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Leader (1850-1860), 10th November 1860, Edition 1 of 2, Page 930, FOUEIG XCORRHSrOXDENCL:.

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      throughout the various illustrations which he gives of his new theory , especially when we consider the vast extent of the ground over which he takes us ; hut we must say that we have very seldom seen the matter-of-fact details of a science generally deemed dull and hidden , elucidated in a more interesting manner , or clothed under a more attractive and elegant style . M . Rondelet grapples holdly with all the difficulties of his subject ; at the very first page he finds hiniself arrested by that momentous problem of the vit / ht to labour— " le droit au travail , "—which has formed the programme of all modern socialist teachers . Here , as throughout the other chapters of his book , he does not start from the . discussion of facts , but asserting the unchangeable truth of the moral law , lie shows verv clearly that the only method of dealing with the matter is to establish at first what is" the true end of life ; this being once ascertained , will necessarily lead to right conceptions respecting-the nature of hereditary propertylabour , and production .

      , Some of our author ' s remarks arc excellent in point both of stylo and of moral truth ; we would notice more particularly his distinction between true or lawful and false or spurious luxury , and lus chapter on what he designates as la cvtisomniation ilaurjereusc ; that is to say , on those articles of supply which correspond to the most , degraded propensities of our nature . Alluding to the sale of intoxicating drinks , of cards , &c , M .. Rondelet characterises the surveillance exercised over such branches of industry by Government as being * not a whit less immoral than would be the . avowed

      sanctioning of them . The provocation of example , he says , is one of the most serious of social evils , and it ought not to be permitted under any shape whatever . Why , for instance , should a man in a state of intoxication not be punished as violating- the laws of public decency ? Why should we have to wait for the purpose of interfering with him , till he has struck a passer-by , or committed some other positive nuisance ? This question is by no means the most important one which M . Rondelet raises , as a glance at oages 270 and 277 will show , but we must content ourselves with this ¦ mere allusion to

      social difficulties , the solution of which , at the present time at . least , seems quite impossible . The work we have just attempted to describe i-= ¦ _' excellent , and it deserves all the success which it has obtained ; but 31 . Rondelet \ s task would only behalf accomplished if , together with an ci ' -profctyn treatise , he had not composed . 'a more popular statement of the same doctrines adapted to the perusal of that class of readers who are generally frightened by the appearance of didactic works . It is , no doubt , exceedingly important to disseminate sound views on political economy amongst those who have to' a certain extent ¦ in their hands the destinies of society . Kut it is , perhaps , still move essential that these views should be brought within the reach . of the

      working classes , generally so open to every transient impression , so accessible to the destructive influence of sophisms presented in a plausible and attractive form . Tho ' ¦ JYIeinoires d'Antoinc " seems to us particularly calculated to supply tho desideratum .. containing as they do , under the garb of an entertaining story , a thorough examination of the leading questions which form the subject for the discussion of political economists . Antoine , the hero of the tale , is an intelligent workman , who , trained up to the trade of a carpenter , has been in turns an apprentice , then an oniyier , finally a master in his craft , and who , by his industry , his honesty , and his ability , has at last attained the proud position of mayor of his native village . Thus circumstanced , he states tho history of his own life , and enforces for the benefit of others the useful lessons which ho had

      derived from the various circumstances amidst which he has been thrown . Besides tho instructions expressly relating to political economy , M . Rondelet ' s charming little novel contains also hints on subjects of more general interest , and which readers of every class of society might profitably meditate . The following paragraph selected from'the chapter entitled , " Des Mauvaises Lectures , " is a forcible and lamentably true description of the common run of French novels : — " " No one would' attempt to justify tho habit of keeping company with dishonest people ; and what other epithet but that of dishonest can be applied to those writers who , undor the pica of male ing you spend a few pleasant moments , insensibly accustom you to think

      about a thousand different things ¦ which ought to make you blush ; filling with vice , with crime , with ignominy the world of their own creation , and then endeavouring to represent it hh tlio reality j wi ' iters who , from beginning to end , preach against virtue , extol vice , show tho honourable man fulling ' a victim to his duty , and find u thousand impossible circumstances to excuse tho wicked , leading him to consider his suflb y ings as so many unjust visitations against which ho is quito authorised to seek a remedy in revolt . Thus our feelings becomo blunt ; tho deeds which at first roused our indignation appear very soon perfectly natural .... And by tho timoyou have reached the third volume von admit , jih u iniitlcr of

      course , or at loust as tolerable , tho dotuils which , in the first , HOeined to you perfectly revolting . " . Wo aro sorry to have ho soon to take loave of M . A . Rondolot , but wo must say » i f ' ow ^ yordH of anothor book on political economy , M . du Collior ' s " Histoiro des Classes Iwabovieuses . * The progrimimo of this volume is thus oxplnined by the author : " . J ' ai ennayo do rotraccr a travors les dix nouf hiccIoh ccouIoh uemris la cowiucto do Cesar , lo sort des classes vouoos au travail , lour dovdoppoment moral ot intollootuol , lo part qu ' ullos ont priso aux ovonomonts do notrohistoiro ot aux progrbs do cotto civilisation qui out lo nntrhnoino do la Franco ontiore . " Tho subject examined by M . du Collier has , as wo eeo at onoo , an historical rathur than a philosophical character ; it is ono of the most important ouoa connootoil with tlio

      development ' of French civilization , and if examined m all its bearings it would reach far beyond the proportions of an octavo volume . M . du Cellier verv wisely limits himself to the consideration of one feature in the account he gives us of the labouring classes ; he merely studies them in their relations with the authority of the country , and he appreciates principally the various administrative acts bv which the existence of that branch of the community , their positions , their duties , and their rights have been from time to time denned and regulated . . It is not too much to say that a work like the one we are now alluding to . is quite as essential . and calculated to do quite as much goc ) d , a ' s the two volumes already mentioned of M . Rondelet . For if sophists and mob-orators have endeavoured to mislead _ . _ _ ... .. - ¦ n _ . 1 _ n -j ... i • .

      the labouring-classes by presenting to them erroneous theories on political- economy , they have also , and perhaps even more successfully , attempted ' to bring about the same result by repeating to them < t ( t ?/ a use-ton , that the whole history' of France , from the times of . Julius Ca < sar downwards , is nothing but a long martyrology in which Jacques Bonhomme , tho unfortunate prolcUore workman , serf villein , bondsman , appears uniformly sacrificed to the tyranny of hard hearted , iniquitous masters . This is a gross misrepresentation ' of history : but as M . du Cellier very clearly shows , the hoio-ftcnisic have very " little reason to complain in this particular instance , " if socialist '' writers and Red ' Republican publicists distort the facts of history to stir up the passions of the mob against the

      middle-classes , may we not , in our turn , blame certain historians \>{ -the bottrmoixu ' ' adopted the Voltaircan point of view for giving the pompous , but , in . their case , the lying title ; of Jftston-c ' tie France to Ioult , inflated , tedious tirades against kings , priests , and nubli-K ? M / d ' u Cellier . a * any rate , hus carefully avoided this defW-t his '¦ work is written in the most conscientious manner , and the only fault we can find with it is , that-notes and . Tefcvenc-es to original documents are not plentiful enough . . 1 he common defect of historians is to make too great a display of . their erudition ; N . du CVltk-riuis . - we think , gone to the other extreme ; and . a few quotations from official papers and legislative enactments might luivo been a-lvanta-jreimslv interspersed .

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      Sl'KfTAT .. . . Hanover , - Nov . 8 , lftGO . OPINIONS arc not much divided as to the value to be set upon tho concessions made by the Austrian Government to the Huno-nrian people , for the Kdicfc of the 20 th ult . touches Hungary a lmost alone , and is neither -more nor less than an attempt to conciliate that important ' part of the Empire , I lie German A-iwtnan countries are hardly mentioned ; not a word of Venetia . nor ( . allicia . is

      Nor is this surprising . The lust mentioned _ province a mere lifeless map , perfectly possiyo in the hands ot despotism and peiv inittintr itself to be treated just as circumstances render it convenient . Venetia is regarded no doubt as an inimical province thai no amount of favour or extent of concessions ever would soothe into content and friendship ; and , as for tho German provinces , they are not so dangerous that the Government should care about deprecating their wrath . Hungary , unlike any German country , has been these years past seriously and actively at work for redemption from the political slavery into which treachery on the other laced herAll that

      one hand , and sentiment on the , had p . the Iliuic-armns have boen doing these years past has been done darkly as it were , owing to the total eclipse ot their language and literature by the German clement , or say rather-Gorman pimce propaganda . By tho meagre notices extracted from Hu « fe ' a «'" papers , the letters of correspondents , and travellers , we have seen thitthi ) agitation in Hungary has never for an instant ceased srice 1848 , and the succeeding years of reaction . Where they could not show their discontent by deeds they have by protests , and instead of being intimidated by seing their political leaders dingaea away to distant fortresses , they have ngltatod the more rcsolu , e y . The Hungarians , by their bravery ami scli ^ u cnficing piiti otwn , l ,,, mi . inn . 1 j . lm iwlcnowludmncMit . if nob inrleoil the restitution n

      their rights and liberties , while the other provinces more especially the Gorman provinces , have boon passed over with the con en it which thoir political supinencss deserve . ! . Tho discontent on I o part of tho Gorman proaB gonorally is very great , not that anyiuu value is But upon tliiu so-oallod now Constitution , whichwomay itgard as the fourth that has boon proclaimed within tho past twe years , lmt boco-uso Iho Hungarians have by it boooni . « tho lead u nation of tho Empire 11 is curious to refer to t lie o lleiul join nau of formor yours , and to read tho fine phruses wtli which cm new Constitution was ushered into existence , and tlion to t » Ko up Count Rkoubkuo ' s circular , iiddrcsscd lo tho different Go \ euments of Germany , acquainting thorn with the vnst and »< n iiri 1 change which lwishucn introduced . Tho first of Iho new Count - tutionsof tho last ton yours was outroyod , that is , concerted , « his own good will and ploasure , by tho Emporor HH " ^ )"; ' April , 16518 , and had for its ohjuct the union , as a (¦ ons ! i ug « l State , of tho German federal lirovinooB with ( inUlmn , tho JJU * ° " wina , and Uulmatia , by which union Hungary and Loin bin m-Vonofin worn tn bn bnlfl isolntodfllld votfomi intogl'ftl pill't » 01 U 11 !

      . , Empire l <' or somo months , in accordance witli tho l ll >( : » v's' () US ^ that Constitution , a KoicliRtnpf or Diot hold its Bittinge ixt vionm . This Constitution wne , howovor , booh duularod to ho uoV 1 '' * 011 " 1 ^'" nndquiotly consigned to oblivion , to tho no groat griet « ' ft "/ politioal party . 'JL * ho momljors of ( lie Dlob , on being boiiD to tl on homes , were impressed with the belief that tho failure of the t / 0 iisHtution wns entirely attributable to their want of politioal e'lucn-

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      • fliatoire de « Clatse * Labaviensca en France , depuis In Coitquate < ln In Gault par Jul * fCeaar , juaqua no * Jours . Far M . V . rtvi Cdlllor . 8 vo , Pnvlni JDIdlej 1 .

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      § 30 The Saturday Analyst and Leader . [ Nov . 10 , 1860

      Foueig Xcorrhsroxdencl:.

      FOllEIGX CORRHSrOXDES ' CL :.

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 10, 1860, page 930, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2373/page/10/