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THE CURSE OF DIPLOMACY. evil to
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T > AN DORA'S , box contained no equal the secret t diplomacy of modern times , which seems alike incapable of wisdom or truth . Mystery and mischief seems . to be indissolubly united , and those statesmen who act tolerably well while the public gaze is upon them ; offend seriously the moment their proceedings are cancelled . These facts are convincingly brought home to our minds by reading Lord John Russeli / s despatch to bur minister at Turin , dated the 31 st August , 1860 ; and if the fortunate discovery of this document , through the instrumentality of the Cologne Gazette , does not open the eyes of the people , they may , before the month is over , be committed to a course of conduct exceedingly likely
to bring about a rupture with France . The despatch in question , although not nominally so , was really addressed to Count Ca . vouk , and is calculated to augment his difficulties , and leave him no other resource than to purchase fresh aid at whatever sacrifice it can be bought . Lord John Russell begins by protesting against any bargain for ceding the Island of Sardinia to France , and appears not to believe the assurances to the contrary given by Cavour . Since the date of this document we have had more denials from the Sardinian government ; but nobody believes them , because the pressure of the diplomatists—Lord John Russell included—has rendered it almost impossible for Count Cavour
to act or speak truthfully , and they are virtually handing Italy over to France , by leaving her no hope in any other quarter . We fully concur in the propriety of checking the aggressive tendencies of the French Empire , but that can only be honourably and succesfully accomplished by removing the evils of which Louis Napoleon takes advantage . If England had shown more sympathy for Italy at an earlier period , it is probable that there would have been no occasion to sacrifice Nice and Savoy ; but , as Count Cavoub explained , when help was needed it could only be had from France , and upon Imperial terms . NowLord John Russell insults and bullies the
, King of Sardinia to make him desert the cause of Venice . If he does so , he will cease to be < il re galant uomo " . of the Italians , and republican emissiaries will once more be rife . In London * Paris , and Vienna , diplomatists are quite right in imagining that the union of Naples with Sardinia , and the absorption of the extramural States of the Church , will be followed by an assault upon Venetia , and the declarations to the contrary extorted from Victor Emmanuel will neither be believed , nor alter the course of events . To liberate Venice is a positive and primary duty , and no man deserves to be called an Italian who consents to abandon that great object . If
England had been unfortunately the prey of unprincipled diplomatists , as Italy was in 1815 . and had been handed over to Russia to make her a better counterpoise to France , would any Englishman agree not to struggle for the freedom of his country ? or if all England except Kent had been rescued from the oppressor , would anyone but a criminal agree to desert the cause of the county still in chains ? And yet this is , in spirit , what Lord John Russell , acting , not as ah English gentlemen , but according to the baseness of Secret Diplomacy , is trying to forpe Victor Emmanuel to agree to . Lord John Russell appeals to the treaty of Zurich , and to set
tells the Sardinian monarch that •• he is not at liberty his obligations at defiance , or to make a wanton aggression on a neighbouring Sovereign . " If English diplomacy had been more hopest , jt is probable that Vjotor Emmanuel would not have been forced to accept the Zurich treaty at all . The sudden pull-up of the . French was connected with fears that a continuation of the war would brin $ about a general coalition against France ; and as EpgHsh statesmen . Whig as well as Tory , were determined not to allow Austria to perish , there was a probability of their dragging this country into the conflict , aud on the wrong side .
Lord John Russell is not justified in appealing to a treaty , in opposition to a moral obligation . It may be that the Sardinian Government has mada promises it did not mean to keep ; but casuists have long decided that engagements to commit crimes are not binding ; and no engagement could be more criminal than that of sanctioning the slavery of the Veucimns , as Lord J . Russjicll desires . Moreover , his lordship should not leuture Viotqu . Emmanuisl uppn the necessity ot good faith , until he has mud © up his n > ind to practice it himself . The despatch just discovered , is in flugrant opposition to the declarations he has n » ude in Pavliuiaent about the rights
pf the Italians to manage thoir own affairs ; and it is a downright fraud upon the English people to write such despatches in Recreti , and openly pretend to be pursuing a widely different andi much more liberal course , We make these comments with , profound regret , for it is a moat melancholy and hu .
miJiating thing to find one statesman after another breaking down that trust and confidence which ought to attach to public men . Lord Jotru Russell is the more dangerous from his " respectability " - —that most convenient cloak for a multitude of sins . Having insulted Sardinia , lie goes on to threaten France ; for , speaking of the approaching contest between Italy and Austria , he says : — - " The only chance which Sardinia could have iu such a contest , would be the hope of bringing France into the field , and kindling a general war in Europe . But let not Count Cavour indulge in so pernicious a delusion . The Great Powers of Europe are bent on maintaining peace ; and Great Britain has interests in the Adriatic which Her Majesty ' s Government must watch with careful attention . " It would be well if England and France would continue to insist upon the non-intervention principle being applied to Italy and to Hungary ; and thus leave the people of those countries to settle their accounts with the House of
Hapsburg in their own way . If this were done , no general war could arise out of the Italian question , nor could one occur without the sanction of England , if the French again gave the Italians aid . When the Sardinian Monarch speaks of an effort to liberate Venice bringing about a coalition against Italy , we demand explanations from our Government as to whether any sr . ch criminal combination would meet with its condemnation or support . It looks as if Lord- John Russell was . a party to the design , and that lie will try to save Austria at the expense of an intervention of the Kussian or German Powers in Italy and Hungary , if a fresh war of liberation should
occur . . The gist of the whole difficulty lies in the fact that the English people have no adequate control , over the ' conduct of their Government in Foreign affairs , and that the oligarchy desire objects which .. ' the people condemn . The Whigs are firm supporters of Austria as part of their balance of power system , and to this diplomatic crotchet they-would sacrifice the happiness of the inhabitants of Italy and Hungary , and incur very serious risk of plunging fc-ngkmd into a quarrel with France . At Warsaw the despots will lay thoir heads
together to prevent the French from effecting any more changes in the old institutions and arrangements of Europe , find it is to be feared they will have Loud John Kusskll ' s support , and that England will be placed in the dangerous and ridiculous position of guaranteeing what remains of the system of 1 fell 5 . " On one side will be ranged tlie despotic Powers , backed by Great Britain , and on the other the Nationalities , supported by France . By this niemis a just around of quarrel will be placed in the hands of Louis Napoleon , and one with which , despite our Court and aristocracy , nine-tenths of the people of England will sympathise .. A more insane way of promoting French , supremacy and enabling the astute Emperor to carry out his designs of rectifying boundaries could not be conceived .
If the Empire does cherish the ambitious schemes ascribed to it , what can be more foolish than to force it into the position of the apparently chivalrous redressqr of European wrongs . If England would act with reasonable honour and judgment , the French occupation of Rome , which is one of the most dangerous things for the future peace of Europe , would appear what it is , a most indefensible aggression on the rights of the Italian people ; but if Lord JoifcN Russejcl sanctions a movement of the despotic powers in , favour of Austria , the French army of occupation may be made to appear beneficial to the Italians , and may assist Imperial bargain for the cession of more territory . . :
_ ..., Lord J . llussEJ-i . must seo that the ultimate tendency of hi * policy is to estrange England from France , and to treat the happiness of nations as subservient to silly schemes of balancing powers , by maintaining in ihe House of H / u-shurg a despotism opposed to every principle whioh an iinglishmaa cherishes . Ho cannot bo so infatuated as to beliuve in tho sincerity of Fji-vncis Joseph ' s liberal protestations—au oath , more or less , is nothing to a professed perjurer , and tho Austrian KuihOr iw too deeply stuepod in criwmulty t , o have couiuiiuotious qualrnH . . , . , l thoir siuon
Uuv oli | . ; iircjhy should ponder doopy on ijo . , uiuj cenwiuer w ' hut it would be after an unpopular . win * . It would not l > o the noueo-ut-any-prieo party nlono lluit would ili > uln . iu to fight for tho Ckak , the Uorumn rriiiuo * , Austria , and tUu Poi'K- ^ -iho friendship of Fr ' unoc' is WorLli iu « n > i «» ' .. ^¦ l .. uil than all of thura put together , and il' the r . iii | iiru . hu » iu * black propwtiea and re > uinisowneoa , every « i ; uij that ivmte upon it can be found elsewhere , Perjury aud wholesale murder supported tuo JUmv ** throno alter the disaster of 1848 , nA at no time since December , 1852 , 1 mb personal hberty
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Oct 6 1860 ] The Saturday Analyst and Leader . 843
The Curse Of Diplomacy. Evil To
evil to THE CURSE OF DIPLOMACY .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 6, 1860, page 843, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2368/page/3/
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