbreak of war between Austria and Ital y * the Germans made any kind oi movement to protect the Hapsburg interests in Hungary . We believe that Austrian and Grerman statesmen have a scheme by which German troops should either occupy Hungary , or what is nearly as bad , be concentrated on her frontiers , and threaten her people all the while the Italian war lasted . This would be intervention quite as much as if the French occupied Lombardy and assisted in the reduction of Verona .
No one who Has studied the character of German Governments , and the miserable , selfish , short-sighted policy of the Teutonic Princes , will be ready to believe that they will adopt an honest non-intervention policy if they can help it , and it is impossible to conceive that Austria would be satisfied , as she appears to be , with their proceedings if they simply determined to leave her to carry on a war in Italy while Hungary seized the opportunity to throw oil her yoke . Some politicians think it is possible for Austria to follow the advice of the new Council and change her centralized militajpy despotism for a Federal aggregation of ( Gontinehtiar states . "This ^ w ^ do \ iBiBrT ^ r ^ wtn ^ d : lyrqTJitff consonant with the character of Hapaburg morality and of Francis Joseph ' s antecedents , that oaths and promises should be plentifully proffered and violated on the first opportunity , as at the commencement of his reign . Tho Hungarians have not to deal with an ordinary Sovereign in whom veracity might bo a possible accident ; but with ail ignorant , arrogant , Jesuitical young man , who has already been guilty of the most appalling perjury j and they would disturb the Constitution oftered to them
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OUR ¦ . Indian Empire is becoming respectablefrom its debts , which Monday ' s vote of the House of Commons will raise to the pretty amount of one hundred millions . Sir C . Wood can only bewail the excess of expenditure over' income and hope for better days . The honourable baronet has held a variety of offices , and never displayed anything but the most mediocre abilities . When Hthe ^ Tesent ^ abinet- ^ vas-got-tog'ethei' -the--I-ndian ~ ininisterehi p < -ha&—to be given tp somebody , and Sir C . Wood was considered entitled to it by relationship , if not bv talent . The monetary part of Indian 1 \ ilson
management was provided for by shipping off Sir ' James . , who had proved himself a good clerk to supply his masters with figures , but who , during a pretty long parliamentary career , nevcv displayed any qualities as a statesman , or won anybody ' s respect . What will become of his financial schemes remains to be seen , bxit he has been the cause of displacing a far abler man than- himself , and India has gained a serious loss by exchanging a Trevelyan fora Wjlson . Mr . Wilson will make a fortune out of India ; India will be lucky if she does not Jose a fortune by Mr . Wilson , who is about the last man likely to exert himself to check that
wasteful extravagance which loans niised in London have to make up . All persons holding official positions in India , and having friends at Court , arc . wonderful specimens of genius and success ; Lord Canning ' s administrative talents have never been equalled , but he has done nothing to reconstruct Indian institutions or bring her revenues and her expenses to a balancing state . The police is as bad as ever , tho substantial grievances of tho natives unredressed ; the army disorganised , and its European element in alarming and needless proportion , Lord Clyde , who reached Calcutta when far abler soldiers had broken tho neck of the rebellion , is flattered as if ho were a miraculous combination of all the great generals , from Alexandeh to Bonaparte , and he repays the Court and Cabinet for the unction they besmear him with , b y furthering their great job of abolishing the Indian army , and increasing the patronage and means of corruption at their disposal .
_ India ifjntering ; jupon anew phase of her history , and ^ w |] H > astonishing"if- she goes through it without " senous difficulties . The Company ' s government was remarkable for the largo number oi great men it raised to important posts . Our home Government has been equally remarkable for tho paucity of talent which has been lucky enough to win its favour . The homo system is now to bo applied to India . Tho Civil Service will bo looked upon as tho means of influencing votes in the British Parliament , and tho army is to have " Take caro of Dowbiggin " for its future motto . It i « truo the patronage witl puss through an indirect channel , but the old " double government" did aflord guarantees against abuses which ore wanting in tho present system .
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732 . „' ¦ The Saturday Analyst and Leader . [ Aug . 18 , I 860 .
Indian Debts And Difficulties.
INDIAN DEBTS AND DIFFICULTIES .
German Nolsr-Intervention.
GERMAN NOlSr-INTERVENTION .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 18, 1860, page 732, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2361/page/4/
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