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FROM OUH LONDON CORRESPONDENT.
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TO THE ; PEOPLE ;OF YORKSHIRE.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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HT Fbiesds , — $ erhapa there was not ene circmn-- gt ynne in all tbe strange proceedings whieh Mr . Tbornyy fcas though * proper to adopt against me , which at ( 006 so modi surprised sad grieved me , as the notice " jtaish hia Welsh attorney gare me "toproduee eert ( Ln letters ¦ which Mr . Thomhfll bad , daring the period of my stewardship , ¦ written to me . " What , tfaovght , 1 , is it come to this ? Is the private correspondence - ttfween a steward and his employer to he raked up I and then published in a Court of Justice ? la Mr i j ^ raMll ' s ang « so keen—hia malice so deadly , that ^ otfitaj ? Trill "atirfy him but breaking open the seal ef apr&fotticA oommnnka&ms , in -which , g&ks may * per-1
I b » ps , be as much , or even more , eo&cerned than myself » i felt acutely -when he gare me notice that he thus intended to break the sicrtd seal of confidence . Then came the tug of -war . I -was forced to furnfafc jjim iriih notice in return , "to produce certain letters yrtoch I had written to him . " This was the only plan I conld pursue . Sinoe then , as you til know , my friends , I hare -waited , term after term , to meet my powerful adversary in a London Court I am now sick of waiting . I hare resolved to lay my case before yxnt , because it was to you whom ilr . Thomhill at first appealed . In doing so , you will perceive that I have r » ireany used Mr . ThomhilTa favourite weapons—weapen 3 which , but for his notice " to produce them , " must hsYe been for ever closed from the eye of the
public I » m informed that some persons are alarmed , d allude to those tenants who may have stood unfavourably in the books ) lest their private affairs may be un-- pleasantly exposed . Such persons need to fear nothing from me . I shall most carefully and most scrupulously avoid the insertion of way extract than can , in any way , - expose theaSaira of othexs . My object is solely to ex-- _ pj ^ Hi- the' neat- ' " TkorxhQl r . Object- —and sot to r- * lft ^ pttte » -who are lano i b eoaeeraed , intatwted , lA MWh ^ WttetMwftftMfcfc tod
^ glfc Ihornlffll mtml& i » pp « a V toenow Urn . «» ea down -rftii his own eurtj **** , why , ey friends , he nuj » . WfJtt sum * tbuk MnmX , or Mi c "Welsh Attorney , for having sent me a notice " to produce his letters in open Court . " These observations are made to quiet the fean of a fe ^ - men whom I sincerely respect The sequel wili prove whether "the production of oar correspondence" will be most useful to Tnysell or my late master . One thing they will enable nte to do , and that is to me a great satisfaction
I kTt > u be enabled by them to prcrre , evea to the satisfaction of my greatest enemies , that they have maligned me , when they told you " that I was Thomhill ' s tool . " They will enable me to p » Te that which , without them , you would h 3 Te been compelled to have taken upon my unsupported testimony , viz ., that whether my views are wise tit not , my opinions , as expressed in rations ways before tire public , are the same which I lave asserted in private to 3 Ir . Thornhill ; and that often , when I was supposed to have been urged on by him , I have been engaged in controrersy with him , on those Tery points .
Tea , my friends , and they will , before I have done , prove to Mr . ThoraMU's tenants and labourers , thai 1 did not fear to defend { heir rights—to him , as fearlessly as I defended his rights before them . I thought that it was an unhappy , as I was sure it was an unhandsome procedure , when I received that notice : like other circumstances , which have at first seemed adverse , I now think that it is all for the best It is ' certain that I cooW not so fully have explained my case to you , without the correspondence ; so , I now thank ' , God , that Mr . Thomhill required its production . You will remember , that in one of those extraordinary letters ,
which Mr . Thomhill caused to be inserted in the news- papers , on the day of my quitting Frxby , he said his reaeon for discharging me , Tras , '' because I entered so deeply into the politics of the day . " ~ S < yw , this charge comes with a Tery bad grace from a irm , who had for many years encouraged -me by the approval of nry views and plans , by laying my letters to him before the statesmen of whom he had the highest opinion ,- as he several timee informed me that he had done ; by introducing me , through his friend the Duke
of Rutland , to the Duke of Wellington , far the sole i ¦ ' purpose of giving me an opportunity of explaining my fc i' political" views to that great man . I s » y , my friends , P theseTSctB did not ieem calculated to convince we , that { be objected to my " entering into the politics of the f day . " 2 s * or did such expressions as the following , in reply to one of my " political" letters , give me any ' l reason to suppose that he objected to my " entering ' 1 into politics "; cs , that he believed them to be a study i !" ' too deep for my comprehension . This is the paragraph , ' taken from one of his letters , to which I now allude .
* " Tour letter from the beginning to the end , contains ; exactly my sentiments and opinions , both of the times and the only mode of palliating the evil . I do not mean i : as aay compliment to you , but I think it right to tell you , I never read so good a letter , upon so difficult a i- J&bjec ; to discuss . " 1 ay , my friends , this sort of encouragement was not very likely to cool my " political" ardour . The trash is—and the -whole of kis correspondence proves ii—until we differed in our opinion ,, -until the yew Poor Law was the question in dispute , he was pleased with my " entering into the politics of the day "—^ excepting during thai moment , when , because I had praised the Duke of Wellington in HuddersSeld , and the people had cheered the Duke , Sir John Ranisiien 5 made him believe , that 1 was turned a Radical .
He was evidently , as you S 3 y in Yorkshire , fast to give a reason , when no reason was asked by any one , far turning off his old Steward—the son of his be » t friend , Robert Oastler . 1 shall make you laugh some day about those two Utters of Mr . Thomhill , oated " Cowes : " one of them was written in the Welsh attorney's office , London , not [ in " Cowes . " Only that one was intended to have been published , but "the monstrous clever fellow" ! Ramsbothamj made a blunder , or did something ¦ worte , and , quite contrary to the attorney ' s instructio n * , they both appeared in one paper , contradicting each other . Mr . Thomas , the Welch attorney , told me all about them -, home other time I will tell you ; you will then enjoy a hsarrv laugh .
. Now , my friends , 1 had a very curious notion when I lived at Fixby . I supposed thst a person who had the entire management of ^ such estates , ought ' not to be a mere receiving tool—receiving orders and receiving rents—and giving no opinion . 1 famied , perhaps foolishly , that my dury wa 3 , on all % ¦ --. occasions , fanafully aitd leorlesily to give my opinion , sad . .. thus enable my aiaeM mister to know tke exact Kate , fed condition , and fttf ^ Us **~ > Jlt ^ . . And knowing ^ I do , that ttafwhoit ptgpertr of the cob * try is affected by evagy jjcfitirvi & commercial change , 7 I deemed thai I wa * paired , injustice to my master j * a& Ms tanaat * , to jgf&J tbe bettings of each peli-C teal or commercial chtpage pa- his property . |
.- Tor example , I < fiseovered that his tenants had , is I very many- instances , through no fault of their own , H been reduced from prosperous domestic manufacturers , ; to artisans , and even to paupen . I was , therefore , : bwrnd to inquire the cause of eneh a reduction in the \ condition of aen so honest , frugal , and industrious . : _ 1 found that their ruin had- bees occasioned by the $ sslimiixi and westri&ed use of machinery . I thus ;> discovered thaVthe question of factory labour < whkh j I had been agfbttiTig so many years ; was a question in 1 which iir . ThomaSl aad hi * tenants were interested 1 * " * ell as the factory children . Was I then to keep
s this from my master ? My eouscieace ansrwered . No Ou tfiat point we agreed ; so on I went , * ud « the appro-ring smile of the Squir * . But , when the land-, owners resolved to rob the poor , and render their own ^ estates insecure , by destroying the legal and conatitur tonal freehold of the poor , Hr . Thomhill an-l I diffefcd . He wai for the >" ew Poor Law—1 was its most Krenuous opponent What was then my duty ? To , trj to convince him of his error , or to leave him uada " , Ife delusion caused > y the lies of the Poor Law Com-¦
- -- ^ isaontrs . To speak the truth , at all risk * , I felt j to be my duty . Heiefuaed to be cooTineed . What thsn was my duty ? Most certainly not to deceive his ^ aants or the poblie , as tomy views or Ma . I toWthe teaj 4 ats thatMr . Thomhi ] l was for the New PoorXaw . Inmy [ beeches you know that I told you the same . The I . neord of those speeches proves thia fact W « U , then , If ^ gave Mr . Thomhill , a * I was bound to do , the benefit t <* cis own influenc-a . Was I to give bjm my conscience [ p . ^ o ' ¦ Ko , my friends . Kkh as he ia , he is too poor I tofciT thai . |
I The Pixby tenanta revived to oppote the Menrsed I f '' ^ refused "to appaint a Guardian * for their I ^ ashi p . i told them of their risk . I asked them if « i » wtpe wfliing to venture their home * J I «« red
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thwarUttr were in great danger , if they resolved on that course . They , however , paau < t eertain resolutions , with which Mr . ThornbiU was displeased . Mr . Frankland Lewis had ah-eady urged him to interfere at Fixby . It was impossible that 1 could become the tool of Poor Law Commissioners ; so Mr . Thomhill sent a letter to "The " Tenants of Thomas . Thomhill , Esquire , at Fixby . " That letter I delivered to the overseer or churchwarden , I forget which . It was inclosed to me by Mr . Tiiornhill , with the following remarks : "I am sorry to have received the determination of the Fixby tenants . What appointing a Guardian has to do with the merits of the Bill I know not You will forward the enclosed to them . " 1 ^ VPH ^ V ~ 4 9 HI ^ P ^ IPovqa ^^ j * bAA 4 * 9 & « h m M 1 M ii . . . » «
Mr . Thornhill ' s letter was dated April 11 , 1837 . Of course , before that he and I had a long correspondence about the >" ew Poor Law . He knew my views . We had also arranged our money matters some two or three years before then , I mean the balance had been struck , and a note given , and all that sort of thing . You see by the date that this was more than a year before he discharged me—but he does not say one word about " fraud , " or " entering into tbe politics of the day . " He knev that I should do my duty , that . I should deliver the tetter , and that I should not interfere , in any way , between him and hia tenants . . H * Jtnew alao , that atftMih I- abould be aikut with tha tenants ,, ! ahculd fen * f wboJfrmtad onoe mote to hinv I did ^ This w » ywp ^> - ¦ . - ' ' :: ;; ¦/• ¦ .
. "IbaTB ^ tlrit dayreeeiTed yoors of the lit * fast , with your letter to the Fixby tenants . Tbe letter I will deliver to-morrow . I have net , no ? shall I Tead it , although it is unseaied . I know not what the tenant ? wrote to you , nor will I , in any way . interefere in knowing anything about it . 1 can onlyforfeiteverything , even , life , if needful , rather than , in any way , sanction the diabolical New Poor Law in any shape . The landlords may think it a good joke—but I know that it will , if enforced , put an end to rent days . I may be thought insrap , but time will prove who * are in their senses .
"I have this morning been with Mr . Qott , sen . If any man does know the true state of this : country , he does . He is a most mild , religious man . I He said to me , Mr . Oastler , our misfortune ia , that : the Duke of Wellington knows nothing of these ! manufacturing districts . The fact is , that the New ; Poor Law will , inevitably , in time , produce a revoluj tion . " And then he said , ' It is a damnable law . " Now , Sir , Mr . Gott is not insane , if I am . I have done my : best for years to inform you of the real state of * these
, ' ¦ , ' ¦ districts . You have real property here , and I conceive ; that the present measure is making it niL As for my } o-R-n cast in the die , 1 care not one rush ; but I do care I for , the aristocracy and the institutions of this my . ' native country . If this accursed law is to be i countenanced , then away with rents —/ urn sure of it . I The ' appointing of Guardians' is sanctioning the law , I and my determination is , to lose life before I will do : that I fancy that I sse you smile—but I know what ! I say .
¦ ¦ . " What the tenants may do , I know not ; but I shall indeed regret , if , after all , their landlord should frighten them into the surrender of their rights , to the base and hateful three Commissioners . But it is of no use my writing about these matters—you cannot understand me . My living is in pour hands—my conscience is in my gim . " '' I know that I am right , because the Bible is true . What secreU are in the womb of futurity respecting mvself 1 blow not ; but I do faiuw , that I haTe acted ¦ faithfully , and that , after serving you , I am as poor as a church mouse can be , even after the church rates are abolished .
" Once more I tell you—and 1 tell you truly , that if the- landlord of Fixby force * the tenants of Fixby ' to \ appoint a Guardian , ' and thus give . their assent to the ' . damnable New Poor Law , I shall no longer be proud to be the faithful servant of their landlord . ; ' My conscience is in this business , and my living is a straw . " : Perhaps , my friends , I shall now be blamed , not for 1 being "ThornhilTs paid tool , " but for having been too
! ! bold is . stating my opinion in opposition to his . For a i moment , look afc our relative positions . ' ' The « tafce -wis his property , but , for a generation , he had been absent He was a prosperous , wealthy , gambling , horse-racing Squire , totally unacquainted , except , through myself , with the real feeling 3 of the people of Fixby . I was an ansious observer of all their local , ' old-fa 3 hioned , and right old English prejudices ; I knew the charms , in their ears , of the sound of these
! two words , ' Fixbt Law ; " and how they abhorred ' the thoughts of being mixed up with other townships , ' under the accursed rule of the three New Poor Law | Commissioners ! I knaw , also , their manifold suffer- i ings ; and , that whilst Mr . Thomhill was listening \ with delight to the nvinjs of Dr . Kay , the Assistant ; Poor Law Commissioner for Norfulk , about the ' prosperity of the manufacturing districts , that they j found it difieult , with industry and frugality , i to make ends meet . Yes . ray friends , 1 ; knew all this ; and was I , when I felt that , Mr . Thomhill was about to inflict such punish- i men * upon men whom 1 so dtarly loved , was I to be silent ? or in softened or stvasive terms to ' hope to melt my master ? No , I felt that energy was ' : required , that if I could not advise the tenants , it was i
¦ my duty to warn their landlord . I resolved boldly to j speak out all my mind . It was , however , useless . 1 soon found that Mr . Thomhill was inexorable . In a-swer to one of his letters aftenvards , I wrote to him as follows : — " Evsry candidate of every party , during the lateelec- tiou , declared , ' that the New Poor Law could not be safely introduced into these districts . ' If it is yuur determination to punish those who rebel against that law , I hope I may be allowed the honour to fall jirst . So long as 1 am your servant , I must faithfully give you my opinion , and I am sure , that by assisting the Poor Law Commissioners , you are laying the foundation
. . of the destruction of your estate , and are aiding that accursed party who are bent on the degradation of the aristocracy , and "whose creed , as pronounced by their leader , Joseph HiJiE , is , ' England would be no poorer if her soil were never more to bear a single blade of -wheat , barley , rye , or oats ' . ! ' . ' 1 could say a great deal on this subject , tut I should perhaps offend by stating the trnth . You will not of course expect me to be the instrument of punishing those men , who in ¦ Toy . epiaion deserve your praise . : ' i feel quite sure that if you had resided here , you -would riot discharge tho 6 e tenants . Nay , I am sure ; you ^^^ id , iu that case , defend them from the power ; of tbe ^ Mr Lair Commissioners , and assist them rather Ifen tremble them . I rnmrthdr Baying tin * jmaA-- ^^ ' *—— ' - ^ " ¦ - " —» - « - « - - — tM ~ - * -jfr fc _ T ! te »»»_ ^
. <* tt » New Poor Law « M&st fiction abo ^ tte' « prop pBtty" of thanaasfiifeitxi&g districts ; it ^ f true ; that vfeliat tbe amaOt ^ mdag artisans w « rt absolutely starring , many pro-Poor-Liw newspapers were resounifinf with shoots of prosperity . In Odober , 18 S 7 , I thus addressed tfaa Sqxrire . You will » ee , bjr and bjr , that it teas the New Poor Law , sad thai « teoe , wUeh set my master ' s heart against me . "I crate * help feeling that our diffioe&oe of opinion on tbe N « w Poor Law is a source of nnplessaateeta to , you , T » me it is a matter of great regret—bat no i earthly consideration can induce me to toppoii a measure »> foil of cruelty to the poor , and of aiKhirf to I tbe rich . Ton rood a great deal about the ' prosperity ' « T these parts in the n « wsp » per »; I oBljT with me co « ld «« something < tf it in reality aere , I never » w tbe manufacturers more bewildered . ' I never saw
tbe labourers more depressed ! Every m » asks his I neighbour— ' How is the winter to be p £ over V " j ; Yes , my friends , the New Poor I * w advocates , \ Tike their father , —the Devil—deceive before theyj iextny . Yo « know kow often I have reminded you of the , ( Mtn—Mttng fret ^ nieh vu brought fc > H $ ht by the late William Oombtt , Tit , t&at the o&ct and intention , of the concoetea of the New Poor Lav was to reduce
wafw , aad " to force the people of England to live on % « m » er sort of food . " Be&ee 70 a will always mid I that toe friends of that law bare their eyes upon the I labourers' wage * . I toon felt that the Squire was en-I amoored of the efieet anticipated by 'Friend Aahworth ^ ! when he proposed to bis " rnpected friend Edwin , " !! , allow the miflownen to work tip tbe surplus stock of human blood bones and sinews of the agricultural I districts ; -and fiiwf reduce the " . e&ytikatibn of wages !" . I wasintheMWofen ^> loyflifik ' fewUbottrersupon the estate—very few they were—I shame to say itj only three or four , except upon extraordinary occa-¦ sions : la raj ootarisjee , I could not think of reducing . these meat' www .
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You know that I have always , before you , asserted that the labourers' right * were as sacr * d as the landlords . Well , when I found that even my master was enamoured by the Philosophers' creed , whose only way to wealth is through dilapidated cottages , and over famished , broken-hearted peasants ! when I discovered , in my master , a perpetual hankering and lingering after a comparison between the wages which he was giving in Norfolk , and which I was paying in Yorkshire , I knew what was the matter . I was sure that he was really bitten . By one bold effort I resolved
to eadeavour to save him from being intoxicated and destroyed by the poisonous principles of that school , which is founded on the destruction of the labourers and tbe landlords , and which , by the most Satanic subtelty , envenoms the mind of each against the other , in order , that , in their turns , it may , to gain its own ends , use the one to destroy the other . ' The Squire had unwittingly fallen into the errors of that anti-EngliBh , free-trade , levelling school ? I resolved , therefore , to make one more effort to save him from the snares of the deadly enemies of " his own order ! "
On the 16 th November , 1837 , I wrote to him as follows : — CSaie , my friends , J jerticulsriy call your serious attention to thia Letter ^ You -will be able to say if I did , or did not , fairly describe the . condition bt toe V * 9 fcM ' MJ ! &- ****** 'A -IbSf- ^ t toi when the pro-Pier L / tw newspapers were dealing in nothing else bnt pMspertty ? I am glad that I have a copy of that letter—read it with < are , and calm attentionand if I deceived my master tell him so . ] "I have never yet known money so scarce as now
never -was there so much poverty and misery . I do not care what the newspapers say about ' prosperity , ' the people are absolutely starving ; and that ia all about it . The numbers of poor , wretched , famishing creatures who daily throng my door , for a piece of bread , absolutely make me melancholy ; and yet , we are told , ' is prosperity ! The thing will find its level in the end ; and then it will be seen if I have been a fool or not I am quite sure you have a strong , feeling for the poor . I am certain that you would feel as keenly as I do if circumstances made you acquainted with the same facts . "
My friends , I was sincere when I wrote that . I did not flatter . I knew that Mr . Thomhill had naturally a very kindly feeling for the poor . But the philosophy of the Malthusian school would transform an angel into a devil , or a heart of flesh into a lump of steel ! To proceed : —
"You know what it is to receive the rents ;—1 know the labours , the anxieties , the bewilderments , the torture of mind endured by those who have to pay them . 1 know what it is to see honest industrious tenants , both on your estate and on others , farced to sell useful cattle ; nay , even to forestall their crops , and then to borrow iif they can ) and , if not , to be in arrears , and to be constantly afraid that orders may some time come , to have them sold up , and then to be driven away !"
Tell me , ye poor , industrious , honest , kind-hearted , frugal tenants , is it so ? or have I misrepresented your circumstances to your landlord ? Again , read onwards : — " I know all this , I live amongst it , and I have endeavoured to soothe , and not to frighten . But I do kno-w , that -where industry is rewarded by jm ^ rty and u-ci . nl , there , Tery soon , property Will be worthless ! A better race of men never lived , than the tenants of Thomas Thomhill , Esq . It has been my duty and my delight to teach them to honor yon , and I have succeeded . But if the damnable New Poor Law i 3 to be forced upon them , a law which our forefathers would have spumed , with its twin sister , the Rural police [ alias universal spies \; if the reception of thai law is to
be the price of holding your land , then I pray , that rather than this race of real Englishmen should be thus enslaved , may your land be untenanted . I do love and honour you ; I have need to do » o , bwt I love my country more . I honour the constitutional rights , and the tme English characters of the tenants , more than my own . private emolument , 1 hate tbe opinion ot the Earl of Eldo . v on that law , M * £ ^ ill die Before ICwilJ submit to its horrible enactmentl ? and so -will some others , as well as myself . If it is to be enforced ia these districts , it will ligfet a candle in England , which will not easily be put out . Yon may depend upon it , if that law be attempted to be enforced , the question of the ri ^ ht of any man to receive rent will follow , and then Reform will no longer delude the nation . "
" The New Poor Law was intended to be a dagger for the poor—a blight upon industry ! If persisted in it will prove the grave of property and the ruin of the aristocracy . ' It 13 impossible that any man can honour another more than I honor you , but I cannot hide the truth from you ; whatever risk I run , I will speak the truth ; and it is tnie , that the sending of your acrricnltural labourers into the manufacturing dutricts , under the accursed Poor Law , and by means of such wretches as Dr . Kay , has done more to revolutionize those districts , than could have been done in any age by any other means .
: i ou say , very properly , that your property is your own . and that no one has a right to dictate to you " concerning it . Agreed ; I do not dispute the fact ; but when I see yonr property endangered , it is my duty to say so , and to give my reasons for saying se . I have never disputed your right to act as you please ; but I should be an unworthy servant if I feared to tell you all I thought about the management ot this estate . If you discharge those tenants , because they hate the Poor Law Commissioners , in my opinion , you will do 3 very unwise act . You must excuse me ; it is still true , ' The head cannot say to the feet . I kave no need of you . ' We do hate , most cordially , this accursed law and ita officers .
, " 1 cannot agree with you when you say that if the ' tenant could get a better take elsewhere , he weuld not I live under you . ' That is altogether a mistake . I could , give you many instances that the good old feeling has ! been cherished by your tenants . We often sing the ' song of the Old English Gentleman , and I have always tried to shadow him , that is , to remind them as much ' as possible of him . This is no joke ; the tenants are i as proud of being under Squire Tlwrnhill as if the land 1 were their own , though most of them have never seen j their Squire . 1 have sacrified every thing to maintain ; this feeliDg upon the estate , and 1 rejoice that I have ' succeeded ; k-t what will happen to me I will be proud I of that '
| | I ; " Then , as to ' the lowest class , ' you may employ a ' workman in the fielA here , for as little as you can in ¦! other counties . Yes , I could now hire men to work in j the field on a pittance that would starve them . But I : canDot see either tbe wisdom or the justice of doing i su . The men who are thus robbed of their wages ( for j it is robbery and nothing elsei cannot be expected to 1 work , well ; they cannot be trust-worthy . The men I p « o ^ loy are , a ^ it were " , heir-looms on the estate ; genei ratioa after' geiKiaMoa hagre they and their sires , i laboured on this soil ; an 3 "' sto 4 i I reduce "them to Mjhe "wages of their forefathers , when the rent is I increased FivE-fold ? J really cannot do Slit ; and 1 were you here , and knew them , I am sure you would aot Some of them , in -better times , have had higher wages offered elsewhere , but they would not leave here ; it would be enrrf now to lower them . I cannot see
how a man can ( tre here , aad keep hia family respectably , on less than 15 s . a week ; and to empley them to starve , ia neither safe nor just I know that some exist , they do ' not live , on four or five shillings a week' But if this be the value of labour , ( four or five shillings a -week , ) how can the value of property be maintained ? tt « impossible . In 1760 this estate was rented at £ — , and the common labourers , as th « Jx > oks testify , were then paid Is . a day : the not is £ , and the labuururs have only i 3 . ed . a day . ' " I am sure you wish people to live under you , and not te starve to death in their labour .
j ! " The real truth is , Sir , that the present system , patronised by O'Co > sell and Russell , and -which is forced upon her Majesty ' s Government , is to establish S Popery , to centralise power , ( and thus to destroy , for ever , the local iofiutnee of the aristocracy , magistrates , and landlord * , ) to concentrate mere wealth , and thus to degrade tbe aristocracy of birth and blood , and j raise , in their place , a dunghill brood of raistrs . ! " Against all this I war , t » my own ruin—in tbe very j camp of the enemy , and under the frowns of my aris-1 tocratic master ! I cannot , however , refrain ; I am an
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Englishman , and I haTe warrod to some purpose , else I should not have so nearly come in for Huddersfleld . " Perhaps you think I am ambitious of a seat in Parliament . Now , the truth is , I do think there is more honor in being your servant , than in sitting in the same House with O'Connell and his tail j with Russell and his gang . " I do certainly want my views to be known and understood ; and tarns , I think , I could help to destroy the cantiDg humbugging of the Reform , liberal principle , school .
It is singular , that I should be maintaining my views , in the very heart of the manufacturing district , in the very soil of humbug and dissent ; and that I should grieve an aristocrat , but , so it is . If any man ought to be supported by the aristocrats and the landlords , I am that man : —but , they are fast asleep , and Sir KoBBax Peel is , in reality , helping O'Connell to cut off their locks ! That ' s all true ; aud , some day , you will believe it . I hope you will forgive me . 1 could not avoid making these remarks . "
My friends , have events justified that letter ? Tell me , did I deceive my master ?—misrepresent the condition and feeling of hia tenants?—or , misapprehend the meaning of " Reform , " " Free Trade , " and " Liberal Principles ? " What says feet ? What does experience , since then , prove ? Tell me , was I in error ? Has " prosjtertdy" smiled oa the progress of Reform *? 8 » j p VM J indeed * "Jibe tool of S < pdre tbarnhm ? " - ^ xri ^ 4 fl || jgpa « iia ^^ tfrt » ^^ iimfiit ^ Mfia ^ ififiioe ^ Eity-. ¦ h it , as I now am y < np- ; $ utbf ul friend and serrant , Richaed Oastler . 106 , Sloane-street , Chelsea ; April 2 Sth » 1840 .
P . 8 . This is a very long letter , but I must tell you that yesterday I went to the Court of Queen ' s Bench . I was very sorry to see my friend O'Connor look so ill . You will , of course , have all the public proceedings of the day reported in the Northern Star , and learn thereby that , in consequence of Mr . O'Connor ' s illness , judgment was delayed until next Monday . A few remarks from me will , I dare say , be acceptable . You Bhall have them .
I went with friend Hobson . We were refused an entrance . The "jacks in office , " the door keepers and policemen , maybe " monstrous clever fellows , " a la Ramsbotham ; but they are " monstrous uncivil fellows " as well . I felt the rough grasp of the police more than once ; and I tell you , theirs is , indeed , a foul and unmanly gripe . I succeeded , at last , in seating myself amongst the counsel . I always , you know , strive for a good place . The officer , not knowing your " king , " instantly ordered me to the rear ; " obedience to the powers that be" is a Tory virtue ; so I immediately obeyed . 1 had not been long seated on the back bench .
before I was beckoned by one of the barristers to return . Again I obeyed ; and sat where I like to sitamongst the lawyers . You know my attachment to that " order . " I am ever ' at home' in their company . My friend would not tell me who he was ( how bashful they are sometimes ) , but he knew me , and told me , that he " had of ten seen me on the platform . " Ho ¦ vras very kind , and we had « ome very friendly chat . I sat between two learned gentlemen with whose conversation 1 was much pleased . 1 always learn something when I talk with lawyers . You would have been pleased if you had heard therematka about O'Con
nor from one and another . They were of different politics ; but I did not hear one unkind word from any of them . I heard much of kindness . I was glad to hear their friendly remarks respecting the man , who stood on- the floor expecting to receive judgment My left hand neighbour , who informed me that he was a Whig , in a joking manner , said , " I hope they will send him to the penitentiary for a Sew months iitbink VU «)| r « # *> # would do him good . " I replied— " I think Lord Denman will not be cruel ; he will remember that there was a time when he and the Attorney-General said many things , which
might have placed them where O'Connor stands . " " Ah , " rejoined my learned friend , " but there is this difference—they were successful—O'Connor has not succeeded . " " Still , " I added , " they will , no doubt , re member what they have said during their ' agitations , ' and not weigh very heavy on O'Connor . There was much more treason and sedition talked , in tiieir agita tion , than in Aw . He never caused the King to be insulted , by threatening him with a bloody axe , or the Church , by burning the Bishops—or the Nobles , by burning the Peers in effigy ; he uever threatened , that 'no more taxes should be paid , < 5 cc . '" My friend
smiled , nay , he laughed right out , while I was telling him what I had seen and heard from the Whigs , during the " Reform agitation , "—and then be said , " Very true , I said many things at that lime , which , if we had not been successful , I should not have given the Duke of Wellington much credit for sound judgment , ( how much so ever I might have admired hia feeling , ) if he had not put me on my trial . But we were successful ; that makes all the difference . The passing of the Keforni Bill was as complete a Revolution as was that > f 1688 . And it now becomes our duty to punish every person who seeks to change the constitution then
established . " Did not I tell you that I always learnt iouiethiug N ? b . eu I was with lawyers ? 1 smiled , and said— " That is indeed a very candid avowal ; but you were not so honest with the working classes when you coaxed them to join you ; you promised them , as the reward of their assistance , ( and -without their help you could not have been successful ) that a further reform should take place—that the first business of the ' Reformed Parliament ' should be to grant Universal Suffrage . " " They should have taken
better care of themselves , " was the only answer that could be given . My friead continued : — " It is our duty , now that we have succeeded , to put down all attempts to alter the constitution . " I aiu always dvlighted -when I meet with a mau who speaks just what be thinks . I learned more from these few remarks than from all I have elsewhere heard and read about the present policy of the successful Whigs . Only get them into trouble again , and you will have them crouching , coaxing , promising and lying , as heretofore .
I was indeed delighted with the kindness of the Judges , lord -DenouNfs manner of addressing Mr . O'Connor was kind and courteous ( fir tha SsiWlftei You know my opinion of Lord Denman—I do not mean as a politician—I mean as a judge ; bis impartiality , his patience , his courte-y , his urbanity cannot be excelled . He was once my judge , so you know I speak from experience . What a contrast between our judges , our counsel , and the police ! The yripe of that fellow makes me almost Ut \ un-EngUsh ' . His touch feels to me like aa though my person were degraded ! And you are about to have these " reptiles " in your districts , are you ? I hope not .
Ten thousand thanks to Lord Wharacliffe and the magistrates for making Baron Hang-EK and Company pay for their own blue devils at Dewabury . R . O .
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Wednesday Evening , April 29 // i , Quarter to Seven . I regret to state that Mr . O'Connor continues very unwell ; he has been confined to his bed lor tho last three days , although the fctrougust hopes arc entertained that hiB indiBposition will be so far overcome by Monday next , as to enable him to conduct
his own case ia the Court of Queen ' s Beach , oa that day- Seeing how very ill Mr . O * Couuor was on Monday last , an op < mon wa 3 expressed by more than one person , well known to Mr . O Connor , that , under the circumstances , the better way would be to £ n £ » f { J one of the barristers who weie employed at j&lonmouih , to urge ihcorcanistancia iu mitiginion Should Mr . O'Connor not be perfectly recovered , li is to be hoped , however , that vvi 3 may not lose the icj valuable statement whiob has t » i < . n promised on the occasion . The fullest report of ike proaetidingd wiJl be given in the Northern Star .
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Socialism . —A locture was delivered at the Mechanics' Institution , Southampton Buildings , Chancery Lane , by Miss Martin , on Monday evening last , to a very crowded audience , on the principles and prospects of Socialism . The lecture gave very general satisfaction , and several persons who attended , confessedly , in consequence of the satirical reports of this lady ' s former lectures in the Times , expecting to enjoy a long source of pleasantry during the evening , were constrained to admit that they had been disappointed , though not disagreeably 90 . The great meetings which take place almost every night , in various parts of the metropolis , evince the vast increase which has taken place l * £ ? J isci P les ot * the principles of Socialism since the Bishop of Exeter ' s memorable attack .
Mr . Vincent . —A dress-ball , on an extensive scale , took place on Thursday evening last , at the new Hall of the Social Institution , John-street Fitzrpy-square , for the benefit of the mother of Mr . H . Vincent . It was most numerously and respectably attended ; and realized , in every respect , the most sanguine anticipations of the promoters . The evening was passed in the utmost harmony and good fellowship . Extraordinary Tenacity of Lipe in a Child . —
\ esterday an inquest was held at the Crown and Magpie , Drury Lane , on the body of Ann Connor , a child about six years of age , who had fallen from its mother ' s window , three stories high , by climbing on a chair ; and , looking out of the open wiudow , over-balanced ifae } f ,, a 55 Uell . Notwithstanding the great height from which it fell , the poor child lived eleven days afterwards , and at one period , some hopes were entertained of its recovery . Veidici" Accidental death . "
Fires . —Again we must record the news received in town of several incendiary fires ; in the adjoining county of Berks , two ; in Essex , two ; and one , ac least , in each of four or five other counties in the Midland and Western Circuits since our last . Not the least remarkable feature is , that in not one instance has the slightest clue been obtained of the perpetrators .
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TO MESSRS . WARREN AND NIGHTINGALE , WHO PRESIDED AS CHAIRMEN AT THE DINNER GIVEN BY THE ANTI-CORN-LAW OPERATIVES OF THE TOWN OF MANCHESTER . Dublin , April 21 st , 1840 . Gentlemen , —The courtesy as well as the talent which each of you displayed as chairmen of one of the anti-Corn Law operative dinners—the good sense as ¦ well aa the civility which distinguished your conduct on these occasions—justify the confidence I repose in the soundness of your understanding and the honesty of your intentions . I witnessed with heartf 3 lt satisfaction tbe demeanour of one of you—I read with great pleasure the conduct of the other . And , being desirous to submit with unfeigned respect and deference my opinion upon the course which I deem incumbent upon the moral aud peaceable classes of operatives iu England to adopt at the preseut period , I think I cannot place my sentiments before those intelligent operatives under better auspices than those of your names .
My anxious desire is to address to your understandings , and to those of the English and Scotch operatives , what I deem the duty they owe to themselves and their country at the present crisis of pubhc affairs . That there are great sufferings aud many privations endured by the British operative classes—great toil for insufficient wages—great iuduatrjand great intelligence , without adequate employment or remuneration tlit pressure of the national burthens , heavy upun all , but crushing to ruin the humbler aud poorer classes—the insulting robbery of these classes by the nefarious bread tax—these , aud multitudinous other evils are sutftred , and becoming permanent , in a manner too plain to admit of contra .-lictioa , and too manifest to be denied , even by the most audacious of the master class .
It ia the duty of every honeat man—it is tho bounden duty of every intelligent man—it is the sacred duty of eTery pa » ent and of every patriot ; to exert all their faculties in order to discover the causes of the exibtin " evils and oppressions , and , if possible , to trace out the remedy most likely to mitigate , if not entirely to txtinguish , those evils . Itseenu tome that the great source of all the mischief ; the degradation , tire oppression ,-of the intelligent and active British-operatives , consists in the defects of our political institutions . The operatives belong to a slave class : they are totally unrepresented—they have no votes—no choice of , norcontroul over , theframers of our laws—the men to whom is committed the care of ameliorating our institutions , and who , being uninfluenced by the operative classes , are quite at liberty to consult the sinister interests of the master class who have votes , aad by whom they ate elected .
Yes ! in proud and palmy Britain , boasting of her civil and political institutions , a * based upon the freedom of all—Britain , whose jurists and whose Judges proclaim tbat the only reason why the severe penalties of the law are justly inflicted upoa persons convicted of violating the ordinances of the Legislature , consists in this—that these laws arc made by their representatives — in Britain , whose jurists aud Judges also proclaim that all taxation would be robbery , unless it were asaeuted to by the representatives of the men who pay the taxes— in Britain , I say , these are th « theories of th > .-Constitution , sanctioned by tho highest judicial authority ; but what is the practice ?
Luglishmen ' aak yourselves this question , and blush at tho answer which every rational man is bound to give you ! It is this : that iu practice the people of England are not represented : —the overwhelming majority of them are not represented ; on thu contrary , the people of England are divided iuto two classes ; a Master class , having votes ami influence in the making of laws-, a slave class , having no votea , and nothing to do with the laws but to obey them , at the penalty of fine , forfeiture , imprisonment , or death . The master class impose the taxes , and participate largely in what may be called public plunder . Amongst the slave class are the principal producers of wealth , and consumers of taxed articles . 'Che slave class ' , therefore , pay either directly or indirectly the far greatest part of the taxes .
Amongst the master class are to be found the great landed and other proprietors , who have generally hitherto had the absolute dominion of the lives and fortunes of the British people ; and who , of course , converted that power iuto au instrument of obtaining for themselves honows and emolument . With this aristocratic party have originated , and been supported , unuwessaryiuid sanguinary wars-enormous taxationoverwhelming national debt , fetters on the liberty of the press—restrictions on freedom of conscience—atui , amongst the worst , the Corn Laws , which make bread dear to the artisan , in order to put the pr ofits into the pocketa of the aristocracy . These are only a specimen of the tyranny which the oligarchy of England have exercised in Groat Britain , to say nothing , for the present , of the fantastic and sanguinary tyranny they have exercised in Ireland : because this address ifl intended for Great Britain alono .
The Reform . Bill was intended to check the despotic authority of tbe oligarchy , by taking from them the direct . power w&ioh they had therefore possessed over tlwHWW < l ^ 1 ^ n t ^ J ^; by «^ kii ^ thuUioa ^ the organ of tbe publio J ^ pent , an * the wfRWtative of the wants and wishes ' of . a British nation . But the Reform Act has proved a total failure . The House of Lords has regained by indirect means , and by the participation of part of its power with the moutyed aristocracy , the entire , if not a greater power , thau it had before the passing of the Reform Bill . The roiusal to augment the franchise , and diminish the burdens of the British people , is distinct aud peremptory . Nay , we ars threatened with a new war , and with increased taxation , whether there shall be a war or not .
Above all , the bread tax is perniciously continued by a combination of the Whig and Tory parties without tUe least hope or yrospect of its repeal . The burthens of tbe Btate press too heavily upoa the working ami poorer classtd . Long continued labour with small remunfrutian I Great misery—want of adequate « ubsisUiace . Lutless idleness arising from no criminal neglect , but from the want of quflicieut employment-. the agricultural labourer less employed and worse paid than the uwjaufacturing operative—both , atthe utmost , earning witti unremitting toil a scanty aud cheerless sataisteuctt—no consolation or comfort for the present —no hop * fur the future—workin ? their sad and
melancholy way cheerless , disconsolate , from the cradle to tbe grave , tho poorer classes bitterly and individually feel that the Reform Bill has done them 1 tUe service ; and , Uiat from the present House of Commons they can expect no relief , no alleviation of their distress . Iu the mean time , foreign nations are rivalling us in manufacture , and , alas : exceeding ns in arts and sciences , and the menus of giving adequate employment to out operatives must Urns diminish ; and unless measures arc adopted to abolish existing evils , the sun of Ellwand ' s commercial , manufacturing , and agricultural brighaie&s will sink forever in the sight oi nations .
But , are the people of Britain to despair ? Aro that people who uever bleached before the foe in the bloedieat baula field , or amidst the wildest surges of Ule stormy cceaa , to sink into despair ? Are that people whoso ingenuity and patient labour have multiplcd , almost buyond calculation , the powers of productive mduatarj—axe that people who have invented andim-
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RroYejJjnachinerjr , aatll it&hw done ail- but think ^ ** o have made tnachtay perform all the functions ot sentient beings—are such a people to acqu : eace in apathy , or even to tend towards despondency ? No ! no !—a thousand times—no ! Up , then . Englishmen , up ! , Arise , slave-class , and tung from you your fetters . Arise not in tumult iu Violence , in outrage , or in blood . Arise in peaceful legal , constitutional combination . Stand up , as men who wfll commit no offence against tlie law of God or of man ; but who , in their moral strength and peaceful vigorar , are too many and too good to remain ^ longer classed among the willing slaved dTe world , but . who are entitled and determined to be freemen .
?•• ^ 7 'T . MJ t 0 ^ thoro ° Buy convinced that all the political evils that afflict this coonttyjo ^ item tte want of ( Mteqmte representation iMft £$ MMe < &Qmm * ' ¦« nions ; from that House not being tte ' organ of public - sentinttttt ; from that House representing but a class and that class but a small one of the British people . l { is ascertained that there are not so many as twenty out of every hundred of the male adult population entitled to the Suffrage : four-fifths , therefore , of the British people are , iniquitously deprived of all right , all power , all representation . Fonr-fiftbs are in the slaveclass . What a reproach , what a disgrace , what a cruel mockery on the part of the aristocracy . What an unbearable insult to the common sense of tire Emrlish people .
Again ,, at the elections , tho open mode of Toting enables the rich , the powerful , and the vicious , to eontroul or to purchase the suffrages of the voters . Corruption can make its bargain in the security of knowing that it will get the iniquitous value it stipulates for . Intimidation in a thousand shapes—by landlords , by employers , by customers , by money-lenders , and by magistrates , -whoso power in England is felt in ten thousand ramifications—intimidation by these and every other influential class is employed to terrify tho voter , and to compel him to sell hi 3 country ' s rights for the gratification of his personal interests , and in submission to his personal fear * . Again , the duration of Parliament is at present so long that the representative ia tempted , " and often induced , to prefer his own interest to that of his constituents . There can be no adequate reform that does not mclude a short and precise duration for each Parliainent .
Above all , there is not , tbe aUghtetfc possibility of repealing the : bread tax , without obtainingBiorepopular influence over the House of Commnns-that ia without a further reform , in which the operative ' classes -will obtain votes , and be enabled to exercise constitutional influence over the representatives of the people . This point 1 tog most emphatically to rres 3 on your attention , and-on the attention of your fellow operatives , The Bkkad Tax mlst continue !—all your » ther burthens ml-st continue , und must annuent unless your voice becomes influential in the House of Commons . This being . so , is it not manifestly absurd to devote any exertions upon the Corn Law , save such as have a direct tendency to create a popular opinion so strongly in favour of further reform , a 3 to cause the extension of th 3 Suffrage to the operative classes to be necessarily concedod by the aristocracy 1
I submit to you , that the anti-Corn Law agitation is excellent , as -par t of the struggle to increase the franchise and procure a further Reform in Parliament but that taken by itself , it is idle , and will necessarily be ineffectual . ' You may , I think , listen to my counsel with a fnll confidence that I will not suggest anything tbat could subject any of you to loss of either property or liberty to indictment , to imprisonment , or to fine . It is quite true that the prisons of England are crowded with
men who might have been sincere in looking for Reform ; but who were certainly wrong a 3 to the manner whereby they sought to obtain . The physical-force men have fallen into the meshes of thelaw ; and many of those who took their counsel now nioum for the folly of having taken that advice . The misconduct of these men has interfered with the progress of rational Reform ; they have frightened the timid ; they , have terrified the wealthy ; they have disgmted and alienated the wise and the good ; and they have nearly ruined the cause which they professed to advocate
. But no honest public man should ever dare to despair ! Above all , no man should despair of the capability of the English people to place British freedom Upon a secure basis ., It seems to me that the time lias come for forming Associations , for the purpo . se of working out a further and adequate ineasura of Parliamentary Reform . ' In framing the basis of such Associations , care should be taken to avoid unnecessary restriction or limitation to make that basis so wide , that all honest Reformers ' of all shades of opinion might be able to co-operate and especially that the middle and operative classes may heartily combine their exertions for the ireneral benefit of all . t 6 It seems to me , therefore , and I respectfully submit , that , under the existing circumstances , the basis of the new Reform Association should be these four propositions : —
First . —The total disclaimer of physical force or violence of- any kind , and the reliance upon moral influence , and the power of concentrated public opinion Secondly . —The extension of the elective franchise upon * pria ^ ejwlaA . w < aadiaiiu 4 aa » raanx *» prao . ticable of the middle and operative classes ; without In * ? restriction in its terms , or limitation to particular property , or any casual qualification ; and to have no other limit than practicability , rational ami peaceful Thirdly . —The principle that the voter should be protected from bribery , undue influence , or intimidation bv thu secrecy of the Ballot . ' Fourthly . —That the duration of the Parliament should be fixed not to exceed three years .
Such are the principles upon which you may , and 1 think ought , to . associate . You ought to combine with you as many aa possible of the slave class of Great Britain , and of those who desire to put an end to the disgraceful distinction between that class and the master class . You maybe , as I am , disposed to carry the Suffrage to the greatest practical extent . But you should know however , how ^ easy it is to create dissension upon this subject . Some of the middle classes have hitherto shown an unwillingness to extend the franchise suffifar
ciently ;; while , upon the other hand , several of the operatives have insisted upon a greater extension than can , with our present means , be obtained . I submi ; , therefore , that until there be so strong a demonstration of the opinion of the British people in favour of further reform , to reuder any extension of the franchise probable it would be wersethan idle to attempt to define any precise limit . AH that need be said is , that the franchise must extend to the operatives as well as to the middle class . Let me conjure you to combine as many Reformers as possib ' . e to work out this principle .
\ V ltbout the aid ef the middle classes the operatives cannot procure any additional reform , or extension of tho Suffrage to themselvos . Without the assistance of the operative classes , all hope of reform , or of any extension of the suffrage must be abandoned . The duty of every honest manevery lover of his country , is to combine , all ! upper , middle , operative classes—all ! Perhaps you may not succeed . But it does appear tbat no man can be an honest Reformer who will not lend his best exertions to form that combination of the British Reformers , which , becoming national and universal , must become successful , and become successful -without injury to one shilling's worth . of property— without violence or injury to any person ; and , above all , wkhout the shedding of one drop of human blood .
As you , Messieurs Warren and Nightingale , have been selected by your co-operatives to preside upon the interesting occasions I have alluded to , the confidence thus reposed in you seems to ms to impose it as a duty upon you ro exert yourselves to obliterate all traces of physi ^ l-force violence ; and to make the cause of salutary Reform assume that steady aud peaceable port and demeanour which will make it formidable to the satellites of tyranny and corruption , and render it cherished and supported by the lovers of rational liberty , aad the advocates of constitutional freedom . 1 have the honour to be , ' '"'" ¦ ¦ Gentlemen , yu < ¦ : " " Your faithful servant ^ 3 * ^ ¦ - ---TBkMfiL ' CCosSbll .
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* I do not wish to state tbe amount of the rent of ¦ the estate . There is no need that I should do so . It ris enough that I state , notwithstanding a very large ' amount has been sold off by the present owner , still the rent is now more than Fi v e times as much as it waa I in K&v . So that the relative condition of the la-1 bourers is lower by more than one-half n-sw , than it ^ jjfta i in those days , e ^ en though they receive the high watte ; of 2 s . cd . a d » y : ¦ -p ^ ¦ 1 maintain that this is an injustice—tbat itJftfBp j bery , caused by the horrible system " of leavin « f * iLa ' j bour to defend itself . " Our ancatore were more' /»« I than we are ! 1 K . ( X
From Ouh London Correspondent.
FROM OUH LONDON CORRESPONDENT .
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LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE . Th *» following highly important intelligence is from the Second Edition of the Times of Wednesday : — Despatches from Constantinople and Alexandria to the 7 th inst , and from Smyrna and Athens to the 9 lh , Malta to the 18 t , b , aud Naples to the 16 th instant , have been received . Nothing new of importance had occurred at Constantinople . Oar Alexandria letters state that Colonel Hodges , the British Consul , had provoked the anger of Mehemet Ali by offering passports to the Turks to
return home . Thia Mehemet Ali would not suffer , aud aeemed h ' ghly indignant against toe English . ! Je seemed disposed to court th $ , French for aid * hd protection ^ and was determine *? to resist all concessions beyondthoBe he had already promised . The British ships of war , « in the neighbourhood of Naples , commenced on the 17 th reprisals , and captured ( it was . said ) 50 vesseU . The Hydra was cruizing off the mouth of the gulf . The . Neapolitan vessels at Malta were under an embargo . In Paris it was still believed ( yesterday ) that aa the Kini : of Naples haa accepted the mediation of France all would yet be accommodated .
The Duke de NemoHrs was married to the Princess Victoria of Saxe Coburg on Monday night . 1 , 500 , 1 ) 00 franca were voted by the Chamber of Deputies on Monday \ n $ & for the blockade of Buenos Ayres . Our private letters report that au expedition was contemplated by the French Governuitmt against that state .
To The ; People ;Of Yorkshire.
TO THE ; PEOPLE ; OF YORKSHIRE .
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Good News for the Domkeys . —At * meeting of the West Lottnau Agricultural Association , lately held , it was agreed " tktt « premium should be awarded against the next show for thebest two-yearold donkty , with a view of raising this degraded but useful animal to its proper status , on the roll of tha brute creation .
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m ' $ &m ' f ¦ - ¦ " ¦ - ; ,- ' •^^^^^ ^ v j / \ ± ^^ S d ^ ^ ' ' " ¦ ' - tBs ^ SP ^' - "¦ * " " " ¦ " * ¦ '•" ¦¦ ' ^^ ¦ ¦'• ¦" " . ¦ '¦ ' j AND LEEDS GENERAL ^ IttaTllER . ——— ¦ vSHk- *' - ' ¦¦¦ ¦¦ . '¦ . ¦
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VOL . III . Eo . 129 . SATURDAY , MAY g ^ lgjpL . ; ,. ; ^ ^^^^ ygg ^ . , _ _ I
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 2, 1840, page unpage, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/king-y1kbzq92ze2682/page/1/
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