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November 1, 1851. ¦- ....;¦ THE NORTHERN...
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»~"~~""~ KOSSUTH. ^ TEUSER AT THE MAYOR ...
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ond measure the preponde-European contin...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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November 1, 1851. ¦- ....;¦ The Northern...
November 1 , 1851 . ¦ - .... ;¦ THE NORTHERN STAB 7
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
»~"~~""~ KOSSUTH . ^ TEUSER AT THE MAYOR OF SOTJTHP ^ AMPTON'S . Oo Saturday last the Mayor of Southampton enjo ined M . Kossuth at a dejeuner at his private I ( jence near this city , to meet the principal mem-[ 7 r 3 of the corporation , and several gentlemen and ^ Cong those present were Lord Dudley Stuart , ^ p , Mr . Cobden , M . P . ; Mr . J . It . Croskey , the Americ an Consul ; M . Puhzky , and several Hunf ^ jsn officers ; Mr . Sheriff . Payne , Aldermen " L & isuleT , Brooks , Lankester , Tuckor , and Palk . The JIator , in a highly complimentary address , proposed the health of the guest of the evenine , Ji The illustrious Kossuth . "
jI . Kosscih then rose , and in excellent English proceed 6 ' 1 to address tbe assemblage as follows : — jjr . Mayor and Gentlemen , —In rising to thank job most sincerely for tbe noble , kind , and generous sentiments which have been so well expressed , jnd so heartily responded to , I experience emotions far too strong to permit of any display of eloquence . Besides , I was quite unprepared to meet so distinguished an assemblage as that which I have the jionouT of addressing . Ifow , instead of any vain attempt to give you an eloquent speech , perhaps the better way will be to give you , in a plain unvaroiahedmauner , some information respecting the great cause which I have so deeply at heart . / Hear , hear . ) I wish the people of England to know
the true nature of the past troubles in Hungary , ju order that we may preserve the generous sentiments already . displayed towards us , and I believe that tbat can in no way be so well done as by a olain statement of facts , without any unnecessary tonrish or artifical pomp of words . ( Hear , hear . ) To understand fully the Hungarian question , it will be necessary to say a few words about Hungarian institutions . You all know that Hungary was for SOt ? years a constitutional monarchy , and that alone is no small indication as to the elements of strength existing in my nation . ( Hear , hear . ) When you reflect on the geographical position of Hungary , and reflect that tbe . Magyar race are Asiatic people , men thrust into the middle of European races ,
without friends and without kindred , you must give credit for the firmness and inherent strength that maintained the national institutions ior so long a period . We were , in fact , surrounded by despotic powers . On the one side was Turkey Encroaching on ns for centuries , and against which vie had for ages . been considered the bulwark of Europe—not only of its civilisation , but of its Christianity—and on another was Russia a power which , not for the benefit of mankind , has grown prodigiously in influence during the last century . ( Hear . ) On the third side waa Austria , not the large empire it now is , but the proper dominions of tbetflouse of Hapsburg , not oneof the sons of which , if history speaks truth , was ever the friend of
political freedom . Oneof them , 'tis true , Joseph II ., was the friend of religious freedom , and of the social freedom of . thejieasantry . But even he , the best of the Austrian dynasty , was strenuously opposed to any extension of political privileges . Such was our position , then , surrounded by Turkey , Russia , and tbe dominions of the Bouse of Hapsburg , and , besides all that , we had an internal state of things which ias always been considered a bar to national greatness—namely , that the people of the country ¦ were excluded from political privileges . Still , with all these difficulties , the Magyars preserved not enly their national life but their national institutions . ( Hear , hear . ) Am I not , then , justified in
savin * that in such a nation there are elements of a future , and that auch a nation deserves to have its rights ? ( Loud cheers . ) I have already stated that the original people of the country bad a share in constitutional rights . The constitution of Hungary was aristocratic , but an aristocratic constitution in Hungary was somewhat different to the meaning which is attached to the word in England . In Hungary the word is not synonymous with power and wealth , but simply means position obtained by birth , so that if a man were born noble , all his children aud children ' s children would be noble also . What was the consequence ? Nations , like individuals , are subject to many changes , and the descendants of the old nobles of Hungary did not
remain great and powerful , but became so propagated and diffused as to be nearly the people themselves , and poorer than tbe peasantry , because the nobles had the ambition not to work , as if labour vere not the highest honour of humanity . ( Loud cheers . ) Therefore , we found that this poor arisfc-eracy were not only in the condition of the people , but actually poorer , because not so industrious . Rut one prominent feature in these facts is , that our aristocracy was not so opposed to tbe extension of constitutional rights as even the other aristocracies of the middle ages , and as was formerly the aristocracy of this country . Sat in Hungary the nobles were diffused among the people , mere agriculturists , landlords , or
manufacturers and labourers , and therefore the word in one case must le taken with a meaning different from its acceptation in other counties . And , I must add , that although the people were not bjtue ancient constitution allowed to speak for themselves , still we always found among the aristocracy generous and valiant men—ready to stand forth as the champions of their country * and of the rights of humanity . ( Cheers . ) To enable them to do so , they bad framed two institutions—one was what I may call the parliament of Hungary , and the other was the county municipal institutions , which latter Taore than the parliament were the safeguards of the rights of the people . Because these county institutions were so framed that they could be the onl
y media through which the government could convey orders to the magistrates and other officers . These county meetings were composed of noblemen who resided in the counties , and in some counties amounted to twenty-flve or thirty thousand , even-One Of whom had the right of voting at elections ior magistrates , who were the only executive power of the country . Such meetings bad a right to dlSCUSS the orders of government ; and more than one case has occurred , in which the order was not forwarded to the magistrate for execution , but a remonstrance sent to the government ior sending it . They formed thus a strong barrier against the encroachments of the government ; and no country has needed such a barrier more than Hunffarv . For
raore than three centuries tbo House of Hapsburg las not had at its head a man who was a friend to political freedosa . ( Loud cheers . ) Sow , the House CI Hapsburg- lias ruled in Hungary for these three centuries—not by conquest , but by the free choice of tbe nation—not without conditions , but firmly bound by treaties , the chief feature of which was that when the king was admitted to power io the order of his Jineal succession , he was to rule and govern Hungary by means of its own public insti . tutions , and according to its own laws ; he swore solemnly to do so , and prayed to the eternal God to bless him and his race , * as he was true to his oith . Thirteen kings we have had of this dynasty , and no man can charge me with exaggeration when 1 say that the rule of these thirteen kings has been
a couuuuous perjury . ( Great sensation , caused by tae wonderful energy which M . Kossuth threw into the delivery of this sentence . ) Yes , perjury , tbat is the word . ( Renewed Cheering . ) Gentleman , I am a plain man , and call things by their right names . ( Cheers and laughter . ) 2 fow , when tbe Hungarian nation elected tho head of the House of Rapsburgh as her sovereign , tho country contained Upwards of 4 , 000 German geographical square niiles , which I , am informed , is equal to 100 , 000 ¦ tnglish square miles , and fifteen millions of people —no small or insignificant realm , as you willadmit . ¦ ri v ? r 'J At lLa £ time » too , the House of ilapsburgb ruled constitutionally in all their other
provinces , but , subsequently , those provinces I ost their rights ; and , through the whole of the three centuries , the direction of the ambition of the House of Hapsburg has been to obtain undisputed , absolute dominion over all tbeir territories , bhortly before the Pesth struggle , tbere was not a Single province of tbe Austrian empire that had a constitution , the ambition of the House of Hapsburg having absorbed the constitutional ri ghts of all . Our constitutional rights were not absorbed , because we did uot belong to tbe Austrian empire , nor had we any connexion with it , except such as tbat of Hanover with this country , with this exception , tbat tbe line of succession was not limited in the same manner . "We administered a coronation
oath , setting forth that there was to be no connexion between Hungary and any other province , and that , while we acknowledged the same sovereign , our rights were to be preserved , and we were to be solely governed by our own Jaws and customs . ( Hear , hear . ) We also provided tbat , in case the sovereignty should , in the line of succession , fall into the hands of a child , tbe same course should notbeadopted as in the case of Austria . In such a contingency , the regent of Austria would be some elder member of the royal family ; but we provided that a Hungarian Palatine should be appointed , so as that oar constitutional rights should not be absorbed . These rights were also protected by our municipal institutions , which with an
inherentstreagth that never could be completely broken , steadily resisted the encroachments of the crown . 2 y these means we preserved through all encroachments some shadow of independence , but the Austrian government having obtained absolute power m their other provinces , took every means , from open violence to the most insidious frauds tb overthrow onr municipal institutions . They fomented pnr quarrels , undermined our national character , impoverished onr country , and corrupted our nobles . Our parliament , which ought to be convened once in three , years , was not convened for tw enty , and so arbitrary government went on , until at last we became aware that from 300 0 » 0 to wO . Oflfl nobles would not be sufficient to defend the rights Of the country from the despotic tendencies ™ Austria , from this point dates oar struggles
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
which have now lasted for about twenty-eight years . We decided that our best safeguard would be to inspire all the people with the sentiments of patriotism , by giving all an equal interest in constitutional rights . ( Loud cheers . ) That was tbe direction of public opinion in Hungary in 1825 . We felt the necessity the more , because , although we had a board or council of government which by law was responsible to the country , and were bound not to carry into execution any order even of the sovereign , whioh was contrary to our laws , still we knew tbat there was no real responsibility in this council , because no corrupt body can be made to feel responsibility . Individuals may bemade responsible , but when the government becomes collective
responsibility vanishes . We saw therefore tbat our rights and privileges were vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian government , in which Metternich was then all in all ; and feeling that 500 , 000 nobles could not effectually resist such encroachments , we proposed to give to the whole fifteen millions of our people an interest in constitutional rights , and a motive for defending them . The peasantry must form an important consideration in every country , but doubly so in Hungary , which was and is chiefly an agricultural count ! y . Tbe condition of our peasantry became then the first topic with our nformers , who felt that our country , so highly gifted by nature , could never be made the earthly paradise it ought to be except by
free labourers enjoying constitutional rights ; and , seeing that our peasant had to work for his landlord 104 days in tbe year , to which must be added Sundays , festivals , and winter , and bad to give tbe ninth of his produce to the seigneur , the tenth to the bishop , we felt that this was a condition contrary to human rights and the principles of justice . ( Loud cries of "Hear , hear . " ) The first thing , then , we did was to emancipate the people . ( Loud cheers . ) The reform , however , was only effected by slow degrees . In the lone parliament , which sat from 1832 to 183 B , it was proposed in the lower home , which consists wholly of elected members , that every peasant should bave the right to make himself free of his feudal aud seignorial burdens by
paying off the capital of his dues . At first we proposed that this power should be independent of the will of . tbe landlord , but were opposed . by the House of Lords , until at last , by tbe influence of government , it was reduced to the privilege of purchasing freedom with the consent of the landlord . That modified measure was carried by the Com * mons and Lords , but was refused by the Regent , who was thus at issue with the people on this great question in 1836 . I should state that the members of the Common ' s voted as they were instructed by the comitats , and therefore it was towards the latter that the intrigues of the government were principally directed . They could not corrupt them by means of the Count Palatine , who being by
office president of the House of Lords , could not intrigue with the county meetings , and therefore other persons were . selected to carry into the county meetings every species of corruption . ( Hear , hear . ) They appointed an administrator in every county , who should never leave the county , but be present at every meeting , control every act , and corrupt every troublesome member , in order that the comitats might become at last the mere instruments and tools of government . It was this system that we opposed with all . our strength of mind and body , but with no narrow view to tlie privileges of our own class We wanted these institu * tions to be independent in order that we might reform our system for the benefit of the entire
people . ( Cheers . ) But the more we developed our views of reform , the more actively the government set their administrators to work throughout the country , and tbat was our condition up to the diet of October . or November 1847 , a year or so before the French revolution . I wish to show thatin Hungary we were not revolutionists—I am not blaming revolutions—but the Hungarians were engaged in no secret conspiracy , but at public meetings , and in an open and constitutional way , struggled manfully for their rights . ( Hear , hear . ) I myself had the honour to be elected a member of this parliament of 1847 , for the metropolitan county of Pesth , when the government of tbe day did everythin g possible to prevent my election . The good sense of the nobles , however , carried me in triumph . ( Cheers . ) The first question I proposed , according to the instructions I bad received from my constituents , was , that our municipal institutions
should be restored to their original purity , that the system of administrators should be abolished , and that until these measures should be carried no taxes should be voted . Tbe Houses of Lords and Commons were at issue on this question , discussing it for upwards of two months , and remained in disagreement . I should mention tbat it was necessary tbat both houses should agree upon a measure before it was laid before the King , but there was no limit to the communication between the two houses . Tbe measure bad not a majority in the Lords , because it contained so many functionaries appointed by government and persons aspiring to be functionaries , but still I have the gratification of knowing that , it was supported by many of the most independent of the Lords of Hungary , amongst whom was my lamented and unfortunate friend Louis Batthiany . Still corruption went on , and I felt at last that our only course was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of evil . On
the head of the King of Hungary rests two crowns , tbe one constitutional and the other absolute , and these two could never agree together . Which ultimately , prevails in the struggle history tells in many a dark page . I proposed , therefore , that as the House of Hapsburg declined to restore the rights of Hungary out of deference to the people of Tienna , it was our duty , as the elder brother in the national family , that the people of Tienna should alao get franchises . I believe tbat no just man will say I was wrong in that proposition , which was universally accepted . I was not planning revolution ; that is an accusation which I know will find no echo in the breast of any just or generous man . ( Loud cheers . ) My
speech on the , subject was read in all the coffeebouses at Tienna , news of the French revolution arrived , and tbe Viennese rose . That was the Austrian revolution , and I must frankly own that I inimedately decided not to ' Jbe carried away by the excitement of tbe time , but to take the reins of government into my own hands , and to avail myself of the opportunity God had given , not Hungary made . ( Cheers . ) The first thing I proposed was the emancipation oi the peasantry , and of course , under the circumstances , it was carried unanimously by both houses . ( Hear , hear . ) Still I was anxious not to hurt the interests of any person , but rather to spare those , who though not quite national in their origin , had yet , in course of time become
interlaced with the fortunes of a great many people . I proposed , and my proposal was adopted , that peasants should be free from all duties , free without paying—liberty is not a thing to be paid for ( Cheers . ) But I proposed at the same time that the seigneurs should get indemnification not from the peasant but from tbe land . Our country has large resources , which by good management would be more than enough to give full and entire compensation to tbe nobles . I engaged my honour and my oath to give this indemnification , and it was carried in parliament . ( Hear . ) As I stated before , tbe poor people had every duty but no rights , and I proposed that rights should at once be conceded , and that every man possessing the franchise
should , according to his means , contribute to the public necessities . This was carried unanimously . The third plan was , that the people should be admitted immediately to all rights of franchise , not only as to the election of members of parliament , but also for magistrates and other public functionaries . Rut now when all the people were admitted to the franchise , half a million of persons could not be convoked on our plan , and therefore 1 proposed that every community should select a person to represent them . These were my principles , ( Cheers . ) We proposed further that as councils of government could not be made responsible , the executive should be managed by members responsible to parliament . These were the proposals which were
carried out , with several others , with the details of which I shall not detain you .. We established a responsible ministry , emancipated the peasantry , ordained tbat tbe nobles should participate with the peasantry in all public duties , and that all should have the' franchise both for members of parliament and for county meetings . These laws were brought by a deputation headed by the Archduke Palatine , up to Tienna . He asked , in the name of the future of Hungary , and of the peace of Austria , that these terms should be granted . We were ordered to bring our claims before the Emperor of Austria , and also to ask him to give to our fettered brethren of Austria their rights . At that time there was doubt and hesitation in every
country except this , which , having made one glorious resolution , finds the principles then established sufficient to carry out every necessary change Here , then , everything was quiet , while on the continental ! was movement . The government hesitated to concede these just claims . I went myself to the Imperial Palace , and told the Emperor that if he persisted , I could not guarantee what would be the consequence , with these movements in Europe , and when tbe people of Hungary saw their just claims resisted . They told me the claims would be conceded if Tienna could only be kept quiet , and that it should hot appear as if the House of
Hapsburg bad been compelled to be just . It was one of those curious examples of the vicissitudes of human life , in which myself , an humble son of modest Hungary , was in a position to hold the destinies of the House of Hapsburg and all its crowns in these hands . ( M . Kossuth here made a powerful impression by the energy of his manner , stretching out both his hands as he finished the sentence . ) I said , "Be just to my fatherland , and I will give peace and tranquillity to Tienna . " They promised to be iiist , and before twenty-four hours I gave peace and tranquillity to Tienna- ( Ioud cheers)—and before the Eternal God , who will make responsible my ggul—before history , the independent judge of
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
events—I have a right to say , that the , House o * Hapsburg oweB its existence as a dynasty tb me ; ( Tremendous cheering . ) At last tbe sanction o the government was given to these Jaws , but while we were receiving the promises of the Emperor in one room , the Archduchess Sophia , the mother of the present king and sister of the last , was in another plotting with Metternich how to get rid of these promises . ( Hear , hear . ) In a few weeks the King came to Presburg , when I was first minister , an office which I was forced to accept . For I can appeal to the public knowledge of my nature , of my enemies , and of my friends , that . I always considered power as a burthen , Before We ent to Vienna for sanction to the law appointing responsible ministers , I addressed tbe people of Presburg , I
took my poor friend ; Louis Batthiany —( M . Kossutb was here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the people , " don ' t cheer me , he must be the first president of Hungary . " He declined unless I would enter office with him , and thus I was forced to enter . ( Rear , hear . ) In a few days after the Serbs revolted , stirred up as it appeared by tbe Camarilla of Tienna . They took for pretext that by ancient diplomas , that part of Hungary which they occupied to the amount of two or three thousand people had been given to thorn . Nobody denied this , but they insisted that it should be politically separated from Hungary and form a separate banat . Now , although this banat in which they lived contained 1 , 300 , 000 people , the Serbs number only 300 , 000 , who speak the Wallacbian tongue , the
remainder of the people speaking German . The government of which I was a member seeing that there must be some plot in all ibis , considered that we were bound to suppress this revolt . . Besides 1 should state that one of the chief political manoeuvres of Metternich was to oppose one nation by means of another . One army was drawn out of the land , part in Bohemia , and part in Italy , while we had in Hungary Germans , Croats , Poles , and Wallacks . - At the head of this revolt was the Ban of Croatia , and they finished by declaring their independence . We , the Hungarian ministers , entreated the King to give his consent to convoke , the parliament , in order that means might be obtained to suppress the revolt . I , the minister of Hungary nominated by tbe King , stood beside the Archduke
Palatine » hen he gave the order . ( Hear / bear . ) The Kingfled to Inspruck , and a deputation went there , inviting him to come to Buda , and rely on the loyalty of the people . We promised to defend him against . all the world—and the Hungarians have proved that they can defend what . they have promised to defend . ( Cheers . ) I also stood beside the Archduke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the King , condemning the machinations of the Croats and Serbs , and stating that he had given orders to his ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt . In the same edict he called upon bis faithful parliament of Hungary to levy an army , and to pro-, vide means to carry on the war . I it was who proposed it to " parliament , but I had hardly said a few words when I was stopped in my speechand the
, supplies granted at once . While these matters were going on , news arrived from Italy that the Battle of Costanza had been won , and that the government of Vienna were now in a position to consider the means of crushing Hungary . A proclamation was issued asking Jellacbich , who had been proclaimed a traitor by the king , to go against Hungary , calling him a friend . Surely there is not an honest man in the world who will not condemn that . ( Hear , hear . ) Jeltachich camo on with 30 , 000 men ; but we beat him , taking two armies and one general , our only force being theuudisciphned people armed with scythes . He then asked for a truce , and two days were given him , and in the meantime he broke his word and escaped . We followed him . I was then President of the Council
the ministry having resigned in consequence of the dissolution of parliament before the arrangement of the budget , which was against the constitution , which provided thatthe parliament should not separate without arranging the budget . In addition to this violation of constitutional rights , the king makes his alter ego , giving to him the power to govern Hungary , of Jellaokich , the man whom he had proclaimed as it traitor . "We said . we would not take the traitor as a governor , and that the parliament could not be dissolved , because it had voted no budget . We declared that the order for dissolution bad not been signed by the responsible officer , and that , therefore , the parliament must sit . I had then the honour to be President of the Provisional Government , and I ordered Jellacbich , who had
escaped towards Tienna , to be followed . When he came to the frontiers of Austria , I sent commissioners to the government , demanding from the general of the Austrian army that they should respect the laws of neutrality towards us , and not give any shelter to the revolted . But they not only protected him , but permitted him to join in tbe operations of the siege of Tienna . These two armies camo to Hungary under Windischgratz , calling us rebels and slaves . We struggled , and fought battles—history tells how . ( Loud cheers , ) But Still one thing I must add , that although we were victors , defeating the imperial armies in several battles—although the Emperor of Austria had issued a proclamation on the 4 th Mirch , 1849 , in which , relying on the false report of a general of victory
that never occurred , he- declared , by a single scratch of his pen , that the nationality of Hungary was blotted out , that its constitution was to be torn up , and that henceforth Hungary was to be incorporated with the Austrian empire , to be ruled by his good will and pleasure—notwithstanding all this , I say , still we did riot proclaim a rupture with the House of Hapsburg until I received certain intelligence that Russian intervention had been decided upon and accepted . ( Hear , hear . ) And lam sorry to add that we also got information that against this intervention we had no help to expect anywhere , ( if . Kossuth was here deeply affected , and burst into tears . ) Then I considered the matter in my conscience , and came to the conclusion that either my nation must submit to overthrow ,
and to an end of its life , without even trying to save ourselves , or if we were not cowards and base enough to commit such suicide , some reward was necessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the people ; and I proposed that if we were to contend against two great empires—if there was nobody to help us , nobody to prevent Paskewitsch , as he had promised , treading on the neck of Hungary—if we were to struggle for our liberties , as we had once struggled for the Christian liberties of Europe—then I proposed as a reward , the independence of Hungary , and my proposal was accepted . ( Loud cheers . ) That is a statement of what occurred , and you all know what was the result . How we fared , let me not say ; it is too deep mat ter for sorrow . This much only will I Say , that
although forsaken by the whole world , I am to this day confident that we would bave been a match for the combined forces of the two despotic powers , but it is my fault and my weakness , as the governor of Hungary , having the lead in this great movement , I had not art enough to fight with equal arms the duplicity of Russia ; you know how he introduced treason into our counsels . Had I only been prepared for this treason , all would certainly not have failed . ( Hear , hear . ) But the result of what has occurred is , that the House of Hapsburg , as a dynasty , exists no more . It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Cz * r— ( a laugh ) -to whom it has become the obedient servant . ( Hear , hear . ) But if the peeplo of England only decided that Russia should not set her foot on the nock of Hungary—if they would only resolve to say "Stop " to Russia , and nothing more , we might still be happy . Hungary would have knowledge ,
patriotism , loyalty , and courage enough to dispose of its own domestic matters , as it is the sovereign ri ght of every nation to do . ( Hear , hear . ) This is the cause for which I ask your generous sympathy , and which I am enabled to lay before you here through the generous hospitality of the Mayor of Southampton . He has acted the part of a kind and generous friend to one so undeserving as myself . He was a father to the unfortunate , and the protector of suffering humanity . Happy tbe realm where such a man can rise from the people by his own perseverance , his own integrity , bis own energy . It is the glory of England that such a man rising in such a manner can enjoy the honour and confidence of his countpymen . Let me , then , while expressing my humble and everlasting thanks for the kind sentiments entertained towards me , propose to you , with the deepest affection , the health of the Mayor of Southampton . ( Cheers . )
The Mayor returned thanks , and gave the healths of Lord D . Stuart , Mr . Cobden , and the liberal members of parliament . M . Kossuih interrupted the proceedings for a moment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristocracy of race , but simply one of . birth . The Magyars , who numbered about eight millions , had noblemen manufacturers ' atTd peasants among them the same as the other races . Lord D . Snunr briefly returned thanks . Mr . ConnEN having also replied , The Mator then gave " the Health of Mr . Croskeythe American Consul at Southampton . " .
, Mr . Croskey . was anxious that the movement in favour of Kossuth in this country should be entirely British , and therefore he should say but little . He was desirous that be should land on the shores of America with the spontaneous support and sympathy Of the entire British people . He trusted his reception in America would be a national one , such as on a former occasion they gave to Lafayette . The present meeting was he thought the best answer tbat could be given to the detractors of that great and good man . lie fully concurred in the doctrine of his honourable friend Mr . Cobden as to
the propriety of non-interference , but a time might come when America would , like England , be induced to take a more active part in European politics , and he hoped they would come introduced by the great English people . If that interference was firm and uncompromising it would probably deter any European despot for the future from attempting to put down the liberties of nations , ( Loud cheers , )
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
Lord Duplet . Stuart proposed " Health and Prosperity to the Corporation of Southampton , coupling it with the Health of Mr . Leishley . " Mr . Lwsulbt briefly returned thanks . M . Kossuih begged to take the opportunity of again thanking his English and American friends for their cordial sympathy on behalf of his unhappy country . He complimented England upon her monarchical and liberal institutions , and America upon her well-earned independence and constitutional republicanism . The name waslnothing ; it was the nature of the institutions and tho spirit of the people , which gave them their trim value . There were differences of position , of history , and of internal government which rendered one kind of institution acceptable to one peopleand another form
, of government to another , but the spirit of all was the same , if the people were to be free ; and that was tbe princi ple which if established upon a solid basis , as m England and the United States , was indispensable to freedom , social order and the welfare of the people . ( Loud cheers ' . ) As regarded his unfortunate country , he trusted in God and in the generous sympathies of the free people of that country . If they could only ensure the acknowledgment of tho soverei gn ri ght even of the people todispose of themselves , the independence of Hungary would be secured . The health of " Mrs . Andrews , " "Madame Kossuth , "the Press , " " Town-clerk-of Southampton , and other toasts were afterwards given , and the company separated shortly after six o ' clock .
On Friday Madame Pulssky presented tb Madame Kossuth , two eases of jewels which had been smuggled through from Hungary , the sole remnants'it is said , of Madame Kossuth ' s fortune . It is denied by M . Kossuth ' s friends that he re ^ ceivedany money from the United States . M . Kossuth attended divine service at the cathedral in an unostentatious manner on Sunday forenoon , going and re . urning by a quiet route to avoid sight-seers and lion-hunters . He did not receive many visits throughout the day , as he was too weary for the task . The number of letters addressed to him is very great , particularly frdm France , and hundreds are lying about his room which he has not had time to open , in spite of his assiduity and perseverance .
M . Kossuth left Winchester at half-past nine on Monday for the train to London , which he visited in order to consult some eminent physician as to the state of his health , which has been much impaired by captivity , and to spend a few hours with his family ,
BIRMINGHAM . A meeting of the Hungarian Committee was held on Saturday night ; it was announced that the signatures of a very large number of persons had been obtained in the invitation to be given to Kossuth to pay a visit to this town . The list of signatures embraces persona of all ranks , and ( excepting the ultra-Tories ) without any distinction of party or sect . It is understood that the illustrious Magyar has intimated hia willingness to visit Birmingham if it was the general wish that he should do so , and that he will be enthusiastically received in the most democratic town in England there cannot be a doubt .
GLASGOW . Tho following is the reply which Kossuth has sent to the chairman of the meeting at Glasgow who voted tbe great Magyar an address , and which address was presented to Kossuth by the Mayor of Southampton . The address has already appeared in our columns : — " Winchester , Oct . 25 . " Sir , —I have the honour to acknowledge with many thanks the receipt of an address lately adopted by a public meeting of the citizens of Glasgow , of which you were chairman . I beg to accept personally , and to convey to your fellow citizens , the expression of my warm appreciation both of the personal kindness you express and of the
distinguished public spirit which characterises your address . It is with peculiar satisfaction that Inoticethe stress more than once emphatically laid by you upon the martyrdom which liberty has suffered through the incursion of the hordes of Russia into a land which has succeeded through many ages in maintaining her free institutions against those who have attacked them . It is too true , indeed , that it is to the interference of Russia that Hungary owes the condition in which she now finds herself ; but I hail your ' allusion to the l Voice in the west , ' as an earnest that no intervention of any foreign power , so unjustifiable and dangerous to the dearest interests of all free states , will on any future occasion be permitted by your nation—a nation so
deeply interested in the maintenance of free institutions . You allude to my own efforts in the past , anil to the future , which lies before niy country . In what I have done , I have striven to fulfil the duties which devolved upon me , so far as my powers enabled me to do . For the future , I look to it with hope , with a sure confidence . My countrymen have learned the value of the institutions which they have inherited through centuries , and which bave been extended within late years to every class and race within the bounds of Hungary . The institutions which all have thus learned to value , and the whole body of my countrymen is ready to reassert , and the time will not be long , I trust , before the hour for that re-assertion shall come .
" I have the honour to be , Sir , with every senti menfc of consideration , your obedient servant , "L . Kossdtii . "
STAFFORD . The following is the reply which Kossuth has sent to the chairman of the meeting at Stafford which voted an address to the Hungarian leader , and which address was presented to Kossuth by the Mayor of Southampton . This address has also appeared in our columns : — " Winchester , Oct . 25 . "Sir , >* -1 lake the earliest opportunity of acknowledging through you , the address which the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Stafford have done me the honour of presenting to ihe , adopted at a public meeting held in that town on the 8 th September , and sign"d by yourself as chairman . It is with feelings of ( I hope ) a generous pride that
I acknowledge tbe truth of the testimony you bear to the achievements of my countrymen in the late struggle—a struggle in which we were successful until the intervention of one of the great powers of Europe took place in a manner alike unexpected by us , and dangerous as a precedent to all those nations which cherish free institutions , and are prepared to rely on their own efforts to maintain them . I feel also that it is a trust which it ia of the highest importance should be recognised , that in succumbing as our country has done to the intervention of Russia , we bave fallen ' martyrs to the cause of Europe . ' No free nation can do otherwise than have it forced upon its attention by the events that have now become a part of history , that if the institutions which it enjoys are to be maintained against danger of
attack , it must actively pronounce itself against the recurrence of such interventions as that to which Hungary has fallen for the time a victim . We struggled for no vague ideas , we were unwillingly forced to take up arms to defend for ourselves and for our children , against oppression and annihilation , those institutions and those liberties which our fathers have inherited and maintained and handed over to u j through many centuries and the advantages of which we had already succeeded in extending in a peaceful and legal manner to the whole body of our countrymen , a circumstance which as it has already attached all classes in Hungary to the cause for which we struggled , fills me with hope that those to whom such institutions have thus become justly endeared , will yet hail the day of their country " s restoration to freedom and independence .
"I have the honour to be , Sir , with every senti ment of consideration , your obedient servant , "h . Kossuth . "
MEETING h \ T FINSBURY . A general meeting of the irrhabitants of the borough of Finsbury took place on Monday evening at the British Institution , Cowper-sfcreet , for the purpose of agreeing on an address of welcome to Kossuth . Tho spacious hall was crowded to excess , and the proceedings were characterized by the utmost enthusiasm and unanimity . At eight o'clock Mr . O ' Connor entered the hall , and waa received with great applause , The chair was occupied by Dr . Brookes , who said it was desirable that there should be no sectional feeling on ' this subject , but thataday and place should be appointed at which all the addresses might be presented . ( Hear , hear . ) This would be a . proof of unanimityand magnanimity , which would have more effect on the Austrian government than any display of armies . ( Cheers . ) While honouring the love of liberty in the Hungarians , they ought not to forget it at home . ( Hear , hear . )
The Secretary read letters of apology for nonattendance from Loi-d Dudley Stu'irt , G . W . M . Reynolds , T . Duncoinbe , Ernest Jones , and Mr . Perry ; some dissatisfaction' was expressed at Mr . Wahley riot bavin" answered their invitation . _ Mr . Webber moved the first rcs 6 liition , greeting with pleasure the arrival of Kossuth , whom they recognised as the only legal governor of Hungary * expressing their abhorrence of the treachery of Georgy , and their lament that the people had act possessed tho power as well as the will to render more efficient aid to Hungary during her struggle .
The resolution concluded by expressing a hope that the independence of Hungary would be yet secured by the governments of England' and America compelling a strict enforcement of tho principle of nonintervention . Mr . Webberrejoiced in an occasion like the present , the tendency of which was to unite all Liberals in a demonstration of their love for freedom , , and to convince the government that no halfme ? . suros of reform would satisfy tho people . ( C ' aeew . ) They wanted liberty for themselvess ' j lf-emaucipation ; and they could obtain this for themselves . ( Hear , hear , ) He moved a resolution I hailing the arrival of the patriot Kossuth iu Eng-
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
land as the representative of the Hungarian nation and its only legal governor , and lamenting that the people of England , not being represented in parliament , had not the power , as they had the will , to make an armed interference in favour of Hungarian independence . ( Cheers . ) ^ Mr . O'Connor seconded the resolution . He had never attended a meeting which gave him greater pleasure . He had a fellow feeling with Kossutb , for he had been eight times tried , and had been imprisoned for the cause of liberty . " The b y old ' Times '" attacked the honest and brave men of London for the manner in which they treated the ruffian Haynau . If he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had been with those brave brewers' men , he should scarce have let the wretch depart with his life , A man
who could tear women and children limb from limb , and throw their remains to the dogs , was not , and should not be treated as a human being . So man struggled more gloriously for his country than Kosbuth . He trusted that the people would show such sympathy with him as would enable him speedily to return in triumph to his native land . Hungary was the Ireland of Austria . Ireland has seen a million and a half of her population destroyed since the taking of the last census . In England they had plenty of idle land and idle labourers , and yet the people were starving for want of food . Let them look to Belgium . There every inch of land , even up to the factory foundation-stone , was well cultivated . In the House of Commons he had told them tho plain truths , which were received with
groans and shouts . They declaimed against vice and drunkenness , and yeo raised a largo proportion of revenue from the sale of intoxicating drinks . Their arehbi .-hops , bishops , and clergy , had an income of ten millions a year , although tho Bible taught them that "it was " easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven , " If they hadtheohou e to give up the ten millions on condition of going to heaven , he believed they would rather retain it and go to hell . Men were not . naturally depraved , . is the priestg taught them . Give him ( Mr . O'Connor ) a child of a prostitute two years old , and ho could bring it up to be prudent and virtuous ; and give him a child of the Queen , add he could bring it up in vice and immorality . He told the House of Commons that he cared not who was on the
throne , a King , a Pope , or a Pretender , provided the power behind the throne was greater than the throne itself . This was called treason . The Queen possessed but the same feelings and faculties as another woman . Women were not allowed to give a vote for a member of parliament , or to sit in the House of Commons ; was it not , then , an anoihaly that a woman should reign over them ? He scarce dared give vent to his feelings on the subject of the meeting , lest he misht be entrapped into speaking
treason . Kossuth had sacrificed his all for the good of his couiitry—he was now an honoured guest on then- shores ; and he trusted they would welcome him with tho enthusiasm he deserved . He ( Mr . O'Cennor ) hadabosacrificed his principles and his country . Ireland had been more oppressed than even Hungary—but he trusted yet to see them both prosperous and free . Mr . O'Connor concluded by proposing three cheers for Hungary , aud three groans for the " Times , " which were given with a hearty good will .
Mr . B . O'Brien supported the resolution , and congratulated the meeting on the fact that all which the " Times" could do to injure Kossuth made no impression on the great mass of the people , whether working or middle classes . After the present enthusiastic expression of public opinion , no future government would dare to wink at Russian interference . ( Cheers , ) It had been urged against Kossuth that be had stolen the crown of Hungary—no great crime probably—( laughter)—but tho charge turned out to be false , as did others of tho same time . It was a startling fact , that the continental powers had now three millions of regular troops , or hired assassins —( hear , hear)—and the " Times" was applauding
the despots for keeping the regiments up to their Ml complement . He firmly believed it was the intention of the European despots to destroy every vestige of liberty among the working classes throughout the continent , if these men once stepped a foot across the frontier of Prance , it should be a signal for tbe democrats of all Europe to fly at once , not at these hired butchers , but at their sanguinary employers . ( Immense cheering . ) He was for non-intervention . When a people were ripe for arresting power from their oppressors , he was not for getting up a propaganda to assist them ' ; he was for letting them nlone , confident they would perform their work . But he was not for letting a horde of hired assassins from another land come to assist the despots against the people . This was the doctrine which Kossuth had
propounded since he had been among them . Hungary was able to fight her own battles . All he claimed was , tbat the principle of non-intervention should be strictly carried' out , If Russia interfered , then it would bo the duty of England to iniunediately step in to the assistance of Hungary ; that would be true honour and policy . It was the duty of the people to drive Lord Palmerston to adopt this policy , nnd allow no interference with the efforts of any European power to achieve their freedom ; but he thought he had been deceived , and was certain that he did not thoroughly understand the position and feelings of the great bulk of tho English people . When Kossuth crossed the Atlantic he would imbide fresh sentiments , and would then act with mure energy in the interest of the people .
Mr . Bezer addressed himself to the subject of the resolution , and was much applauded . Mr . Dick supported the resolution . The resolution was carried unanimously . Three cheers were given for the Sultan , and the meeting separated .
BANQUET TO KOSSUTH IX SOUTHAMPTON . M . Kossuth , accompanied by M . Pulski , Lord Dudley Stuart , Captain Townsend , Hon . Mr . Walker , Lord Charles Fitzroy , Mr . Wilcox , M . P , for Southampton , tbe Mayor of Leicester , and several other gentlemen , arrived on Tuesday by the two o'clock train , and were received by the Mayor and Town Clerk of Southampton , Mr . Borrett , J . P ., and some other members of the corporation , as a deputation from the town , M . Kossuth and party proceeded at once to the house of the American Consul , and partook of a dejeuner ; after which he proceeded to the town residence of the Mayor , to receive addresses . During his short stay at Mr . Croskcy's , an offer was made on the
part of the American Ocean Steam Packet Company , of a free passage to America , for M . Kossuth and family . About five o'clock the party proceeded to the town-residence of the Mayor , where an immense crowd awaitodthearrival of the distinguished stranger , Deputations were there received from Sheffield , Durham , Sunderland , and . one or two other places , to all of which M . Kossuth returned short verbal replies , and proceeded in tbe Mayor ' s carriage to the banquetting-room . So great was the crowd that filled the streets that the Mayor and M . Kossuth were obliged to alight at some short distance from the hall , and make the rest of their way on foot , amid the most enthusiastic cheering from the people .
THEBASQUET . The banquet took place in the ancient Town Hall , which was handsomely decorated for the occasion . A large portion was allotted to the ladies , and waa handsomely decorated with flags and flowers . A seat of honour was provided for the Mayoress , who was accompanied by Miss Croskey , the daughter of the American Consul . A magnificent dinner for 200 was provided , and it is hardly necessary . to a'ld that the room was densely crowded—indeed , so great was the public interest on the occasion , that five guineas were offered for
tickets in tbe course of the morning . His worship the Mayor presided in his robes of office , having the mace before him . On the right of tho Mayor were M . Kossuth , Lord D . Stuart , the Honourable R . J . Walker , Mr . Wyld , M . P ., Mr . Alderman Wire , Mr . Gilpin , die . On the left were Colonel J B . L ; iwrence ,, (« Mac / ieto the United States Legation , son of the American Minister , who was detained in town by the indisposition of Mrs . Abbot Lawrence , ) Lord C . Fitzroy , Sir J . C . Lillio , Mr . Croskey ( United States Consul , in his Consular uniform , ) M . Pulsky , General Tetter , < fcc . ; Mr . P O'Connor , . M . P . ; Mr . Harris , M . l \ , & .
The cloth having been removed , the Mayor gave " The Queen" and " Prince Albert , " which were well received . Letters apologising for non-attendance , on tho ground of ill health , were read from Mr . Abbott Lawrence , the American Minister , and Mr . J . Townsend . The following toasts wore then given in succession , and responded to : — "The Sublime , Porte and the Suliiaa of Turkey / ' " The President of the United States , ' " ' . *« Lord Palmerston and iler Majesty's Ministers . " On ; the toast of the evening being givea , the Mayor , ia a fervent and much cheered speech ,, said , my friends , wo have seen a contrast which must have been fresh in your memory , of a foreigner , distinguished , did I say , landing on your shores , with a splendid sword hanging by hia side , and his breast covered with stars and medals for his villany in flogging one of
the weaker sex , an act which would disgrace a savage—I mean tho brute Haynau . ( Groans . ) He waa hunted and driven by the true . English-hearted draymen to seek refuge in the dust-hole of a pothouse . But our noble illustrious guest , drawn by the cords of love , affection , and sympathy , is welcomed by a great majority of the people of Eng . land . ( Hear , hear . ) This must be as gratifying to our honoured guest as it is to us all . ( Cheers . ) There is no doubt the Czar and Kaiser have heard of the disgrace of Haynau , and no doubt they will soon hear with great terror of tbe triumph of Kossuth . ( Cheers . ) Our illustrious guest has come here , not with the blade of the eword' victorious , but became here with it unbroken and untarnished either by dishonour or defeat . ( Hear , hear . ) He had ever drawn it on the side of that which is good , and he has ever used it iu defence of hia country ' s
»~"~~""~ Kossuth. ^ Teuser At The Mayor ...
froedoffl , ( Loud cheers . ) He has ever accompanied its exercise * with words of peace and progress , of hope and comfort ; for he is as eloquent in worda as he is great in acL ' on , as powerful in deeds as he has been magnanimous in defeat . I give you " The Healthpf his Excellency Louis Kossuth . " It is impossible to describe the enthusiasm with which this speech was received . The company rose and stood for several minutes cheering . The ladies waved their handkerchiefs , and tho object of all this popularity stood with his arms folded on his breast , and indicated his gratitude bvhowing re « ps . itedJy . M . Kossuth rose , and was received with a fresh burst of cheering . Having expressed bis thanks to the Mayor and corporation lor their generous welcome .
he said , God has awarded two blessings for those he has determined to favour : bliss in heaven , and freedom on earth . ( Loud cheers . ) Mayjournoblo English nation be ever gifted with both these bles * sings . ( Loud cheers . ) . So man who is aware of tho importance of his destiny , can live satisfied without freedom , but he to whom God has granted freedom has got everything , if he has got the mind and the will to use his freedom to the development of his own and his fellow creatures' happiness , with such consistency of purpose as the English people have exhibited . ( Cheers . ) During all my lift I have Lai one single leading idea—liberty . ( Loud cheers . ) The aim of my existence was to secure the blessings of that liberty to my people , although
1 knew those blessings but instinctively . ( Hear , llOlir . ) Now , when I bfehold England , and see how liberty enables men to beautify nature , how should I not feel doubled in my determination to endure , to work , to struggle , and , if it must be , to die , that my people may become free—that people of whom I say there are none who better deserve to become free ? ( Loud cheers . ) But , besides the blessings of freedom , it is also a glory allotted to you , your proud position is to be able not only to bear goodwill to those who do not enjoy the happiness of freedom , but also to have a helping hand always ready for your more unfortunate brethren . ( Cheers . ) That is the glory of England , and in your national capacity you have illustrated the words of our
Saviour , " Love thy neighbour as thyself . " ( Cheers . ) It is only so I can explain the great phenomenon that I see around me , where so many men of different rank and station , but all united in the love of liberty , join to express their sympathy for that principle of liberty of which they choose to consider me the humble representative . ( Cheers . ) It is only thus I can explain the great phenomenon that even that honourable class whose entire capital is the labour of thoir hands , stop in their work , and sacrifice their time , to say , with that noble internal instinct of a people before which every individual purpose must bow , that the great principle of liberty can reckon upon the people of England . ( Ckfers . ) And well may the working classes of
England be identified with the great principle of liberty ,, becauaevvithout liberty there is no lastingso * oial order . It is indispensable th . it every man should in full security enjoy the fruits of his own labour . Without liberty , obedience to the law cannot be insured , because when the lawgiver is a tyrant and a despot , obedience to the law reposes only on fear , but when the lawgivers are tho people themselves , they will obey tho laws , although they may be op * pressive , because they know that within themselves is the power of modification . ( Hear , hear . ) Therefore I say . that without liberty there is no obedience to law . Without liberty there is no field for the productive labour of those who work . Without liberty there is no
security for person and property . ( Hear , hear . ) The blessings of this liberty may be allotted to other peoples , to enjoy it under such government as may su t . their wants and wishes . It is not without reason this sympathy with liberty , not only because there is a moral solidarity in the destinies of the world , but also when the productive labour of a country produces more than it can consume , such a country must have free intercourse and uninterrupted communications with other countries ( Hear ) This free intercourse , this uninterrupted interchangeof produce , is summed up in the wordsfree trade . ( Hear ) Now , I beg to ask the question , is this idea of free commerce realised by the fact of free imports into England ? I believe there is yet
another part to the idea very important , very vital , and that is the free exportation of that which the industry of England produces . ( Hear , hear . ) But free exportation has no meaning , if that which is exported cannot find a free market in other parts of the world . Therefore , I say that not without reason tho people of England sympathise with the principles of liberty , because without the liberty of Europe there can be no free trade . ( Hear , hear . ) All despots fear free trade , because liberty of commerce is the most powerful vehicle for the extension of civilisation . ( Cheers . ) No single community can eiv ) oy welfare and happiness except on the condition that the interests of tho community are in harmony with the interests of individuals . The principle of all evil on the
European continent is the despotic and encroaching spirit of the Russian power . ( Hear , hear , and loud cheers , ) There is the pillar which supports every body who wishes to establish his way on the sufferings of his nation , and to raise himself upon the ruins of liberty . ( Hoar , hear . ) There is the rock which breaks every sigh for freedom on Europe ' s continent . It was not without reason , then , that I said , that the principle of all evil upon the continent was Russia . ( Hear , hear . ) These words aro so true that even Jesuitism , which , in these last times commences again to raise its bead , finds its support in the power of Russia . ( Hear , hear . ) We are in the neighbourhood of a great nation , which mourns enough at not enjoying the fruits of its many sorrows and sufferings . There is a party there which is called—I don't know with what
right tho Jesuitical party ,- and you all know that that party threatens Franco with the Cossacks . And even here , in this glorious country , it is not long since there was a question much agitated as well in public opinion as in parliament . I know what is convenient in this place and due to you . I will not enter into the question , but will only state one curious coincidence . I am a Protestant —( cheers)—not only a protestant by birth but by conviction . ( Cheers . ) But I am a humble member of a nation the majority of whioh is composed of Catholics . Now it is not one of the least glories of my nation that in all times , in the present day as well as in former times , when our fathers bled for liberty in religion
and freedom of conscience , there have been Hungarian Catholics who have taken the lead in strug « gling in a peaceful manner , as well as on the field of battle , for religious liberty and freedom of conscience . In that way the freedom and the rights of Protestantism , always opposed by the House of Hapsburg , who were ever strongly united with the principle of Jesuitism , this freedom , these rights , were established by treaties , by pacific means , by the victorious swords of Hungarians fighting for freedom and conscience . It is true that as socn as freedom was obtained the sword was laid aside ; for Hungary has been a land of loyalty in all time . It may suffice to say , that the freedom of Protestantism in Hungary was secured by laws , was secured by treaties , on the maintenance of
which the existence of the Hapsburg . dynasty was made to depend . In 1 S 4 S this was included amongst other reforms ; and scarcely had Russia raised the fallen house of Austria , by putting its foot on tho neck of Hungary , when the first deed of the restored house was to destroy the rights of Protestant liberty in Hungary . And then , gentlemen , this is connected with another- fact with respect to the Catholic church . The- kings of Hungary , in former times , were always anxious not to allow any power to meddle , and chiefly not to allow the Court of Rome to meddle in the temporal affairs of the Catholic chur . sh in Hungary , so much so that one of our most glorious kings , Matthius Corvinses , an Hungarian , by birth , seeing the encroachments of the court of Rome on his
rights , said to one of tho Popes ,. May yonr holiness remember that Hungary , which bears a double cross on her banners , has never endured that the court of Rome should interfere-with the liberty , of the Hungarian people . " So anxious were the Hungarians in former times t & secure their independence . And when the Emperor of Bussia had succeeded in crushing Hungary , ono of the first things that he did was to give the Jesuits of P » ome full , power to feed on Hungary —( hear , hear ); and with this he united tb » destruction off the autonomy of the Protestant church . { Uqxtj hear . ) - Now , gentlemen ,, these are the things which have caused so great an agitation in this land . Jesuitism was established by tho satellite
of the House of Austria i . and even in that respect lam entitled to say that the principle of every evil in Europe is the despotic and encroaching spirit of Russia , upon which leans every man who will do that which is wrong to the many , You know , gentlemen , that that is-the power which England meets at tho Bosphorus , aVtue Nile , and all ever Europe . This identity of the interests of England with , tho interests of the freedom of Europe makes mo hope that the generous sympathy which we meet with here will not remain an empty sound —( hear , hear . ) —that it will not remain without some practical results to my poor country and to humanity .. ( Much
cheering . ) There is my confidence , my hope . ( Hear , hear . ) No party in England , I believe , will deny that the armed interference of Russia in Hungarian affairs has increased bey rance of Russia on the hear . ) Russia having nations , and taken upon domestic councils , it long as Hungary is not independence , the Europe will not retire will increase . ( Hear , in the name of my Of all the oppressed ™ England may draw its Hungary ' . Gentlemen and hope , is that England
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 1, 1851, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_01111851/page/7/
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