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to agree on certain resolutions ) respecting" the person of the regent , and the limitations , if any , on his authority , and then to procure his assent to the forms pro * posed After much battling in the Commons , five resolutions were sent up to the Lords , in which it was agreed that the Prince should be regent , restrain * ed as to the creation of peetfs and granting of pensions ; and that the Queen should have the care of the royal person and command of
the household . These resolutions were moved to be adopted by Lord Liverpool , who thought it much wiser to leave an emergency like the present to be provided for on the spur on the occasion , than
to enact any prospective measures , and dwelt xipon the point , that no individual has any right to the regency except through parliament ( a proposition , by the way , which implies , only the truism , that no man has any right at all to the regency , and as he can obtain it only by parliament , it is obviousj that as there is no parliament without the king , no man can in the present state of the king be regent by right )* His lordship having settled this point by reference to his . tpry asserted that regents have been always under restrictions . to
and as all were agr ^ fcd as the pfcrsofij / the question would occur whether his appointment should be by bill or by address , and he contended that as the latter would
not be recognized by the courts below , the great seal must be fixed to the instrumetit , and however illegally affixed y that can be questioned onlyr in parliament . H % then referred to the proceediajgb in 17 # 8 > in a similar case ,
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State qf Public Afair $ . 58
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and commended adherence to that precedent . Lord Stanhope agreed * that in the present emergency the right of providing for it devolved on tHe two
bouses . Lord Holland allowed the right of making restrictions to a parliament , but not Ao an agreement of the frvro houses ^ He contended that the prerogatives of the crown were granted
for the security of the subject , and that no power but that of parliament could alter them . The two houses are not competent to make an act of parliament , and the very assertion that
they can is by the 12 th of Charles the Second a punishable offen ce * After many judicious remarks on the nature of bill and address , and comparison of various precedents , his lordship moved for an address to , the Prince of
Wales-This was supported by the Duke of Norfolk and by the Duke of Sussex ; the latter of whom stated his marked disapprobation of the ministers' conduct , during the whole of the present melancholy
calamity They are , he said , a set of men called by the king to his councils , and therefore called his Confidential servants . They receive * his majesty ' s commands , and for the execution of them are
amenable to the grand tribunal of the empire . Now have these ministers acted by the king ' s com- > xhand ? Have they even seen him for these eight weeks ? _ If they have , acted , they lhave usurped a power which they have rio right to exercise . If they have not acted , they are treasonable for allowing the magistracy of royal - ty to be suspended for such a length ot time ? , a sitqatibn ilot * known to nor acknowledged by
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Jan. 2, 1811, page 53, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2412/page/53/
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