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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, JULY 18, 1840.
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TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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PUBLIC MEETING AT SHEFFIELD . ( Fro-a the Iris . ) On Monday evening , at air o ' clock , a public meeting ** s held in Paradise Square , for the purpose of peti-Qtwflag PatBanHOit to iake in ^ o consideration the propriety of repealing those corrupt laws , by -which perscm imprisoned for minor political offences are ¦ ttflbring the most drgrading cruelties ; and alse to ******* those -srbo are now transported , and to release or alleviate the sufferings of those "WLo are eopfiaed for political "libels , or other offences of a minflsrcharacter . Mr . Jons Tbowse -was called te preside , and after Mr . Tat LOR had read the adYertisement calling fte meeting , the Chairman called upon Mr . W . Gill , -who came forward to more the first resolution , and in the course of an energetic address , he spoke at some length on tbe amount of suffering borne by the political prisoners ; he also impressed Bpon tha meeting the principle that the interests of the middle and lovrer classes were indissoluble . PUBLIC MEETING AT SHEFFIELD . ¦ f F .- » , » * k * te . ,
Sir . Johtn Tatlor seconded the " resolution ,-which ^ raa carried by acclamation . . * tSSi Mr . R Otlky moved the second resolution , and in Ote course of his address maxle some excellent remarks oa the Ccrn Laws , describing them as the most base and iniquitous ever passed by any country , anil contacted by observing that there " » ras no chance - ? vl : ateTer of obtaining a repeal of those hrsre -without ail Extenticn <_ f tLt Suffrage . Mr . Gheen seconded the resolution , -which -was carlied unanimously . Mr . Oiley then read the petition , which -was adopted bv the meeting .
Mr . Jon 5 Deegax , of Stslybridge . " wris introduced to tbe meeting , and in the course of a Tcry sensible and temperate speech , supported the objects of the » BoluUons atd the petition . He said he did not-wish to abrogate any of those laws by -which our forefathers attained the amount of happiness they enjoyed . What be wanted was to remove from the statute-took those bid and unconstitutional la-ws -which hr . d crept la through the misgoTemmeiit of our insane ru ' . ers . He described in the most affecting manner tbe heartrending sufferings and privations of the poor arti-Rins of both this country and the sister kingdom .
He tiien marie an earnest appeal to the meeting , tint they would unite peaeesitif , temperately , but determinedly for the purpose of gaining their . rights . and liberties , ¦ which ¦ woul'l drive oppres-sion from its seat in this country , and , through its influence , from U : e face of the earth . He made some remarks on tho necessity « £ temperance and sobriety on tbe part of the -working classes , and concluded a long speech by addressing the laeettny on the absurdity of a SUte Church , and called OS the people to support the voluntary principle . The speaker -was loudly cheered at the conclusion of his address .
Mr . Gill then made some observations on tbe necessity of the -working men building a" hall for themselves to meet in , after ¦ which , three cheers were given tax Feargus O'Connor and the imprisoned Chartists , three for Mr . Deegan , and tbe meeting then quietly separated .
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Chartist Co-operatite Society . —The members of this society held their weekly meeting on Monday eveniug last , at the hoose of Mr . Hopper , Hopestreet , Mr . Fletcher in the chair . After the members of the Co-operative Provision Store had paid in their weekly eontribntions , tb . 9 following resolution was moved by Mr . Leadley , seconded by Mr . Crovrther , and carried : — "That the Members of this Association do hold their weekly meetings at tbe house « f Mr . Waddilove , lately occupied by Mr . Bnssey , Goodman send , and that we meet on Saturday , the 18 A inss ., as seven o ' clock in the evening . " ~ All our members are desired to attend , as there iB business of importance to be brought before them , and it is © or monthly night of meeting . —Correspondent .
Pigeon Shooting . —On Monday last a match , between the crack shots of Yorkshire and Lanea-• hire , took plaee at Hodsal , near Bradford , twenty sabscribers , at £ Z each . Tbe prizes were—for the feest shot * . £ 30 ; -for-tbe . second-best , £ 15 * for the third , . £ 10 ; and for the fourth , £ & . The head prizg * ra * won by Johnson , s Lancashire roan . Day , of Lanchaabire , Wbitehead , of Hawor th , Parratt , of Bradford , and Tetley , of Bowling , killed equal birds ; and the farther shooting *» postponed to &e following d » y , when Parratt and " Whitehead were equal shots , and divided the second and third prises . Tetley came in for the fourth , whilst Day was left in the back ground . Assatjit . —On Tuesday evening last , as Mr . H .
Thornton was returning borne , from Shelf , on horseback , he was most violently assaulted by a number « f blackguards , some of whom style themselves jeatlemtn , and who , it is supposed , were returning from the shooting match . They commenced by firing their guns in the direction of Mr . T . but whether to injure him or to frightenthe horse remainsyet to be jrored . Mr . Thornton , in endeavouring to make « ct the individuals , wa * again attacked , and most dreadfully beaten with the butt-end of their guns . Sqsob person * came to his assistance , and he was ttmvejed to a boose on the road side , where be now lays in a most dangerous state . We understand that its names of the parties Jiave been found out ; and -wiH , we hope , shortly be brought to justice .
AarasKT Uxizbd O&deb op dbbids . — -The Tieteria L-tdge « f the above Order held its third anniversary * t tbe hosse of Mr . James Taylor , the Griffin Inn , - oa Monday last , where a sumptuous dinner was provided , which reflected great credit on the worthy host * pd hostess , every member proving Inmsrif a tme tau ^ t * i the trencher ; the cloth being &iwa , tongs , touts , JUbd recitationa wene the order of the evening , and tb * greatest harmony and «> nliviality prevailed till » late hour . A rote of thanks was then given to the worthy host and hostess for tbe able manner in whiea litey had provided the entertainment j they then separated at rather a late ¦ hour highly delighted with' tbe proceedings of ibe ** J ;
uVMDSS . . ••" A Pcbuc Mkexibo of the icaabHants of Dundee waghddoatiM > M * g « ialen Yard Sreen , on Monday eT ^?*« / % Mto * *? . eonsider tbe oropriety of petitieBitg the Hoase of Commons , to present an » ddrjeaB ] t » hei ^ Majesty prajing for tl ^ dwmisaal of Mu * £ | Mi , £ hj » rejease , of ail > liose contfoed fer polifacal pfe » oef , Ma the resioraaoa of k > p » t , > Vill » ra& and Jones . ,
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KEiGHrirr . " t This place is growing so wretchedly poor , and is so eaten up with Methodism , and other such svstem 3 , that it is almost a miracle the paper keeps up as well as it does . A week or two back , a pious Methodist , within a few yards of heaven , and at the head of a large manufacturing firm in this place , issued out general orders to all hia workmen , that if he knew any of them take , or countenance , the Star paper , he would turn them from his employment immediately . Tyranny of this description is becoming quite common her « amongst the manufacturing tribej who are taking advantage of the badness of the times , and , I am sorry to eay , are in some measure effecting their object . BIRMINGHAM . Loyett Fu ? o > . —Received from the silver-plate braiiers , of Birmingham , per Mr . Barlow , the sum of ISs . 9 d ., for the Lovett Fund . J . Watson , Treasurer . ' ~~ " ' — ttPtf . py ^ . " ¦ _ seigh&et .
The Northern Star Saturday, July 18, 1840.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , JULY 18 , 1840 .
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THE THEORY OF RIOTS . - Dxtritig the period of vrar , when all is confusion , excitement , and action , men seldom look beyond the fact that there is tear , and they only provide the best means of meeting it ; but in the days of peace , men find leisure and inclination to speculate on the causes , the nature and effect of that devastating monster , which before had hardly allowed them breathing time , and they lay down certain regulations which , however disregarded they may be in the moment of action , yet produce a sure , thongh silent influence , and , in course of time , effect great
changes . Thus Ghotius and Puffekdorf , by their secluded studies and deep meditations , effected vatt changes in the conduct of nations towards each other , and extended their beneficial discoveries and reflections into tho actions of men , even when engaged iu the very heat and din of battle . So we—though but humble disciples of these great ¦ writers , and though treading in a less extensive path—may be allowed to offer a few facts and reflections on the theory of riots at the ; present period , ¦ when , thank Heaven ! they do not exist in prnctice . We have adopted the subject , after mature consideration , and we possess a firm conviction , that it is a theme of vital importance to every community . We trace the nource of storms , which change the Emooth
surface of the deep into vast and angry billows ; we search for the cause of earthquakes , which shake the earth to its foundation ; we look anxiously for the materials , wheEca Bpring volcanoes , which hurl their flames aloft , as if tbey returned the lightning in defiance to the Heavens , and yet how far more useful , how far more interesting should be the consideration of those storms , which ruffle and disturb the surface of society , those convulsions -which shake governments and nations , those eruptions which break forth in the very bosom of a people . The storm will excite the waves of the ocean , whatever we may find to be the cause , and whatever we may think concerning its qualities ; but the conflicts of society are subject to human control , and to human influence .
" The proper study of mankind ia num , " and we cannot do better than to study well those wonder-working powers , that effect such extensive changes in the framework of states . Suine may object that we should have treated of the theory of revolutions and rebellions ; we confess the title and the subject would have been grander , but we prefer the solid metal of utility to the tinsel gewgaws of grandeur , and as riots axe more common , and form a kind of preface to rebellions , and a ? , in fact , a rebellion is nothing more than a general riot , we prefer taking them first in order , and , perhaps , hereafter we may ascend in the scale , and inspect the nature of more extensive movements .
What is a riot 1 Blacxstoxe ( y . iy . p . 146 ) Bays it is— " Where three or more actually do an unlawful act of violence , or even do a lawful act in a -violent and tumultuous manner . " So a riotous assembly is said to take place where "twelve persons or more are unlawfully assembled to the disturbance of the peace . " It is , in fact , one of those throes of the political parent , which she is doomed to feel , before she gives birth to those alterations which are so frequently being prodaced .
Riots spring from discontent , and discontent arises from grievances , which are either imaginary or real . We shall usually find that they have too solid a foundation , for it is not in the nature of things that men who are well fed , well clad , and well housed , with their interests sufficiently well cared for , should be anxious to risk those benefits without cause , or should be capable of rising against those by whom they are kindly and generously treated . And yet there have been Borne riots that arose from a mistaken notion , and without any sound motive . We shall find on the page of history , that in 1780 , when
the penal laws against the Catholics were happily repealed , riots broke out in Scotland , and in England—in the latter place , headed by Lord George Gordon , because it was thought that by this justice to a portion of our fellow beings , the Protestant religion was endangered ! This , however , was bigotry , and then reason is totally hoodwinked . Perhaps , with the exception of tho above solitary instance , wo shall not find one outbreak , that had not some substantial grievance for its basis . The principal well founded causes of complaint seem to be four in number : —1 . Injustice . 2 . Oppression . 3 . Extortion . 4 . Distress .
The last named is the chief and prime cause in most cases of riots , for it drives men to desperation ; but as it is generally a consequence of the three preceding evils , either singly or unitedly , we hare placed it last . Sometimes all the above four are combined , and then , of course , the attempted remedy is the more violent and intense . It should be observed also that each of the above hardships may be general or local—the injustice may proceed from the rulers of a nation , or from the magistrate of a county , or the employer in a town ; so distress may be felt throughout the country , or its ravages may be confined to merely a section . 1 . The riots which have sprung from Injustice may be ranged under the heads
of—First . Mal-administeatiom as the Laws , kami « u-LAM . T OV thk Pooa Laws . —When starving men , with starving wives and families , have not only been refused relief , but hive been exposed to the insults of overseers , and parish officers , what could be expected ! Why , just what we have seen happenoutbreaks from one end of the oountxy to the other . We are not , however , going to rely on general statements , or surmises , but intend to give extracts from a work , which will certainly have a bias against the people , rather than from them , and , therefore ,
may bo regarded as a good authority , whenever it is forced to speak in their favour ; we allude to the report of the Poor Law Commissioners for 1834 . The supplement certainly contains some very important and useful evidence , and to the question , w Can you give the Commissioners any information respecting the causes and consequences of tho agricultural riots and burnings of 1830 and 1831 , " about 172 parishes returned answers . From these answers , which , however , were generally given by OTerseer « , or by clergymen , we shall avail oorselTes . *
These answers were returned under the old Pool Law , but they will be found to apply to the new lystem , and very recent experience shows the Poor Laws of the present day to be a more fruitful ¦ ooree of discontent than ever . We are told at page eleven of the above-mentioned work , that of twelve parishes in Bedfordshire , which returned answer , seven attribute the riots to the Poor Law administration ; of twenty-three in Berkshire , eight to the same cause ; bo six out of eleven in Backs ; twelve out of nineteen in Cambridge ! Then we come to the p&rticttlar parishes , and find these answers to the abore-eited question : — " By the antipathy of the pauper to the overseer . "—* Dissatisfaction with
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* It would be too tedious to gire the name of « rery pariah , vuen it occurs ; we , therefore , give exact words of the answer alone . The supplement extends from page l to 108 , to that any one can teat oar veracity by reference . ¦ ¦ .-. ¦ ¦ - .. - .:
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parish employment made them hostile to overseers and members of vestries . "— " From wretchedness , which was the natural consequence of the mal-administration of the Poor Laws . " — - By the Poor Laws , they create a hostile and malignant spirit between the workmen and their employers ; they depress wages , cause idleness and discontent , and destroy all feelings of reciprocal dependence and parish employment made them hostile to overseers
good will between the richer and the poorer classes . " — " Out of revenge by unemployed labourers . against overseers , who perhaps may have treated them rather harshly (!) when they have applied for labour or money . "— " From hatred on the part of the poor man , brought on by the present Poor Laws , the poor look on the former as their oppressor and the magistrate as their benefactor . "—Dissatisfaction at tho decreased parish allowance . "
2 . Game Laws—which are put into execution with so much rigour by sporting magistrates , which so widely mark the distinction between the privileges of wealth and the punishments of poverty , and which create numberless dissensions between the poor and the rich . Thus in the report we find as answers : — " Tho Gamo Laws appear t » have been very odious to the unemployed labourers and the frequent commitments to crowded prisons led to evil communications and to rancorous feelings . As the peasant has lost his attachment to the farmer through the Poor Laws , so he has lost his respect for the landlords and aristocracy through the administration of the Game Laws !
3 . Abuse of Machinery— whereby inanimate matter is cared for and treasured , though it 1 £ destroying the means of subaistance , whjoh are duo to animate and living beings ; whereby ; hu » un labour is rendered almost worthless , and there is no employment for the famishing millions , however industriously they may be inclined . Thus from the report again— "By the prejudice against thrashing machines "— " A prejudice against machinery . " u The idea that thrashing machines kept them out of employ and lowered wages . " " The poverty which compelled the farmer to use the thrashing machine
bore down the labourer to unprecedented distress * and droTe him to desperation . " With regard to machinery in general , and in large towns , we all can remember instances of the distressed mechanic rising against it . It is not the use , but the abuse , of machiaery of which we complain , and until it is placed within judicious limits and bean a proportion of taxation for the relief of the poor , we feel as . sored that artisans , who are ready to werk , but cannot obtain employment , will not cease to murmur at this robbery committed on their property —that is , labour .
Secondly , oppression takes in a wide range , but we shall briefly touch on the principal heads : — 1 . Tvhanny . —Wherever men are slaves , they will feel dissatisfied , for it is the nature of man to be free . They will endeavour , whenever it is possible , to throw off the yoke that oppresses , and to take revenge on their cruel opponents ; they do not desire a continuance of such a state of things , and are eager for any change . We well knovr that the
riots of 1830 and 1831 , were the fruits of oppression , though nourished by all ' the incidents we have enumerated above . Give men their rights , allow them a proper interest in the management of affair ? , a - voice in the administration of national policy , and they will cease to murmur and rise against the authorities . Respect their liberties , their lives , thoir properties , and they will hold those of others sacred .
2 . Want op sympathy and" kindness fhoh the Employees and the Rich . —When the employed are treated with justice , gratitude will cement a chain not easily to be broken ; ties will be created that must be productive of benefit to all classes ; but neglect , coldness , and indifference , destroy the dependance of man on man , and inflict wounds that rankle within the breast , and never cease to remind the injured of the means whereby such cruelty is lavished upon them . Thus , in support of the first part of our proposition , the Ticar of one parish says— " In this place there was no riot or
burning , which I attribute to the kindness with which the poor are treated by the farmers in general . " So again— " We had not th © least disposition to riot , but every one came forward , to preserve the peace , should it be broken . We attribute this good feeling to the wants of the poor being well attended toby the subscriptions of benevolent individuals ; and in the distribution of this relief the higher and trading classes have much greater intercourse with the poor than generally happens . " With regard to the second part it is evident that a callousness to
the sufferings of the poor , who , God knows 1 suffer enough , cannot bo the mode of fostering great reconciliation and affection . Thas we learn , as the cause of the riots in one parish , — " Distress on the part of the labourers occasioned by want of sympathy on the part of the magistrates and farmers . " And in Coleshill , Berks , — " the low rate of wages ; the harsh treatment of the labourers ; the desire to depress them ; the general feeling of distrust and animosity existing between the agricultural labourers and their employers "
3 . Extortion , whether Ecclesiastical orCitil , WILL RAISE DP A HOST OP OPPONENTS . —Men will not be robbed and then thank the tbief for the trouble he has taken , or be animated by the most kindly feelings towards him . Where unequal and burdensome taxes are laid on the labouring classes , they mil groan , and who can expect that any will be satisfied , when they have to pay large Bums for the support of a religion they dislike . The peaceful Church has been guilty of much violence . The tithes have indeed spilt much blood , and caused many a struggle both in Ireland and England .
In reference to this last cause , our Report gives one or two instances , which are all we can expect , considering that the informant was a clergyman or overseer . " In this parish some of the farmers accompanied the labourers , when they surrounded me in the Tillage , and demanded higher pay ; on their making this demand the farmers exclaimed against the pressure of rent and tithe . " Thus alleging it as an excuse for bad wages . " I should Bnppose that want of employment and extreme low
rate of wages occasioned by the pressure of the tithe system , muBt have influenced those unhappy proceedings . " " Agricultural labourers would all be apportioned among the farmers , except in parishes where tithes are taken in kind ; for the qniet of the country a commutation should , at all hazards , be immediately entered into by Act of Parliament . " " In Cornwall we had no burnings and but a few riots , which were directed against thrashing machines and tithes . "
4 . Distress . —Here , in Bad truth , a wide and deplorable scene epens before us ; we see human and rational beinga starving in the midst of plenty , and driven into a state bordering on desperation . The lowness of wages—the want of employ—the refusal or insufficiency of relief—the sudden fluctuations of value , together with a hundred other causes , among which we must enumerate the frequent vices of the Bufferera themselves , such as intemperance , &c , plange the working classes often , and deeply , into lamentable destitution . On this head , every parish speaks and gives some affecting details . We extract tho chief : — I 1
M Restore that feeling among tho labourers , that their well-doing depends on their good conduct , which can only be done by enabling the farmers to employ them . " u distress of the times , and want of proper employ . " " They were too ill-paid "before the riota . " " The distressed and wretched state of the poor . " "Want of employment , lowness of wages , a general discontent . "
M Actual distress in labourers and mechanics . " u Low wages and real distress . " " Insufficiency of wagesl and consequent deterioration of character . " ' ¦ . " Want of employment at ' a remunerating price . " u Primary « ause wft * low Wages . "
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. . " In almost every parish in Cambridgeshire , wherein riots or fires have taken place , I think the cause teas chiefly the cruel policy of paying the single menmuch below the fair rate of wages . " " Keep up the price of labour , or there will always be cause to fear . " *' By the sudden transition from low to high wages .. " w Want of food and clothing . " "We hare had no inoendlarism in Cornwall . The reason is plain ; we have had good crops for the last three years , with abundance of fish and potatoes , which last form a great proportion of labourers ' food during winter . Hence there has been no want of employment or food . " ¦ # . " In almost every varish in Cambridgeshire , wherein
"A callous and embarrassed administration of pnblic affairs , added to the still wretched internal feelings of the agricultural affairs , producing real want and suffering to the friendless and unemployed labourers , is generally considered as the cause of such un-Enqlish proceedings , " ' "In Steeple Clay don , Bucks , the pay of an unmarried man was three shillings and sixpence weekly !" M In the West of England the whole income of a man and his wife , with three children , was but eight shillings per week , and in many instances only seven shillings , which drove them to desperation !! I "
"Theriotous proceedings of 1830 and 1831 , were the acts of a peasantry bowed down to the lowest possible amount of wages on which they could exist , enjoying few comforts , and lacking some things considered ( by eommon consent ) the necessaries of l { fe " Is it not wonderful that men are so tranquil rather than astonishing that outbreaks should tako place ! One of the most extraordinary incidents to riots is the fact that they axe contagious , and that their course may be traced with geographical precision .
The consequences have been generally a removal of the grievance for the moment ; but this is but transitory relief , while the wound sinks deeper into the interests of all . We need hardly say that we are wholly opposed to these physical outbreaks , which are productive of no substantial good , which give our foes a good pretext for arming against us , which throw our best friends into prison and leave their wives and families certainly in misery , perhaps in destitution . We hold thai moral force , properly combined and properly directed , can effect all desirable changes . The remedy may be
already gathered from the causes and nature of riots . Injustice , oppression , and extortion , must give way as much as possible . Every means muBt be adopted for the prevention of distress , and when it does come , all due and necessary relief should be cheerfully awarded to the sufferers . The employer must display kindness and sympathy towards the poor and the employed ; but , let us never forget , the people at large must be satisfied in every reasonable desire ; their interests must be cared for ; it is necessary they should have a stake in tho country , and then they will be theirs * to repel her invaders , and the last to violate the established laws ox the sacred rights of property .
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THE DELEGATE MEETING AT MANCHESTER . The one great and primary object of the delegates who may be appointed from all parts of the country to meet in Manchester , on Monday , must be the adoption of Borne plan of general organisation , whereby the energies of the people may be rallied , concentrated , and directed . We have been for years aiming at the
establishment of something like an universal medium of operation and co-operation among the people . We have , during the whole of our political life , been pointing the attention of the people to the evils of disunitedness—the ill effects of mere sectional agitation—one party crying out for one thing , another for another , and another for another $ and we have still to reiterate the same cuckoo note—the same cry of "Union , Union , Union !"
Let us do one thing at once , and let us all do it together . It needs but this for the accomplishment of every righteous purpose that the people can desire *; without this , every plan must fail . Wisdom , and energy , and patriotism , are bootless in their leaders . When the people are a rope of sand . The salutary , though bitter lessons of experience in the school of agonised endurance which the people have been ever learning , have made them very generally to see and feel the justice of our precepts . Hence , though there is yet far from such an
universal manifestation of devotedness to one object as we desire to see among the people , there is yet enough of it to strike terror to the hearts of their oppressors , and to make them watch , with anxious vigilance , each movement of the mighty mass . This is the true reason why the present persecutions of political offenders are m » re vindictive , more cruel , more inconsistent with the spirit of our law , than was ever known at any previous period of our history . The people ' s voice , instead of being , an in former times , divided into separate faint cries for the establishment of sundry necessary rights , or the amendment of sundry evil
laws , or the redress of sundry pressing grievances , has been concentrated from all quarters of the land : East , West , North , South , and all have lifted up one shout of "UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE , " the foundation of all right—tbe means whereby all evil laws maybe remedied , and all political and social grievances redressed . This is now all but universally understood amongst the people ; they laugh to scorn the clap-traps of the enemy in which they were wont to be taken most easily . No single-measure agitation could now be got up , of which the utter and contemptible failure of the Corn Law Repeal Humbug affords sufficient evidence . . :
This is entirely owing to that intercourse with each other by which the people are enabled to interchange their sentiments , to ascertain from each , bow all are suffering , and to observe in the condition of the several parts the working of the whole system of society ; and that intercourse has been carried on mainly through the medium of the Northern Star , which , as an official organ for the whole people—a mirror in
which each man might see his neighbour ' s mind—has collected into one view the wants , sufferings , and wishes of the whole , and shewn that they all tend eventually to one point . Ah universality of opinion hasthuB been generated ; such aa was never before seen in this country . An object , a definite point to aim at , is now placed before the people towards which their whole attention is directed . The Charter it the thing looked for ; the thing wished for ; and desired by
all-But this is not enough . If the people would emerge from their condition of bond-slavery , they must be not merely of one mind in the selection of an object , but they must be equally of one mind in the adoption of means for its attainment ; else may their several exertions Serve Only to frustrate their universal purpose . This , too , has been perceived by all , and hence the almost universal eagerness that some mode of general action should be instantly
adopted : hence the plans and projects of organization whichhave poured upon us from all quarters with a rapidity which , while it perhaps detracted somewhat from thai closeness of attention to whioh the author of each one , no doubt , would deem hia own entitled , affords gratifying proof that the object wae not only universally but actively desired ; that the people were in earnest about it . We hail thiias one of the most heart-cheering symptoms of the people ' s readiness for , and devotednes to ; liberty .
We have had letters from all parfa requiring UHtO produce oub plan for the attainment of the Charter . We have ever chosen that the Northern Star should be the refleotor of the people , and their aiate , and circumstances , and opinions—the organ of their sentiments—the gazette ot their movemenip . We have never taken the position . of V dictator ; nor shall we ever do so ; nor shall Jlie ^ Northern Star while under our controul . We < bobl 4 hat aB po wer
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centres in tbe people ; that the power of the people is in their unanimity ; and thai unanimity is the nsult of deliberation . Hence , therefore , while we offer a vehicle for deliberation , we claim only the common right of citizens to give our advice and opinion on the matters of discussion . Nothing can be more plain than that some on ; plan must be adopted for the concentration of our power . The several plans that have been" propounded are all good ; they have each something to recommend it . It is for the delegates , the representatives of the people ' s wisdom , to say which of them shall be put in general opera-. . .. centresin the people ; that the power of the people
tion , or whether , from the whole , some one may not be formed , uniting the best parts of each , and leaving out what might be most objectionable from them all . This seems to us to be the first and most important duty of the delegates . Nay , we doubt if we should much err , in calling it their great and only business ; since , whenever an efficient mode of centralising and directing the national movement , laid down and acted on , the same machinery will effect any and every object which may be placed before it . ThuB the same organisation will present the means of establishing the Charter , and of supporting the incarcerated victims and their families .
It is of immense importance , therefore , . that to this subject the minds of the assembled delegates should be applied with all carefulness and prudence , since much of their ultimate success depends on the efficiency and practicability of the means they adopt . They must not forget the circumstances amidst which the people have to struggle against the united power of wealth , cunning , and cruelty . They must not forget that the monopoly of legislation , so long usurped by the factions , has enabled them to fence the people round with disadvantages , with pains and penalties , and legal
disabilities , which render a national organisation a thing to be well and anxiously considered . Most of the plans which have been put forward for the purpose of organising the people to procure the Charter , are , in the face of some one or other of the unrighteous decrees that are made by the oppressors , to bear the name and assume the operation of the law ; and hence , were they or any one of them carried out precisely as laid down by their respective authors , Government would nurse them till their operation reached a convenient crisis , then prosecute them in vast numbers , and cause them to be executed with merciless cruelty .
To aid the delegates in their deliberations on this matter , it may be useful to put them in possession of the exact provisions of the law , with respect to the existence and organisation of political societies . . The Acts which apply to Associations of the people , are the 39 th George III . c . 79 , and the 57 th George III . o . 19 ; and though malevolence and lawyer-craft have been unable to prevent the formation of Political Associations , they have succeeded in enveloping them with considerable difficulties , all of which may , however , be steered clear of , if the people mind .
The Act 39 th George III . prohibited all sorts of correspondence and intercourse between Societies whose proceedings were secret ; and it also prohibited the appointment of delegates ' or other officers in all such Societies ; and it further declared that every such Society was an illegal combination and confederacy , and that every member of such Society , and every person , not a member , who held intercourse with such Society , was amenable to the punishments mentioned in the Act . It did the same in respect to every Political Society which had any divisions or branches . It did not prohibit Societies which had no secret proceedings , divisions , or branches , from holding correspondence with other such Societies .
It did not prohibit the appointment of delegates , nor meetings of such delegates . It was therefore lawful for any Society , which , had no secret proceedings , to correspond in any way it pleased with other Societies ; and to appoint delegates to- meet and transact business , with the delegates of other Societies . But during the administration of Lord
Caetlereach , the liberties of the people , which had been much abridged during the administration of Mr . Pitt , were thought to be still too great , and it was concluded that the more the intelligence and consequent good conduct of the people increased , the greater was the necessity to destroy their "rights and liberties , " and an act was therefore passed with this intention , subjecting all political societies to the penalties of the Act 39 Geo . III .
No political society can therefore hold correspondence or intercourse with any other such society , nor appoint delegates to confer with one another on any matter relating to the society . These acts , disgraceful as they are to the legislature and to the nation , do not , however , prohibit any society from recommending the establishment of other Societies . They do not prohibit any society from sending instructions to any body of persons for the formation of other societies .
They do not prohibit any Society from appointing delegates to meet persons desirous of forming Societies , and assisting to conduct their proceedings to the moment the Society is formed , but all such interference must cease before such Society is declared to be in existence . They do not prohibit any one from being a member of as many Sooieties as he pleases . They do not prohibit any one from being a member of the councils of as many Societies as he plea es .
They do not prohibit any one from Baying in any Society , or in the council of any Society , anything he pleases , as a member of the council or Society he is addressing , provided he iB not , and does not take upon himself the character of a delegate from some other Society . Thus every man may see , what he may , and what he may not , do under these new-fangled laws , which his father or grandfather would have declared , the peopleof Great Britain never would submit to .
It appears therefore that the great difficulty intended by the factions to be thrown in the way of the people to prevent their unanimous movement for any great object is the obstacles created by these villanous enactments to the free intercourse of thought—tiie prohibition of correspondence Vainly , however , does the futile hand of selfish and dishonest man elevate itself against the almighty principle of right . Even this enaotment , powerful , nay , invincible as it might seem to make the factions becomes profitless to them , when an universal organ
of opinion and sentiment is established , to whieh all can have equal access , and through which all can communicate wjthall , without any correspondence between the parties—such a medium is pointed out to them in the plan of Mr . O'Connor , printed in our sixth page . Let that plan be well and carefully studied—let all the circumstances of the whole case be considered ; and we are satisfied that due reflection will convince any thinking mind more fully of the absolute necessity for a . perfectly universal medium of communication , in order to the well and safely working of any mode of moral
organisation of the people . Twould be » means by which every distinct Society could communicate with every other distinct society throughout the whole kingdom , every day of the week , without once holding any correspondence with each other , so as to bring them within the clutches of the law . 'Twould be a means of collecting , correcting , and directing the whole energies of the whole people at any One time , and in any one direction : we ask the peopl » to look well at it , and lay whether it be not the very thine wanted . , - '
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MR . BURNS AND HIS ^ NATIONAL PRESS " We think our worst enemies cannot say that the columns of- the Northern Star have not always been as free to the whole public as those of a newspaper ¦ can ox Otight , to fee consistent with a regard to pnblic utility . t ) eyoted to , the cause of freedom , ; but yet arrogating no : superiority of judgment or dis * cernment asto the means whereby it mights be btsi
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promoted , we have ever been disposed to accord t ^ right of public conference to all . ; In this spiritgave free insertion to the prospectus of Mr . Bui * for his scheme , of national emancipation througVwi establishment of '» National Press ; as indeed ^ have always done in Bimilar cases—notvritlistandnK that the papers which wero established andprofea ^ Radical principles , when we were about commene ^ refused to insert our advertisements for money . ^ know that if the plan of Mr . Burns succeeded to nx full extent—if his projected paper became a perfect ! national one—it must extinguish all other Radtafi promoted , we have ^ ver been disposed to tM n ^
journals , and amongst the rest ours ; but that did not prevent us ; we value the cause of truth and liberty above every other consideration , and , if we knew that we could serve it more effectually by relinquUfe ing , than by continuing the Star , we would give sjl to-day ; our object is to benefit the people—to hd » on the cause of truth . We had our « wn opinion « f the efficiency and practicability of Mr . Bukns ! scheme ; but that did not prevent us ; we claim qq infallibility of judgment ; the public had a right t « know his plans , and form their own opinion of them .
The same honest attachment to the truth which induced us to insert Mr . Burns ' s scheme , induced na also to insert the objections thereto of several pax . ties who wrote to us about it . The matter was % public one . It was a matter of great public importance , and it was right , therefore , that its principle should be canvassed . But Mr . Burns speedily became impatient of criticism : he could not bear to be too closely looked at , and replied angrily . Thi «
he was quite welcome to do : his reputation for good sense was in bis own keeping . But , when Mr , Burns bo far forgets the respect due from a pubuft journal to its supporters , as to imagine that we shall permit him to occupy , for week after week ^ the columns of the Northern Star with such disgraceful personal " rigmarole" ( to use his owft classic terms ) , as that of his present letter , we can assure him that he commits a small mistake .
Mr . O'Connor ass » rts in his letter last week , thai Mr . Burns was one of a party wfco conspired some time ago against the Star . This Mr . Burns denies in the following elegant terms : — * " Now , a more malignant , base , and unqualified li » was never uttered or written by man . I defy him to prove his assertion . J never at any time , with attf person , or under any circumstances , entered into such a conspiracy , and were I not well aware of the object sought to be gained by tbe publication of the falsehood , ( knowing it to be such ) , I ahonld have supposed it rather top much for the " Caged lion" to * have uttered , although I well know be does not stand at triflts , where he imagines his interest is concerned . "
Conscious innocence seldom grows outrageous , while the writhing of guilt may be often known by its bluster . What part of Mr . Burns ' s justification is helped by the heartless sneer about the " caged lion" t We opine that if he desire to recommend himself and his projected paper to tbe good opinion of those , in whose cause the " lion" has been " caged , " he will do well to keep this indecent chuckling a little more out of sight . Now for our owh justification J Mr . Burns has the audacity to charge us with publishing a"lie , know ing it to be such . " We did no such thing . We did not know Mr . O'Connor ' s assertion to be " a base , malignant , and unqualified lie . " We do not yet know that it is any such thing .
The matter stands just thus : Mr . O'Connor asserts that a thing is so—and Mr . Burns , that it is not so . The one assertion stands against the other ; and the question is of the respective credibility of the parties . Now , of Mr . . O'Connor we know something ; of Mr . Burns we know nothing but what we have learned from correspondence about this National Press scheme ; and we tell Mr . Burns candidly that we would sooner believe Mr . O'Connor than him ; we tell him , also , that when he charges us with publishing a "base , malignant , and unqualified lie , knowing it to be such , " without offering : any proof of so foul an accusation , he does that which places him altogether beyond the pale of " courtesy , " and entitles him only to contempt .
He follows up this gentlemanly effusion by & proposal admirably worthy of its author : — " Now , Sir , to make this communication short , I will hazard a conjecture or two : — " First—That bo long as Feargus O'Connor connect * himself with any agitation , the object ef which ia tobenefit the masses , that benefit will never be enjoyed , ani that he does not wish they should enjoy it . " I will endeavour to show this in a few letters addressed to Mr . O'Connor , and which I ¦ will send to you . for insertion in the Star , expecting , as a matter of ceurtesy , not to say of justice , you will allow their publication therein . "
To this we have a very short reply . If Mrr Burns had thought himself at all capable of doing what he promises to " endeavour to do" in these letters , it is not very likely that so patriotic a gentleman would have waited tfll the" lion" was " caged ' and gagged before he made bis attack . He knows that he can now say whatever he pleases , because Mr . O'Connor is precluded from all possibility of replying to him . We should ill discharge our duty in the conducting of a public journal to permit so unmanly a one-sided controversy to disgrace its columns . We would not permit Mr . O'Connor
( even if he were base enough to wish it ) so to treat any other man ; nor shall Mr . Burns so treat him in our columns . We are anxious that every matter of public interest and importance should be discussed on principle as widely as possible , and are willing to afford every facility therefore , but will not permit such discussions to be made the pretence for abusive personalities : and , therefore , since the whole of Mr . Burns ' s correspondence ha » now assumed this character , we shall here bring it to a close . The public have heard enough to form , their own opinion of the merits of Mr . Burns ' scheme , and we shall insert no more on the subject .
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O'CONNOR'S LOOKING-GLASS . Oh our sixth and seventh pages our readers will find another famous budget from O'Connor ' s minor . His second letter to the Editor of the Times , on his treatment , and several other matters , we have been obliged to reserve till another week .
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A Christian Working Mah . —His letter must stand over for the present ; we shall , at our first op * portunity , either insert , or make it the basis of an article . J . iH . —His acrostic is dreadfully tame in almost all Us feet . The Mighty ; Mushroom chronicled in our last um found in Fleet-street , near Henry-square , m the town of Ashton-under-Lyne . By mistake it teas put amongst the Leeds news . ¦ -. Bradford WoolCombers * Mejciing . —/ n the report of this meeting in our paper of the ith mst ^ tkt
name u WiUiam Tilley" should be Josef * > ¦ . wiiey . .. ¦ ¦ . ¦ ' - ;^ - .- ¦ - - ¦;; , /¦; .- .: ' y ;; :-- ; i D . Mjtchbli .. —We cannot insert the , poetry h $ M >^ sent us ; it is tpo ol& oni stale a . story . "Jf * -r xjwaysexpeclpoeirj / sent us to be original , unless > specified to the contrary } but we remember ree # ingthtstehena ehild . ' V > WittiAit Cooper , Weli > on-ik-ths-Wood 6 . —TT « 4 * > iu > t know whether b « can have any remedy f # !? the Pott Office impost complained of , but thsUit way would be to write to the PoshnasierGenvd t . ¦ ¦ and state the facts . : ' \ ; ' " ' = ^ V ^" - !/ ¦; ¦ ¦ ' %£ * W . " & . —There w more truth Ann > arirf > *« : ;
. rhymes . ; . ¦" .. - ¦; ¦ ¦ ::- ; " ; - ¦¦ " : ¦ • ¦ . . ^ ' ; : - . :- ; : ' : : i G . Q . —The ease shall not be lost sight of . J ; ^ ' - ^ J . Watrihs and W . A . Jtt . n « tw # k . ; ^ v-o MR . ClJ&WQS—That is what we want . . , ; .- . ^ 7 " Jp this should meet the eyeo / W * &iJISn * tol * l * tft resided at Stockport , we shall JeelobRgt ^ if will communicate his present address ., v < ¦ ¦ . ]¦; - ' ^ Thb STjiBScarBBRS ofMr . Bra ^^ e ^ 0 ei ^ y > ^ r liave their Portraits , as soon asth ^ r . aemu ^ iM ' ;' ¦ - tpaidMp . ,,: ¦¦¦ 1 : ' .. ¦ ,- - - ; ^ - ¦ - ^' •¦ - , *^ i Thk Tkh Shillingsyaolmowlea ^^ tn ' ow ^ f ^ wming ^ frdm S ^ MU i ^ a ^ a ^ f ^ i ^ O ^ j ! ieenfro ^ SegUll , 'Cum % rtdnaJ '¦*"
To Readers And Correspondents.
TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS .
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Lord Dciunan—Tt is possible that , baviDg' found tho prisoner Insane , you huve not applied your minds to the particular point as to whether the pistols vreie loaded Trtth ball ! Tbe Foreman—TYe have , my Lord . Lord Desman—When you ay that you do not think the prisoner fired a pistol loaded with ball , do you mean , to fsy that the prisoner is not guilt ; ? The Feranan—That is not cni intention , my Lord . Lord Beaniin—Tou had better retire to your room to reconsider that point . The Jury again retired at twenty minutes to seven , and having been absent until twenty-five minutes to eight , returned , vrhua the Foreman gave in the verdict as follows : — " We ilnd the prisoner guilty , but that he - sras of Bssoond mind at the time . "
The Attorney-General—Then , my Lord , I again submit on the the part of the Grown that the prisoner , Ed-ward Exford , having now been found guilty of the crime with -wliich he -was charged , be detained in custody during htr Majesty ' s pleasure , and that the Court will make an order t « that effect Lord Dcnman—That is now a matter of course . The proceedings here terminated , and the prisoner -was removed . The trial lasted till about eight o ' clock . HKADFOHD .
lleasra . Bodkin and S . Taylor contended that the Terdict was virtually one of acquittal , as the offence of ibang pistols loaded with bullets had not been proved . The Attorney-General rsfeired to the 4 uth Geo . III ., « ad coctendtd that the vajliet was not &u acquittal under the statute , inasmuch ' as it required that the Jury should find specially -whether the person charged - «»• , if acquitted on tfce ground of insanity , insane at tbe time be committed the act viih . irbich ha was cbarged . After some further discussion , in- -which nothing was arrived at , or , indeed , could kave been , on such a ¦ verdict—Lerd Denman—Do you find that the pistols were c&arged -with bullets , or not . ' The Foremm—That , my Lord , - we ceuiider that -we have sot evidc&ce sufficiently satisfactory to make us decide .
Foreman—We find the prisoner , Edward Oxford , Gviliy of discharging tvra pistols at her Majesty , but ¦ whether they were loaded with bail is not satisfactorily orsaEtieatiy proved , he being at tha time in an unbound stats of mind . Tins verdict was so inclusive as immediately to cause a coosidtrable discussion between the Judges , the Counsel , and the Jury , the latter party not appearing to know , although Uie question was distinctly put to them from the Bench , -whether the intention of their Terdict was " guilty" or * ' not guilty . The Attorney-General submitted , on the part of the Grown , that , as tbe Jury had returned a verdict of goaty of firing at her Majesty , the Court would make an order that he be detained in custody during her 2 £ * jestrs pleasure .
TRIAL OF OXFORD . CConiinued from our last . ) After the able address of Mr . Sidnty Taylor , the pr isoner ' s council , ti » e Court adjourned till Friday , when a number of witnesses , including the prisoner ' s grandxnothfcr and mother , Dr . Conolly , of tbe Han well Asylum , < tc ic , were called , all supporting the allegations of the prisoner's Counsel as to his unsoundness of mind . The Solicitor-General made a powerful speech in reply to tbe evidence adduced by the prisoner , directing his principal effort to shew that Oxford was sane . Lotd Denman summed up the evidence with his usual pespicuity . The Jury retired at a quarter-past five o ' clock , and returned into Coutt at a quarter-past six o ' clock ; their names were called over , and the prisoner was placed at the oar . He did not appear at all disturbed . Mr . Clack then asked whether the Jury had agreed apon then-verdict ?
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 18, 1840, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/king-y1kbzq92ze2693/page/4/
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