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4 _____ THE NORTHERN STAR. April 4, 1846...
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THOMAS COOPER, THB CHARTIST'S WORKS.
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THE SOUTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, APRIL i, 1846.
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STRIKES IN LANCASHIRE. Another of those ...
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POLISH PROPAGANDA. " Thk insurrection is...
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW. The debate aud div...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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4 _____ The Northern Star. April 4, 1846...
4 _____ THE NORTHERN STAR . April 4 , 1846 .
Thomas Cooper, Thb Chartist's Works.
THOMAS COOPER , THB CHARTIST'S WORKS .
Ad00407
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TO TAILORS . Sow readv , TEE iOXDOX and PARIS SPR 1 XG and SUMMER PASHIOXS , for 1816 . By approbation of h « r Majesty Queen Victoria , and bis Royal Highness Priaee Albert , a splendidly coloured print , beautifully executed , published by BENJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , Hart-Ftreet , Bloonisbury-square , London ; and G . Burger , Holywell-street , Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all booksellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with full size Riding Dress
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DAGURREOTYPE AND CALOTYPE . THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATES CASES , and every other article used in making and mounting the above can be had of ? . Egerton , No 1 , Temple-street , Whitefriars , London . - » ascriptive Catalogues gratis . LEREBOURS' celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , sent to any part of the country at the following prices : —Deep Power , O'Os . ; Low Power , 25 » . Every article warranted .
Ad00413
Just published , by the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , Parts I . and II . of THE POLITICAL WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE : to be regularly continued until completed . This edition of the works of Paiue has the merit of being the cheapest and neatest ever offered to the public . It will consist of five parts , stitched in wrapper , at sixpence each ; and will be embellished with a beautiful vignette of the author , eugraved exclusively for this work . London : Cleave , 1 , Shoe-lane ; Hejwood , Manchester - , and all booksellers and agents of the Xortliern Star . N . B . Orders executed by T . M . Wheeler , General Secretary ; and by the various Sub-secretaries throughout the country .
The Southern Star. Saturday, April I, 1846.
THE SOUTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , APRIL i , 1846 .
Strikes In Lancashire. Another Of Those ...
STRIKES IN LANCASHIRE . Another of those periodical struggles which mark the unnatural and hostile relations which exist between Capital and Labour under the . present system is now going on in Lancashire . The battle originated in Manchester , in consequence of a demand by the carpenters and joiners of that town , giving notice to their employers that on and after the 1 st of March they would require an advance of sixpence a day . The reasons for this demand were , that the trade was in a flourishing state ; that an advance of wages had been given in other districts ; and that in other trades ' wages had either been increased or the hours of labour curtailed .
To this notice , which was given on the 1 st of January , the masters returned no answer until the 27 th of February , when they intimated their willingness to give an advance of two shillings per week upon condition that the hours of work per week , which were last autumn reduced to fifty-seven the year round , should be increased to sixty—the old number . To this proposition a negative yvas unanimously returned by the men , on the ground that the increase of the number of working hours would tend to produce a surplus in the labour-market , and
thereby inevitably bring about a reduction of wages . A strike was the consequence . The masters in the other building trades learning that their workmen were assisting the carpenters , gave them notice to leave , and at the end of the week 4 , 000 bricklayers , slaters , plumbers , glaziers , painters , plasterers , and their labourers , were thrown idle . The masters in these trades united for the purpose of aiding each other in resisting the demands of their workmen ; and , with an inconsistency not unusual with selfish and angry people , called upon them to break up the Trades' Union at the dictation of a Masters '
Union ! The contest was not , however , confined to Manchester . Acting upon the aggressive policy of their brethren in that town , the employers in Liverpool and Birkenhead demanded that their workmen should sign the following declaration : — " We , the undersigned , do hereby declare that " we arc not , or will not remain members of any Trades' Unions , or of other societies , under whatever designation they may be known , which have for their objects any interference with the rights of labour , or with the arrangements that may be entered into between employers aud workmen . And we further declare , that we will not
appropriate , and , as faraswc are able , will not jxmtut to be appropriated , for the purpose of supporting a turnout here or elsewhere , amongst the building branches or otherwise , any sum or sums of money belonging to any sick , burial , or other society which has been established for benevolent purposes alone . " And upon their refusal to do so , upwards of 3000 were turned out in Liverpool last Monday . "W hile writing , we learn that this war against Trades ' Unions , on the part of the masters , has extended into the West Riding of Yorkshire , and that 330 joiners have been turned out in Bradford for declining to Eign the declaration , being the whole of that body in the town with the exception of four
foremen . It will be seen , therefore , that , in this instance , the blame of the distress , disorganisation , had feeling , and other usual concomitants of a general and extensive strike , cannot be thrown upon the men . The masters are the peace-breakers , the aggressors ; and the wanton , as well as unjustifiable nature of their attack , is all the more conspicuous , because , in the manifesto in which the Liverpool employers announce their determination to compel their men h sign the declaration , they have the following pas-
Strikes In Lancashire. Another Of Those ...
sage , which we give exactly as it stands in the original : — They bold that justice to the public as well as to the operatives , requires that iaboob as well as capital su all bb fbee ; that every man ought to be at perfect liberty to dispose of his labour , which is his capital , when , where , and as he pleases ; that it cannot be for tho advantage of the working classes themselves that a dictatorial inquisition should be established , and that an irresponsible agency should exist , to create a monopoly , and tax the industry of the many for the benefit of the few .
It is strange that it should not have occurred to some of these Solons , in the midst of their blind rage against Trades' Unions , that the above is as applicable to their own conduct as it could have been , had the Trades' Unions been the aggressors , which they are not in this quarrel . How , in the name of common sense , can lauour be free if the masters establish " a dictatorial inquisition" which is to take cognisance of the manner in which the labourer
spends the money he has honestly earned , and dictate the course he is to pursue vtlth respect to the most private and most sacred of his rights ? The whole affair is so preposterously absurd , so glaringly tyrannical , that nothing , save the blissful unconsciousness of the monstrosity of the proceedings under which these gentlemen are labouring , could offer any palliation—if that circumstance can be accepted as such .
The tone of the papers through which they express then feelings is also curiously illustrative of their total want of comprehension of the wrong position they have assumed . The Liverpool Times talks of the masters having " determined fairly to take the bull by the horns , and at once to put an end to the turn-out ; " of their "hope thus to ' strike at the root of the evil by cutting off the supplies yvhich the men now are sending to those who have turned out . " This is strange language for a free trade paper—for an advocate of the right of everybody to do what he likes with his own—to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market . Or do these staple doctrines of the political economists only belong to the favoured class of masters ?
It is occurrences such as these which make the working classes suspicious of the flaming patriots yvho preach up " cheap bread and free trade" as the panacea for all grievances . Tkey know that these very patriots are ever foremost in the warfare against the rights and comforts oi the working men , and they believe that their principal object in urging forward the change , is to have an opportunity of growing more speedily rich through the means of the unbridled and unregulated competition which will thereby be introduced .
If anything could stimulate the trades of this country to persevere in their old course of maintaining Trades' Unions for protection against aggression , it would be such conduct as that of the masters upon this occasion . They have thus forcibly brought home to their senses the unsleeping nature of the foe against whom they have to contend . The fine generalisms in yvhich certain pseudo-philosophers indulge as to the identity of interest between Capital and Labour are demonstrated to be practical falsehoods . There is a natural and indestructible antagonism betyveen these two elements , yvhich must continue so long as labour is a commodity to be bought by the former .
Our sympathies are with the labourers in this struggle , and they have our heartfelt wishes for success . This is not t"he time for us to reproach them with inattention to the great principles , political and social , which for years this journal has urged uton their notice ; but yvc cannot refrain from reminding them that political privileges are the best safeguards of social right ? , and that until the course of action he adopted of uniting their own skill , capital , and intelligence , in manufactories , workshops , and farms ef
their own , they will be unable effectually to cope with machinery and capital , monopolised as these now are by a few men yvho have the same interest in crushing labour evcryyvhere . The measures organised by the Trades' Conference last autumn , and the Chartist Land Society , offer to the trades the means of doing this ; and if they understand their oyvn permanent interests , they will , immediately on the termination of this struggle , make these associations NATIONAL in their scope , and in the numbers , wealth , aud energy at their command .
Polish Propaganda. " Thk Insurrection Is...
POLISH PROPAGANDA . " Thk insurrection is over , " say the German papers ; the " ill-timed struggle is at an end , " say the London journals . If it be so , it is some consolation to remember that that stiuggle has been not altogether unnoticed in this country ; nor has it passed without the voice of the English Democracy having been raised in behalf of our persecuted and unfortunate , but gallant brethren .
Wc say the English Democracy , because we dare assert , confident that we assert truly , that the London meeting represented the sympathies , sentiments , and wishes of the great majority of the people of this country . Why similar meetings have not taken place elsewhere , we shall explain presently Tho convenors of the meeting postponed it till the eleventh hour , in the vain hope that the " aristocratic , " " parliamentary , " and " respectable" patrons of the Polish cause would have taken the initiative in this indispensable demonstration . But it was
" not the time , " Lord Dudley Stuart " could not see that an expression of public sympathy would be advantageous to the Poles at the present moment . " Dr . Bowriko " doubted whether a demonstration at this juncture would aid the Polish cause . " In fact , none but the working men felt sufficient intcicst in Poland to consider it " the right time" to express their sympathy . Tky came , and such a meeting was holden as , for numbers , unanimity , enthusiasm , and eloquent appeals in behalf of the principles of eternal justice , has but rarely been seen in the metropolis .
Ihe good results of the meeting were immediately apparent . Of the nine daily papers in London , six reported the proceedings ; and although some of the reports were meagre enough , they all contained the resolutions adopted . The editor of the Morning Advertiser ably defended the meeting , remarking that , "if sentiments were uttered disagreeable to the upper classes , and especially to those distinguished persons who have been accustomed to speak ( or dance ) in behalf of Poland , they have themselves to thank . It is easy tor them to hold meetings , and manage the work in their own way . " Again— " The
Polish question is a people ' s question . The people moved , it will be practicable to move the Legislature and the Government . Let us thenjleterniine , as a people with Spartan resolution , that we will entertain this question , and that we will decide it . Let there be meetings , large , honest , enthusiastic , and unanimous , in favour of our oppressed brethren , and let our government understand that the people of England are determined that their sentiments shall find admission into the Cabinet of St . Petersburg !! . We must be the advocates of the feeble against the
strong , of the oppressed against the oppressor , of the brave and tho patriotic against the cowardly and cruel forces of the North—or elso the day will arrive in which all virtue and right will be borne down by the same ruthless forces which have crushed and ground the unhappy Poles . " These are generous sentiments , and do honour to our contemporary . Another paper , the Sun , in the course of an article on the meeting , declared that " the assembly waa precisely what it should have been , especially as being the representative of the sentiments entertained in this vast metropolis . "
On the other hand , the meeting did not escape the malignant assaults of the lYnwsand the Daily News As regards the latter , we may observe , that being in its death-throes , the genteel twaddler of Fleet-street may be excused for its raving insolence , or rather its burlesque attempt at aristocratic exclusiveness , in denouncing the " heated , ignorant , and illiterate followers of Fearous O'Coxkok . " The meeting was all wrong , " Because , " Bays the Daily News , " men of education and note were absent . " Now , as our readers know , all the men of" note" who had patronised the Polish cause , or at least the "Polish Balls , "
Polish Propaganda. " Thk Insurrection Is...
were invited ; and amongst the men who give themsel ves airs about their " education , " Cuabi . es Dickens and Douolas Jekrold , reported to be two of tho conductors of the Dat'fy News , ware invited , but their " education" failed to teach them the common civility of oven replying to the letters sent to them ; a piece of genteel vulgarity which not one of the " illiterate followers of Fkahgus O'Cokxou" would have been guilty of . But we will not waste further words on this abortion—everybody in London is aware that its days are numbered .
The Times abuse was of a different character . The Thunderer denounced the Chartists as the representatives of the "holy brotherhood of revolutionary France ; " the raisers of the cry of " death and ruin to kings , and thrones , and ancient institutions ;" champions of " the sovereignty of the people ; " and last , not least , men guilty of the crime of " speaking to the heart , not the judgment—appealing to the sympathies and sufferings of the humane and oppressed . " " From these /' saysthe Times , "theChartist expects the responsive echo , and ( alas ! for the folly and weakness of human nature ) too often he
receives it . " "Alas ! poor Yobick "—alas ! poor Thunderer , It was only a few days previous that the Times was boasting that the "delusions of the Chartist * " had been stifled or dispersed , " and that in this country there yvas nothing to apprehend either from Democrats or Communists ; they were politically dead , and their doctrines extinguished ! Hence the " resurrection" at the Crown and Anchor naturally set the TAundercr in a rage . The Times particularly assailed Messrs . M'Gratk , Harnet , and Doyle , for their denunciations of the system of privileges , denying that the Polish people yvere
oppressed and miserable because ruled by the rich and noble , but because they were not placed in a society of " various and nieely-sbaded gradations . " Such as exists in England , we presume ! These " nicelyshaded gradations" certainly are very well for some folk . Our "interesting" Queen and Field-Marshal Albert doubtless have not much to complain of . The titled usurpers of the soil , such choice specimens of hereditary wisdom as tho Dukes of Richmond , Norfolk , and Buckingham , for instance , whom the Times , in its free trade zeal , has done its best to bring into contempt—a very
unnecessary labour—they should be satisfied with the" nicely shaded gradations . " The cormorants of the Church , whom the Times describes as affording the most flagrant instances of criminals stained with the most infamous vices—incest , adultery , cruelty , avarice , chicanery , and slander—this class ( we except tho curates ) no doubt , consider the " nicely-shaded gradations" a providential system for them . So with all the privileged classes , including the flunkies lick-spittle editors , and other supporters of things as they are . Of course , the " nicely-shaded gradations " afford the writer in the Times a snug birth , and he is satisfied . But what about the masses ? The tillers of the soil subsisting on eight shillings yveekly ,
y vora . cn stone-breaking , children toiling in the abominable rattle-boxes , the thousands of unhappy beings in the Union Bastiles , the gnawers of rotten bones , the numbers who die of starvation ; behold the state provided for these classes , the majority of tho community , by the " nicely-shaded gradations , " which the limes writer recommends as tho panacea for Polish grievances . ' If this was all the hope we could offer Poland , we would rather that annihila . tion yvas the doom of her children . The unholy system of English seciety , insteadof being imitated in other lands , must be uprooted from its native soil be fore justice will reign , or England seta fitting example toother nations .
The denunciation of the London meeting by the Times will do good , not evil . It will show the continental nations that the British people are not faithfully represented by the British press . That if the latter opposes the rights and happiness of the nations of Europe , the British masses are the friends of those nations , and determined to aid them in their struggle for the overthrow of tyranny of every description , and the establishment of the rights and liberties of all .
The appeal made by the Tt » i « g to the Poles to repudiate the English Democrats , has been sufficiently answered by the address of the Polish exiles published in our last number . The Polish and the British Democrats both recognise "the banner hoisted on the walls of Cracow , " the banner of equal rights and equal laws . This week we have experienced the additional satisfaction of receiving personally the thanks both of tho deputy of the Polish committee established in Paris , and of one of the most trusted and popular men of the Emigration , who , though of the aristocratic rank , is a sterling Democrat , and an enthusiastic defender of the principles proclaimed at the London meeting ,
It has unfortunately happened that simultaneously with the breaking out of the Polish insurrection , large masses of the operatives in the most Democratic districts of England have been cast out of employment , some of them ( the woolcom hers of Bradford , for instance ) through the increasing substitution of machinery for manual labour ; and others ( the building trades of Lancashire ) through the atrocious tyranny of the capitalists , who are striving to reduce to yvorse than Polish bondage the men who are insulted with the title of " Free-born Britons . " These turn-outs not only affect the men in a state of
forced ldfeness , but also all other trades who naturally and properly tax themselves to support their struggling brethren . Under these circumstances , large or general subscriptions for the Poles cannot be obtained . Moreover , the minds of the workmen being occupied with their own struggle for existence , renders it a matter next to impossible , at this moment , to get up demonstrations in the shape of meetings for the Polish cause . Besides yvhich , the withering influence of the daily press must betaken into account , reiterating as it does , day by day , that
the insurrection is at an end , thereby damping the ardour of the British people . Still , yve know so well the generous sentiments of the working men of Britain , that we feel fully justified in asserting that the London meeting faithfully represented their ideas , and that , did it depend upon them—had they the choosing of the legislature—could they command the government , British intervention yvould immediately hurl the miscreant of the North from his bloodccmentod throne , and re-establish Poland in her ancient independence , and more than her ancient freedom .
Having to contend with these unfavourable circumstances , it may be supposed that ; the Committee for Poland ' s Regeneration , appointed at tho London meeting , cannot effect much at present ; nevertheless , the members of that committee having been elected to do a great and noble yvork , must not let present untoward events discourage them from the performance of their duties . They may do much of themselves , and very trifling aid will enable them to do
much more . It must be their province to watch every act of the oppressors and the oppressed , and to let no act ( coming to their knowledge ) of cruelty on the part of tho former , or devotion on the part of the latter , occur , vrithout holding such acts up to tlio execration or adm iration of the British people . Should any new victims of despotism be driven to these shores , the committee must strive to arouse public sympathy in their behalf . By addresses to the people , and memorials to the legislature and government , the committee should constantly keep the sufferings of the Poles before
the British public . Lastly , we suggest that a brief and clear statement of the wrongs of Poland , and the means of redressing those wrongs , similar in spirit to the petition adopted at the London meeting should be sent to every member of Parliament , ami his answer required as to whether he would support the views of the committee ; these answers to be published as one means toward creating a manifestation of public opinion strong enough to ultimately compel the British government to inteifere for the restoration oi Poland . But to carry out this suggestion , the committee will require some pecuniary aid to deiray the expenses of printing and pontage ; even
Polish Propaganda. " Thk Insurrection Is...
the postage of a single letter to each member of Parliament will be an item of some account , but still of inconsiderable amount when provided for by the subscriptions of thousands . We observe that the South Lancashire Chartist delegates have recommended that the subject of Poland ' s wrongs should be brought before the next Chartist Convention . We trust this recommendation will he taken up in every locality , and the delegates , when elected , instructed accordingly .-Since the j-. bove was written yve have received a copy of the Jlefome ( Paris paper ) of Tuesday last , containing a most admirable article on the Crown and Anchor meeting . Wc shall endeavour to give a translation of our cotemporary ' s generous comments in our next number .
" The insurrection is put down "—so say the journalists in the pay of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie ; of that yve are not sure , but even if " put down" i can but be for a moment . Read the following , men of Britain , and ask yourselves—can Poland be con . qucrcd : — EXECUTION OF THE MISONEItS . We extract the following from a letter from Warsaw : _ " The executions which took place on the loth form a bloody wrea th round the crown of Russia . Not only were the executions announced by proclamation , puMlshed in the newspapers , stuck up all over the city , distributed in tho streets , and sent into the
different houses , but the public was invited to attend tho execution , as if it were some scene of festivity in which they were enjoined to share . This festival of the Kuslian government took place at a late hour in the day ; generally the condemned were executed at eight in the morning , at times even at four . Two Polish nobles , two citizens , Stanislas Crociszewski and Zarski , were executed at ten in the morning of the ICth . They died on the gallows . The sentence for civil criminals in Poland is decapitation ; military criminals are shot , The ignominious death on the gallows strikes horror into the public mind . It was to cast this ignominy on the martyrs of the 16 th that they were ordered to be
hung . They were mistaken . The gallows has been honoured by the death of Zarski aud Kosciszewski . All the towns in Poland are to witness similar executions . The people of Warsaw showed themselves worthy of the trial on the 16 th ; 20 , 000 men were under arms . Before nine o ' clock scarcely a soul was in the streets . Suddenly the streets of the noble city were crowded by dense masses , proceeding solemnly towards the place of the execution . The space which separates the Citadel of Warsaw from Marimont and Bielany is an immense barren field . This place yvas filled by an
immense multitude , who came to bid a last farewell to the martyrs of their country , and whisper hope to them in their dying hour . At the execution of Konarski , at Wilna , the Russian soldiers wept . This was a scandal in the eyes of the government , To prevent the damnable crime of shedding tears , instead of having them shot like Konarski , the conspirators were ordered to be hung . The regiments on duty in the streets , and on the place of execution , were terror-struck at the aspect of the papulation of Warsaw . The traces of recent tears yvere on the faces of thousands , but at the solemn moment not a tear was shed—they denied such a gratification to their
enemies . " As the hour of ton struck , an extraordinary movement was visible in the assembled multitude , aud when the fatal noose was passed round ( he nocks of the noble victims , the men uncovered their be . \ ds , and the whole populace knelt as one man . The sky had been overcast all the morning , but at the fatal moment the sun burst forth in its glory , aud then vanished behind the darkening clouds . After the execution of Zarski and Koscissen-ski , the sentence of Litynski followed immediately , The noble Litynski , a man of property at Warsaw , after suft ' eriug degradation under the gallows with his fellowprisoners , likewise coudemued to Siberia , received his
stripes by passing through two files of soldiers . His fellow sufferers are noblemen , and in Russia noblemen may not receive stripes . The generous-miuded and patriotic Litynski is of humble extraction ; he was therefore flagellated . When a soldier is sentenced to receive any number of stripes , a non-commissioned officer pveeedes him holding a bayonet against his breast , so that he may not advance too quickly , and thus avoid a few stripes . The Russian government , fuaring lest Litynski should rush upon the bayonet , and thus put an end to his suffering , had ordered two non-commissioned officers to precede him with the butt-ends of their muskets turned against his noble breast ,
A nation suffering such wrongs—a nation constantly producing such heroes , may be worsted in one , two ,, ' or three struggles , but must ultimately be victorious . Britons , read the above again—read it to your wives , and tell them , what is , alas ! too true , that numbers ol Polish yvomen have been driven mad through the loss Of their husbands ; read it to your children , and teach them to lis' p hatred towards Poland ' s executioners , and sympathy for her suffering sons and daughters . Imprint every word of the above blood-freezing tale
upon the tablets of your memories . Let the names of CnociszEWSici , Zarski , Litvxski , and their brother martyrs , become household words" ¦ Names of tear That tyranny shall quake to hear . " Names of love , that patriots shall burn to imitate . Oh , men of Poland , heroic brothers , despair not—What , though your cause be baffled—freemen cast In dungeons—dragged to death—or forced to tiee , Hope is not wither'd in affliction ' s blast .
The Patriot ' s blood ' s the seed of freedom ' s tree . The Crusade shall b < 5 organised—it is organising , not in secret , but openly all over Europe . They call you , our unfortunate brethren , " conspirators !" Well , then , we too are " conspirators "—your every thought and hope is also ours ; and with you yye have syvorn eternal hatred of your tyrants . The " Polish Propaganda" has commenced in earnest ; and it shall never cease until Poland , from the Oder and the Carpathian mountains , to the Borysthenesandthe Dwina—from the Baltic to the Black Sea , shall take her place amongst the free and independent nations of Europe , owning no foreign tyrant , and no sovereignty but that of the entire Polish people .
Parliamentary Review. The Debate Aud Div...
PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The debate aud division of Monday night upon the new Coercion Bill for Ireland afforded a curious illustration of the radical disorganisation of parties within the house , and of the precarious tenure by which the Ministry hold possession of power . Sir Robert Jong since proclaimed Ireland to be "his chief difficulty . " It is so , and will continue to bo the touchstone by which the ability to govern of many an administration besides his will be tested , As it was , on Monday it produced a kind of Ministerial crisis . The small majority by which the Home
Secretary was permitted to make his statement—the large number of Liberal members who were absent not caring , we presume , to precipitate the fall of the Ministry until the Corn Bill is carried—the support of the Protectionists , upon the evident ground of their thereby obtaining the object of their wishes namely , the postponement of that bill till after EasJ ter—and the fact of "no house" having been made on the following evening , are all facts which throw light upon t | ie singular position in which Sir lloiiebt ' s recent policy has placed the different parties of the country .
The Protectionists and the Liberals may , perhaps , entertain the belief that if they can oust Peel from office they will be able to govern on the old traditional ideas of their respective parties , according as the next general election may help either of them into power . We hold no such opinion . The old party standards will never again rally a sufficiently strong party to wield the destinies of this empire . Pbjsii has laid the foundation of a new policy—a policy in accordance with the genius and tendencies of the age—at once Conservative and progressive ; and whoever hopes to rule in future must neither hold obstinately by the exploded prejudices of tiie past , nor the narrow exclusivism of an antiquated and one-sided Liberal creed .
Neither Staxley and a Protectionist cabinet , nor Russeu , and a Whig one , would be long able to maintain themselves in power . The progressive and Conservative party , of which Peel may be taken as the head and type , will , in the long run , triumph over both . Meanwhile , both are eager for his downfall , and only restrained from a combination of their forces for that purpose by tho skilful manner in Which ho plays oil ' each against the other . But for the sake of obtaining the Corn Bill , tho Liberals
would have aided the Irish members in putting the Ministry in a minority ou Monday night . But they know that they would , if in power , have no chance of carrying such a measure ; and , though fully impressed with the belief that at no distant dale they will be in power , they believe , also , that their stay in office will be all the longer if that great question Is settled lor them . At tho same timo , the Whigs dare not alienate the Irish members , and therefore liey made a sulKcient show of co-operation with
Parliamentary Review. The Debate Aud Div...
them to establish a claim upon their future support , without immediately damaging the Minister . The Protectionists , on the other hand , though quite as eager for revenge on their leader , yvho has , as they think , betrayed them , have no notion of obtaining that revenge by voting in opposition to the policy consist , ently pursued by their party towards Ireland . Hence , they sppportcd a Minister they dislike , and whose policy they abhor . Apart from its bearing upon the state of parties , the interest of the debate was heightened hy the personal attack of Sir . Shaw upon Sir J . Graham , which imparted to it a peculiarly " spicy" flavour .
Sir James , Lost week , insinuated that the bitterness of Mr . Shaw ' s opposition arose from the fact of his having been disappointed—first , in securing a retiring pension , as Recorder of Dublin , and second , in an application for the Chief Secretaryship of Ireland . These allegations Mr . Siuw effectually disposed of . 'the second , especially , he declared to be without a single atom of truth ; and having passed an elaborate eulogium on Feel , as a man incapable of an untruth , he expressed his regret that he had fallen into such hands as Graham ' s , who yvas the evil genius of his cabinet , and with whom no ministry could long exist in this country . He felt neither fear nor
resentment for him , but a much less dignified feeling , which the forms of the house would not permit him to name . The excitement created by Mr . Shaw ' s spirited attack yvas immense . The Home Secretary , in his reply , reminded us very much of the inimitable Pecksniff of Dickers . His air and tone were elaborately meek , the very impersonation of injured innocence , but , with a truly angelic superiority tomere human frailties , he had no anger whatever towards his assailant . The attempt , however , to make it appear that his charge as to the Irish Secretary , ship was prospective , and not retrospective , was so transparent that a universal groan of disbelief followed its utterance .
The slow progress of the New Houses has been the theme of complaint for several sessions past , and has been the occasion of some talk in the Lords this yveek . It seems that Mr . Barry , the architect , and Dr . Rbid , who has charge of the heating and ventilating , are at loggerheads , and , betyveen the two , the " . New Palace at Westminster" stands stock-still . It is proposed to put the matter under the direct control of the Woods and Forests , as there is no probability of any termination of the dispute between the belligerent parties .
A case of great importance to the press and to the public was disposed of on Wednesday . An investigation into the state of the Lichfield Free School having been ordered by government , the results were published under its authority in the usual shape of a report . The editor of the Wolvcrftampton Chronicle inserted this report in his paper with comments , and a prosecution yvas thereupon instituted against him , which resulted in a verdict of £$ 0 , which , with costs , made his loss altogether £ 300 . Mr . Parker , the original publisher of the report , was also proceeded against , but was defended hy the government—a verdict for 10 $ . was taken by consent , and the
government paid all the costs . It was now asked that Mr . Wood , the second-hand retailer of the government information , should not be treated worse than the original publisher . The justice of the claim was disputed , and the motion was ultimately withdiawn , This appears to us to be a very hard case . It involves not only the utility of the " blue books" and other documents issued by government at a vast cost to the country , and which , unless presented to the public by means of tho newspapers , might as well never be presented at all , but also the right of newspaper proprietors to make use of information which , having been
collected by the authority of government , and published under its sanction , ought to be available to the whole community , We can scarcely conceive of a greater piece of injustice to the individual than the payment of the costs of the action against the original publisuer , and leaving the mere copyist to bear the brunt of a second ; nor , on the other hand , of a greater attack upon the freedom and usefulness of the press , the conductors of which will be deterred from the exposure abuses , even when such exposure comes with the sanction of a government inquiry , if they have reason to dread that great pecuniary loss , if not ruin , will follow such exposure .
'ihe question of a Poor Law for Ireland yvas debated on Wednesday . Mr . Pouusi Scitoru , who introduced it , has devoted many years to this special question , and somewhat elaborately explained the grounds upon which he urged the adoption of his views . One of these we must extract : — The third object of a Poor Law in any country was , he believed , to give that protection to the life of the poor man which ought to be the foundation of all law , and which was necessary to take from him the plea of abso . lute necessity as an excuse for crime . The law of the land , he believed , sanctioned the commission of crime in the e . vtremest necessity ; lie believed that the judges of the land had ssid that stealing a loaf from a shop by a man who was starving from hunger wa » not punishable by law . The Attorney-General denied that it was so .
Mr . P . Scrope continued—But at all events they could . not punish a man who was starving , and who helped himself for the purpose of maintaining life to the nearest food , at hand : and tlierefoie , unless they could give relief , they - could not justify the law which protected any property t whatever , especially property in land , which was the common s gift of the Creator to mankind upon which to maintain them- selves ; and he asserted indisputably that when they es- ¦ tablished a monopol y of the land of a country in the hands s of a large or a small number of proprietors , the mass off the inhabitants of that country had a right to call upon l Parliament to give them some other resources to secure e them from absolute want , and from polishing upon the e tiice of the land which God had given them to support-t themselves .
Ol course , these extreme doctrines roused the vir-rtuous indignation of the Ilome . Secretary , who ioldUl Mr , ScKOPE that-Considering the present state of Ireland , aud the excitement which prevails , the topics yvhich he has ad-id . yerted to , and the maimer which he lias dwelt on them ^ n , iu my humble judgment greatly tend to aggravate ^ , without his intending it , the circumstances of thehul present crisis , and to add fearfully to the difficulties ol oil administering the affairs of that country . It was-asi possible to be a consistent and honest enthusiast , auduc at the same time a very indiscreet person ; and it iv . waii also possible that enthusiasts mi ght rush in , where exes natural and indistructible antagonism between thestest perieneed statesmen connected with the locality woultuk fear to tread .
Meaning , we presume , to include himself amonpnsi these " experienced statesmen . " " The great majoritritr , of landlords of Ireland , " continued the right hoaom hart , with a naive simplicity winch one hardlrdl ; knows yvhether to be amused or angry at , "haha * come to a conclusion exactly opposite to that" of iliiln Sc-koi'e . Of course , they have . Human natuvtuv : everywhere , and Irish landlord nature especiallyillv is prone to get rid of all the pecuniary burdens ' is " can . The establishment of a legal right to relief ref « employment on the part of the peasantry of Irelaiflani would leave less money to be spent by their mastcistcii in Rome , Paris , Naples , or Loudon : and no wondcudc ;
that with an acute affection for their own brceeheche : pockets , they have come to the conclusion that sue sue a right to the peasant would be a great wrong llg 1 them . But are yve for ever to legislate for a whotvho : people on the narrow ground of class interests sts i personal advantages ? Why should the Irish Ian lam lord alone be exempt from the duties naturalural appertaining to his position ? Why should he ilie u ceivc all , and give nothing back in the shape oi etoi en ployment , or relief to those whose labours are t ; e t . source of all his wealth ? When Sir J . Gr . ujvr . uu . says that debates on this question , and the declauclan tion of the right of the people to a subsisubsisi
ence in the land ot their birth "way be written tten hum of blood in Jreland , " he merely cxhibxhibi his own innate consciousness of the oppressiressii and injustice to which the people re subjected , aid , ai his incapacity to comprehend the very alphabet oiet oi ! truly statesmanship-like policy for that cotmtmmtt But a righteous retribution falls on this country limits injustice , or neglect or ignorance in the case cases Ireland . The guns , which this week startled Ltd Lw don with their rejoicings for two more victories , aies , aa another addition to our already enormous Iud : Lull : empire , cannot drown the wail of misery which conn con across the Irish Channel . From the contcmplatiiplatt
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 4, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_04041846/page/4/
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