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longer intolerance to ; restrict the honours and advantages of social life to one portion of mankind at the expense of the rest , and justify every measure , however in itself repugnant to the first principles of reason and equity , and however * pregnant in its consequences with the most frightful mischiefs to society , which may be deemed necessary to the preservation of the monopol y > We cannot deny ourselves the gratification of placing in contrast with this heartless sophistry the clear and forcible statement of a fundamental truth bv that erenerous advocate of liberty , Mr . Fox .
" It had been said by some persons , that although toleration was of itself abstractedly matter of justice , yet that in political speculation it should never be allowed to entrench upon or endanger existing establishments . The converse of this appeared to him to be true policy , and that no defence of any establishment whatever should be built on principles repugnant to tole- > ration . Toleration was not to be regarded as a thing convenient and useful to a state , but a thing in itself essentially right and just . " *
The probable consequences of a repeal of the statutes against the Roman Catholics are unfolded by the Bishop of Peterborough with a clearness and an energy in which the ever-wakeful jealousy of the spirit of monopoly is conspicuous , and which must have rendered this the most stirring and effective part of his appeal to his brethren . * ' The first and necessary consequence would be a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts . If free admission to offices of trust and power be granted to the Roman Catholics , the same free admission must a fortiori be granted to
the Protestant Dissenters . "—P . 11 . To the inquiry , whether such concessions might not restore harmony between the Church of England and other religious parties , we are favoured with the following answer : "I wish , my Reverend Brethren , that I could answer th ^ se questions in the affirmative ; but I fear that this imagined harmony will produce only fresli dissensions . A neio question will arise out of this new order of things , of
which few of us are at present aware ; and this new question may produce universal discord . When all religious parties in this country are placed on the same footing in regard to civil power , when the ascendancy of the Church of England has thus merged into equality with other religious parties , and is virtually become a sect among sects , the question will soon arise , whether the emoluments which are set apart for the service of religion , should be ewdlu-8 ively enjoyed by the ministers of one sect . Under such circumstances it is
not only probable that the question will be started , but when we consider the power and the numbers or those who in Great Britain and Ireland are no members of the Established Church , we shall find , that under such circumstances it will be impossible to evade the question . And when all religious parties have the same political power , exclusive possession of Church emoluments cannot be urged by one party on the ground that they belong to the present Establishment ; for the very question at issue will be , whemer the present Establishment shall remain . "—Pp . 12 , 13 .
The author returns to this subject in p . 15 , " When all religious parties in this country are p laced on a footing of equality with respect to civil power , will they be satisfied to see the emoluments of the Church remain in the exclusive possession of one party , a party which will then have lost its ascendancy , arid have become a sect among # In his speech in the debate on a motion for the Repeal of certain Statutes respecting religious opinions . See Parliamentary Register for 1792 .
Untitled Article
246 Review . —Bishop < tf Peterborough ' s Charge ,
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), April 2, 1828, page 246, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2559/page/30/
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