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TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS.
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The friends we've tried are by our side,...
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My beloved Friends.—Never in the Mhole c...
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AND NATIONAL TRADER J0ORNAL. ¦ *"~ ' " "...
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¦ *"~ ' " " H I M '~-|-*iiiiii -in. ' ' ...
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TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATI...
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TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATI...
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THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE CHARTISTS...
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Inujm'al parliament-
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HOUSE OF LORDS.—Friday, June 2G. Their L...
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/£A <$£ -rf^ et**
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have been maintained, , but througJOliej...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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To The Imperial Chartists.
TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS .
The Friends We've Tried Are By Our Side,...
The friends we ' ve tried are by our side , The foe we hate ' s before us .
My Beloved Friends.—Never In The Mhole C...
My beloved Friends . —Never in the Mhole course tfmy life did I so truly feelthe importance and res ponabfflty of my position as at the present time . Some people foolishly imagined that the Land toy would divert me from all thought of politics , but , if all think wiflime , I feel convinced that the Land plan , so far from damping the Chartist spirit , will add new and increased vigour to the cause . I feel , if possible , more a Chartist than ever ; and if -we may judge of the sack from the sample , I must presume the same of all disciples of the principles . A new era , although partially anticipated , may nevertheless be said to have hurst upon « s . Henceforth we mnst STAND ALONE .
All signs of the limes give ample proof that the new Ministers intend governing England through the medium of Irish patronage , and English middle-class influence . The centre of society has severed itself from the" two ends . The body has cast off the head and tail , and hopes to live independent of both . The Whigs , " as I have often explained to yon , relied solely upon 0 'Council ' s support during their last lingering life ; and
O ' Connell's last letter to " my dear Ray , " gives evident proof that Repeal and progression are both to fee-sacrificed to that description of Irish justice , T » lu & -5 § B confer patronage upon him , his relatives , ^ diffie ^ fiost noisy of his party . REPEAL IS aSaJ ^ QNED ; tha t is , as far as O'ConnelbJs concerned rand in order to justify his course , he makes the simple demand of equality , for the Irish peoplethat is , that they shall be put upon an equality , socially and morally , with the English people .
Never was there a more dangerous , or a more cunning policy . I will tell you why . Firstly . —Because it , as far as it can , affirms that the social and political state of the English people is perfection . He says , that such a hid as will place the Irish upon an equality with you , will take the people out of his hands . This , then , is an admission that we should not strengthen by our silence . SscondTy . —It ' gives , Jasfar as his assertion can give , a guarantee that yon ought to be satisfied ; and Thirdly . —It justifies Irish opposition to any strugglejyou may make for more extensive rights than the Irish would be satisfied with .
I never have argued yonr condition comparatively MrTO'Connell does so as regards Irish grievances . I argue your grievances positively , and while he gives elaborate instances of Irish injustice as compared with your positional will now describe the positive grievances you have to complain of . Firstly . —A meagre and very limitcd ^ franchise . Secondl y . —The burdens of an overgrown church establishment for the support of the church of a Tcry small minority , for the nation has grown almost wholly out of State Church prejudices . Thirdly . —A very imperfect and unsatisfactory municipal franchise , which enables you to return an odd member to be laughed at by the two factions , and to be used by one of them . Fourthly . —A very inferior scheme of education .
Fifilily . —& ~ \ eTf defective , partial , and unjust jury law , whereby those with votes only can try those who are struggling to achieve the same privilege . Sixthly . —Above all people you have to complain of oppressive , expensive , vindictive , and whimsical laws , and their most unequal and unjust administration . SeveniMy . —Yon have to complain of the inferiority of your magistrates , and of the partial manner in which they are appointed , always preferred for hostility to your class , and always taken from the op pressors ranks . * Eighthly . —That whereas a completely new power of nrodnction has been called into existence , there is not a single law to regulate its use .
Ninthly . —There are powers possessed by those who own the new pewer of production unknown in any other country , or to any other people in the world . TavOiy . —We are told that in the midst of miracalonsly increasing national prosperity that there are FOUR MILLIONS of paupers always out of employment ; and always constituting a competitive reserve for the owners of the new producing power to fall back upon as the means of reducing wagee . Eleventhl y . Even in Ireland there is not so great a disparity between employers and the employed as there is Ih England . Tu-djOSy—k frightful system of absenteeism , by which millions annually are drained from the country , and in return for which you receive nothing .
Tldrteentlily . — An organised system of spyism , justified by the government , which can only be carried on in Ireland through the police . Fowrtemthly . —A damnable system of Poor Laws . Iifteenthly . —A heartbreaking system of regulating factory labour by the necessities or- cupidity of capitalists . SixteentM y . —Monopoly of the land by the privileged class , who are prevented from distributing it , or bringing it into the retail market , by the laws of primogeniture , of settlement , and entail . Sevcnteent / tl y . —The different manner in which po . litical offenders are treated in England , and EVEN IN IRELAND , or in any part of the habitable or known world .
Eighteenthl y . —The total absence of all care about the education , training , or protection of young children . ShiamtiBy . —The admitted fact by an Honourable and Reverend Royal Chaplain , that within the very precincts of the Court , there are perpetually existing 300 , 000 persons without Gei and without hope . ( See Baptist Noel ' s pamphlet . ) Tiventieihly . —That a class who cannot support their own children are compelled to support foreign and domestic pauper-Kings , Queens , and their children ; royal bastards and menials , court sycophants , prostitutes , and idlers of all sorts .
Tivenig-frsOy . —That the English people are , for the most part , governed by an Irish faction , no matter who is Minister . If a Tory , by an Irish Tory faction : if a Whig , by an Irish patronage faction . 2 fow , mj friends , such are a portion of your grievances ; such is your condition , and such is the state to which Mr . O'Connell would elevate the Irish people . Have I exaggerated a single grievance ? or have I stated on * quarter of those local and class ones of which you have to complain ? May I not ask , then , what the English people have to expect
from an alliance of Whigs and Irish patronage hunters ? Indeed , may I not go further , and ask what , beyond a large amount of government and parliamentary blarney , the Irish people have to expect from this repeated attempt to govern the country by a combination of Whig treachery and Irish patronage—a combination of English middle Jclasses and Irish place-hjmters . How , what I complain of , is , that in Mr . O ' Connell ' s long catalogue ot Irish grievances , the condition of the labourer is merely mentioned to excite disgust , while not a single preposition is offered calculated to insure his CERTAINTY
of improvement . True , we are left to infer—and we are ready to admit the fact—that some crumbs will come to his table from the rich man ' s board ; but , then , he is left wholly and irrevocably dependent upon the bounty of those through whose bettered condition alone he is to hope for improvement . Nothing , however , is suggested for improving the condition of the labouring classes ; they are always allowed to live in hope of the justice of the privileged and favoured . Where he is silent , he leads to suspicion ; where he hints , he is ambiguous ; and where he speaks out , he is behind—immeasurably behind , in the present race of mind .
The real grievance of Ireland , is the real grievance of England , and vice vena—it is this— that the laboureis , ; tLe slave class , those who work for others , are never considered oy government , they are merely used as a means of fighting faction ' s battles ; and all the improvement that is even promised to them , is the « hance that they have from the improvement of the condition of those above them . Those above them , whether Irish farmers or English capitalists , are represented , and therefore the distinct grievances affecting those several classes , become matter for government correction ; but the labourers arc never distinctly legislated for , unless it is to plunder them , starve them , or coerce them . Now . my friends , I am about to renew my solemn league and covenant mth you . A great and grievous
My Beloved Friends.—Never In The Mhole C...
calamity has overtaken the nation . A government has assumed office , which hopes to rule the country upon the principles of FREE TRADE and JUSTICE to IRELAND . This I anticipated , long before it wa s expected that the Corn Laws would be repealed . I told you a thousand Itimes , that I did not so much dread the principles of free trade , as I did dread the assumption of power by the parties who had carried the measure . Free trade in the abstract , was said to mean HIGH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND
PLENTY TO DO ; free trade in practice , means the subjugation of labour to the caprice of capital , the labourer COERCED by the ORDINARY LAW to starve or make a stipulated amount of profit for his master . And yet I rejoice that the measure has passed , because you required the free trade whip , the free trade goad , the free trade spur , and the free trade lash , to keep you up to the trace , by which alone you could hope to extricate yourself from class legislation .
I also rejoice in the coalition between the English free-trade government and the Irish place-hunters , because it will compel the crest-fallen , humbled , aristocracy of England to seek co-operation with their national allies , to overthrow this unnatural coalition . The ends of the trodden worm must now meet , and the aristocracy must never again hope to fight its own battles upon mere lip-worship of labour . It has failed to represent labour , and labour must henceforth be allowed to represent itself . I heed not promises . I have no hop * in the ^ futnre when I look to the black past , ' and , therefore , at once , and
without hesitation , IPRA 1 F THE SWORD against the principle by which the country is to be governed . I wage war against the coalition of English capital and Irish patronage . I am younger than I was , because I am stronger than I was , when I bearded the unsightly monster before , and when , with your assistance , and with the press of the country against us , we hurled the Whigs from power and the placehunters from patronage . They cannot , THEY MUST NOT , THEY SHALL NOT govern the country without us . They have abandoned coercion , but they rely upon straining the ordinary law for the preservation of their ascendancy . We have no votes , but we have power ; you hare but one representative in the House of Commons , but you have millions
outside , and you have one who , it he stood alone , would put the unrepresented millions into such exalted and rapid motion as would make the coalition tremble . I have vowed eternal hostility against Whig place-hunting government ; THEY PUT YOU AND ME IN FELONS' DUNGEONS , and shall we not take vengeance ? Yes , my brother Chartists , I invoke you by the wrongs you have suffered and still endure , by the free blood that runs in your veins , by the hope you have in your strength , by the reliance you repose in your leaders , by the love yon bear your kind , by the allegiance yon owe to your country , by the ties that bind you to your families , by the duty that you owe to your God , by all , by one and all , I call upon you to arouse and meet the monster upon the threshold .
We have braved the ordinary Jaw and ^ kept within it , and they were obliged to strain it against us beyond the letter , while they gave the Irish place hunters the benefit of its mild spirit . We have now all the elements of a great party . We have justice and the millions upon our side . We have now a prize worth contending for—THELA . ND 1 THE LAND !! THE LAND !!! Who would not bear the utmost tenuity of the
Ordinary Law , to work for his own self npon his own land , with no earthly master bnt just law . This is the prize that is plUced at the end of the Chartist coarse , this is what our next struggle will be for . I have built houses for some , I will build houses for many more , but I wish to see all able to build houses for themselves without delay . When the harvest is over , and when the agricultural labourer becomes a discarded pauper , then my present position will enable me to lead that disinherited race as a section of
the movement party . When the winter comes , if justice is not done , if you are not admitted to a fair participation in the representation of the country , and the enjoyment of your own produce , I will LIGHT THE TORCH ONCE MORE . If I have been still while Peel was in power it is because you were contented with yonr eomparative'improvement , and because I was too prudent to make an exhibition of our party ' s weakness .
I was aware , as I proclaimed in the outset , that Peel would inflict blows upon the aristocracy , which a Chartist government in its infancy would feel a delicacy in aiming . For five years Peel has led an incipient Chartist movement , and Russell , with his Irish Janissaries , will find it no easy task to put finality into practical operation . We mustrevive our association once more . We must be prepared for a representation of the national mind , when the new
principle ofWhiggeryis developed , and , as I anticipate the seourge , I proclaim war to the knife against the murderers of Holberry , Duffy , Clayton and Shell . I vow eternal vengeance against those who roused the nation to madness , and then persecuted the ignorant , the heedless , the thoughtless , and the injured , the naked , the starving , and the oppressed , for what they chose to term sedition , riot , conspiracy and tumult .
My friends , I have now got far enough with our cottages at Paradise to enable me to entrust the prosecution of the work to other hands , and when the coalition summons me once more into the field of action , when the treasonable WhJgs . lbaeted by the traitor place hunters , shall developc their policy , we will develope our strength . We have nothing to expect but everything to fear from ' a government which the Peel section of the Houscjprotect from spite , and the Irish section for the sale ef their country . Since the passingjof the Reform Bill the Whigs have been our natural enemies ; they were strong and we overthrew them ; tbey have revived , and we will overthrow them again . TO YOUR TENTS 0 CHARTISTS , Ever your faithful friend and follower , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
And National Trader J0ornal. ¦ *"~ ' " "...
AND NATIONAL TRADER J 0 ORNAL . — ii
¦ *"~ ' " " H I M '~-|-*Iiiiii -In. ' ' ...
¦ * " ~ ' " " H I M ' ~ - | - * iiiiii -in . ' ' _ . ' " ~~ ~ ~ " % . ' j ' l ^ y' . i . ' ¦ ' ' ¦ T- _ _ ii i' ¦ i VOL . X . NO . 45 L LONDON , SATURDAY , JULY i 1846 ; W 1 ^ * ££ ~ * w *^ S 1 T ~ Vive : ShilHugii mid Sixpence per Quarter
To The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY . ONE OF MY LIABILITIES . ONE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND
FIFTY POUNDS REALISED FOR THE SOCIETY . My FniExns , —It was not my intention to have written this week upon the subject of the Land , but a circumstance has occurred , of which I am so proud , that I cannot possibly keep it bottled for a whole week . I informed you that I had purchased Calender ' s farm for £ 3 , 900 , and I now beg to inform you that I have sold it for £ 5 , 250 ; thus realizing one thousand three hundred and fifty pounds for the first
forty-three lucky occupants who shall draw prizes m the nKxt ballot . 1 must explain the manner in which the directors , who participate fully in this bargain , have decided upon appropriating the profit . The Secretary informs us that the number of four acre shareholders has become so large , that he es tiniates the average holdings for the future , at about 3 acres to each occupant ; at that rate the 130 acves bought and sold , would have located 43 members , averaging two , three , and four acres .
Now , when the ballot was announced , that property became justly and equitably the property of those forty-three who would have drawn prizes , and , therefore , although P he increased value was ideal rather
To The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
than intrinsic , yet it becomes the property of the sucessful candidates . The following then is the arrangement that the directors propose , namely : — That the thirteen hundred and fifty pounds profit shall be equitably divided amongst the number of shareholders that the next 130 acres will locate , in the following manner : —Tho society , according to a scale laid down for the price of land and cost of building a house , charges JE 5 a-year for two acres and a cottage , £ 110 s . for three acres and a cottage , and £ 10 for four acres and a cottage , giving £ 15 capital to the two acre occupant , £ 22 10 s . to the three acre occupant , and £ 30 to the four acre
occupant , instead of which , preserving the same scale , the forty-three occupants selected at the next ballot will pay £ 3 19 s . for a house and two acres , £ o 19 s . for a house and three acres ; . and £ 7 19 s . for a house and four acres , or , if it appears more judicious to the directors and satisfactory to the society , they will re ceivethe £ 1 , 350 as follows : —Instead of £ 15 capital the two acre occupant will receive £ 36 , the three acre occupant £ 53 10 s ., and the four acre occupant will receive £ 71 , a very pretty sum to go to work . and thus , my friends ' , in spite of all my own liabilities , I have made comfortable fortunes for forty-three working men by my wits .
Such is the arrangement that the directors suggest—but , as our society will , I trust , be ever governed upon the principle of Universal Suffrage , we have decided that each locality shall transmit the opinion of the paid-up members at the time of closing payments for the next ballot ; stating whether the arrangement set forth above shall hold good , or whether the £ 1350 shall go , as stated , to the fortythree first-elected occupants . I , from motives of
pride , prudence , and justice , incline to distribute the money amongst the forty-three next chosen occupants . It is not the only sum that I hope to make for the society ; and the members must understand that the ballot will take place as originally announced j and moreover , that before the day of ballot wc hope to be in possession of a larger amount of Land . Whether or no , there is no difficulty in getting Land . I undertake to provide the Land of the best quality , as fast , and perhaps faster , than you can provide the
means . We are hot in treaty for an estate of three hundred and sixty-one acres , and nearly threefourths of the purchase money will be allowed to remain on mortgage . Perhaps it would have been more fprodent to have reserved the cheering announcement until the eve of the ballot , as I feav that many poor fellows from the inducement held out of getting their share of £ 1350 for nothing , will
inconvenience themselves to pay up their shares . However , the directors felt that they had no right to withhold the intelligence for a single week . I always told you that I had a fortune in my noddle , if I would condescend to make money for myself . Now no man can misunderstand the way in which I have put the arrangement—it is that the number of occupants that it would require to occupy the next one hundred and thirty acres purchased wil ] have £ 1350 for nothing , either in land or capital .
Everything is going on at Herringsgate as cheer , ingly and prosperously asp ^ ssiblej-and had itnot been that a great portion of this day , Thursday , was occupied in making money for you , I should have presented you with my balance sheet , showing all the money , received by me , to be placed to the treasurer ' s account in the bank , or expended in building . This I must now defer till next week , when the £ 1 , 350 will give an important appearance to our list . I cannot , however , forbear mentioning to you some facts that have just been communicated to mc by a Mi * . Garrard , of Norfolk . About two years ago , forty speculating
industrious individuals , who had read my work upon " Small Farms'' carefully , were induced to try an experiment upon their own account . They purchased 28 acres of ground , for which they gave £ 950 . This amount of land formerly gave work to one man ;—they employ from 14 to 10 upon it , and the average wages is fourteen shillings a-week . In the first year against all the disadvantages of a commencement , they realised £ 85 over and above all expenditure , making no calculation of about £ 55 worth of improvement which goes on for otjjer years , and which would have made the year ' s profit £ 140 . The
forty souls are wedded to this spot , although it is little more than half an acre each , and it Fully employs fourteen labourers . A man of the name of Sillett gave £ 180 for two acres of bad land in the neighbourhood . He was a linendraper , and works his two acres with some assistance from two children . His family consists of a wife and two children . Upon the two acres he keeps two cows and two pigs , and sells a quantity of vegetables and other stuff , besides living without expending a fraction beyond what the farm returns . I will give the dialogue between Garrard and me in the presence of Mr . Clark , who brought him to my house . O'C . —Well and what sort of condition are his cows in ! G . —Why the farmers come to look at them over the
hedge , they are like balls , they are so round . O'C . —Is he comfortable and well dressed ? G . —He goes to church every Sunday like a gentleman , and says that nothing would ever induce him to go behind a counter again . O'C—Is he healthy ? Cr , —A jo , that he is , and happy . He told me also that a man of the name of Clark , a carpenter , rents two acres of ground , that he has built himself a house , that he has a sow who returned Sol . within the year , and his description of Clark ' s independence was , that he does ' nt look for a master now , and he doesn't mind affronting a parson . I asked him whether the land was better or worse than when they bought it . He said they refused 3007 . profit for it .
Now , my friends , that ' s what my work on Small Farms has done . 28 acres of land employing one man , I dare say at bad wages , now employs from 14 to 16 at good wages ? that ' s my plan of increasing production and equitable distribution . The painting , plastering , cupboard making , and all other works are going on charmingly at llerringsgate , and all who come to see it are more than delighted with their performance . I remain , your faithful friend and Bailiff , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
To The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY . Friends , —From an announcement in another part of the Star , j ou will learn that our Sub-Treasurer Mr . O'Connor , with our entire approval and consent , has sold our second purchase— Carpcnder ' s Farm , and has thereby realized for the Society the handsome sum of £ 1 , 350 !! Now , as we wish to act with the most perfect fairness towards all parties concerned , and in order to avoid all cause of complaint , we request that the opinion of the members be taken upon the following questions . First . — " Shall the sum of £ 1 , 350 which has been realized by thesale ofCarpender ' s Farm , revert to the General fund of the Society to aid in locating the whole of the members ?"
Second— " Shall the above sum be divided , and given to the first forty-three successful members who may draw the loweat number at the ensuig ballot ?" Hard— " If the money is to be divided , shall it be given in the way of reduced rental or in cash ? " The Sub-Secrctarics are required to convene meetings of the members of their various localities , and forward to ourofticc the decision of the members on the foregoing questions on the 20 th of the present month . The ballot will take place in accordance with the previous announcement , at Manchester , on Monday , July 27 th , and all members who wish to be in the ballot , must pay up all demands , both Local and General , on or before Monday , July 20 th , On behalf of the Directors , T « o « M 4 s Maeti-n Wheel * « , Secretary .
The Executive Committee To The Chartists...
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE CHARTISTS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM . Fellow Countrymen , —The *' Corn and Customs ' Bill" is now the law of the land , and its authors have paid tho penalty of their hardihood by expulsion from office at the very moment when , by the triumph of their measure , they had laid prostrate at their feet , the "Proud Aristocracy" of England . The fall of the Ministry has been more immediately occasioned by a combination of two opposing factions , neither olV which have the least sympathy for the people . They were defeated on the second reading of the "Irish Coercion Bill" by a majority of seventy-three , and thus , by one blow , both parent and offspring have been annihilated .
The measures of the late cabinet , in our opinion , have nothing intrinsically valuable in themselves , to recommend them to the people—they have not a tendency to free labour from the merciless grasp of capital , nor . in the slightest degree meliorate the condition of the operative and labouring classes , but , nevertheless , there was a boldness in their conception and an earnestness in their execution that challenge our admiration and bid us hope for the time when equal energy and talent will be employed within the walls of Parliament for the advancement ofthosegreat principles which alone can ensure the liberty and happiness of the people . The government has now devolved upon Lord J . Russell and the old whig party , who are not likely to be more favourable to the enfranchisement of the working classes than their
predecessors , we cannot , therefore , hold out any hope from that quarter . What the precise nature of the movements of the new Ministry may be we can do no more than surmise , but it appears to us from the position of parties in the House ol Commons , that they will not attempt a trial of strength during tho present session , but that they will reserve the measures likely , to create a division until the ensuing year , when a general election will be inevitable . Our course is clear and simple . We arc for the Charter , whole and entire , and our business will be to prepare to take our stand upon the hustings , when the proper time shall have arrived . The mask must be torn from the face of Whiggery . The old juggle must not again be practised ! The canting sentimentality of "liberalism" must nob be allowed to poison the
national mind as it has done on former occasions ! Labour's sons must buckle on their armour and fight their own battle—others will not do it for them . Let therefore every one of the places named in a former address , send up their subscriptions at once , and , in all probability , we shall be able to announce in the next Star the time and place where the Convention will be held . It is important that this should be attended to , as we are desirous of having as large an attendance of delegates as possible , as we hope that from their labours may result a movement worthy of our glorious cause . Secretaries of localities where delegates have already been elected , are requested to forward a no"tice of the same without delay , to our office , 83 , Dcan-strect , Soho , London . Thomas Martin Wheeler , Secretary .
Inujm'al Parliament-
Inujm ' al parliament-
House Of Lords.—Friday, June 2g. Their L...
HOUSE OF LORDS . —Friday , June 2 G . Their Lordships met at half-past four o ' clock , when the Royal Assent was given by Commission to 6 i Bills , amongst which were the Corn Importation Bill , and the Customs' Duties Bill . POSITION OF THE MINISTRY . The Earl of Ripon rose and said : My Lords , it was fully my intention to have moved this evenin ? , on the orders of the day being gone into , the reconsideration of the report of Lords Ilardinge and Gough ' a Annuitics Bills , but circumstances which have since occurred , with which your Lordships are no doubt all familiar , make me feel that in the present position of tho government it will not be my duty to call your intention to thesubjectto-nisiht . Therefore I begf to move that the order for bringing up the reports on those Bills be discharged . The order was accordingly read and discharged .
THE CORN BILL PROTEST . The Duke of Richmond moved that the protest against the Corn Importation Bill remain open for the signatures of Noble Lords until the rising of the House on Monday . Agreed to . . The House adjourned at 5 minutes past 7 . HOUSE OF COMMONS , Friday , June 26 . The Speaker took the chair at four o ' clock . ' ' CORN IMPORTATION AND CUSTOMS
DUTIES BILLS .-ROYAL ASSENT . Sir Augustus Clifford , Usher of the Black Rod , appeared at the bar , and summoned the House to attend at the bar of the House of Lords , to hear the royal assent given to a number of public and private Bills ( for which see Lords ' report . ) On the return of the Speaker , he stated that he had been to the Upper House to hear the roya ! assent slven to several Acts , amongst which were tho Corn Importation and Customs Duties Bills . Tho announcement was received with great cheering , in an extremely crowded House . Sir J . Graham , Lord Lincoln , the Chancellor of the Exchequer , and all other Members of the Government , with the exception of Sir R . Peel , were present , as well as Lord John Russell and the principal leaders of the Opposition , and Mr . Cobden .
FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL . On the motion of Sir James Graham the Lords ' amendments to this Bill were agreed to , with some verbal amendments . The House adjourned at half-past seven o ' clock .
HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , June 29 . THE OREGON TERRITORY . In answer to a question put by Lord Brougham , The Earl of Aberdeen said . —My lords , I have been occasionally questioned by noble lords on the other side of the house , and especially b y a noble friend , a noble Earl whom I do not now see in his place ( the Earl of Clarendon ) , as to the progress of our negociations with the United States . These inquiries , I always felt , were directed to me in the most friendly and conciliatory manner . ( Hear , hear . ) So far from feeling any embarrassment or impediment from them in the way of the negociations , I always felt that my noble friend was desirous to assist in promoting an adjustment . Perhaps on this occasion I might have
ventured , without the pressure of any direct appellation , to enter into a few details as to that gratifying result , ( loud cheers)—the substance of which only is as yet known . "When I had last occasion to reply to my noble friend , the state of the negociations was this -. —the President had sent his message to the Senate with a direct refusal of our repeated proposals to submit the whole question to arbitration . That being the case , my lords , 11 ' elb that nothing could be done at that moment till the Senate and the House of Representatives should have taken some steps in consequence of that message . I waited , therefore , the result of that communication so made by the
President . When I saw that the Senate-and House of Representatives had adopted resolutions in such a conciliatory and friendly disposition , I did not delay for a moment putting aside all ideas of diplomatic etiquette , which might have led me to expect that some steps would be taken on the other side , but , without waiting a moment , I prepared the draught of a convention , which was sent by the packet of the 18 th of May to Mr . Packenham , to bo proposed fur acceptance of the United States Government . I have brought with me a letter from Mr . Packenham , which I received this morning , and from which I shall read an extract . The letter is dated the 13 th of June ; and Mr , Packenham says , —
In conformity with what I had the honour to state in my despatch No . 08 , of the 7 th inst ., tho President sent u message on Wednesday last to the Senate , submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention for the settlement of the Oregon question , which I was instructed by your Lordship ' s despatch No . 19 , of the 18 th of May , to propose for tho acceptance of the United States . After a few hours' deliberation on each of the three days , Wednesday , Thursday , and Friday , the Senate , by a majority of 38 votes to 12 , adopted yesterdiiy evening a resolution advising the President to accept the terms proposed by Her Majesty ' s Government , The President did not hesitate to act on this advice , and Mr . Buchanan accordingly sent for mo this morning , and informed me that tho conditions offered by Her Majesty ' s Government were accepted by the Government of the United States , without the . addition or alteration of a simile word .
( Loud cheers . ) Gratifying as this intelligence is , I feel it is but an act of duty and justice , as well as a pleasure , that I should bear the tribute of my testimony to the most friendly and concilatory course which has been adopted by the United States Minister in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) That gentleman I have long known , and long had reason to esteem in ollicialintercourse 15 orlG years ago , ami I am perfectly certain that , by every means in his power , has contributed to this result , I am well assured that there is no person in this house , or in the country , who more cordially participates in the feeling of satisfaction whish it is iittcd to produm than Mr . M'Lane .
House Of Lords.—Friday, June 2g. Their L...
MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS . The Duke of WELLiNaio > f . _ M y lords , I have to announce to your lordships that Her Majesty's servants have tendered to Her Majesty their resignation ofthe offices winch they held in her Majesty ' s service- in consequence of which Her Majesty has sent for a noble lord with a view to form another Administration for the purpose of conducting the affairs of the government of this country . My lords , this information will probably induce your lordships to thiiikit would be desirable to suspend the discussion of measures which might become matters of controversy in this house , until those who are to have the honour of being tier Majesty ' s servants in public olfice should have an opportunity of forming their arrangements , and should be able to come down to this house and
transact the public business . My lords , there is one question fixed for consideration in this house on Thursday next , I see a noble friend nearme ( tbeEarl ofPowis ) , who has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St . Asaph ' s Billon Thursday next . I would submit to him the expediency of postponing his motion for thesccond reading of that bill till Her Majesty's servants should be in the house to attend to the discussion which may be expected to take place upon it , as Her Majesty has an interest in that measure . My lords , there are some measures which require your lordships' immediate attention , and one of whichin all probability
, , will be on the table ofthe house this day—I mean a short sugar bill , continuing the duties on sugar for one month , from the 5 th of July next , which it is desirable should passthis house without delay , whoever maybe Her Majesty's servants . Under these circumstances ! rather advise that your lordships should not adjourn , but continue sitting from day to day , with the view of passing that measure ; but that the consideration of measures which may become matter of controversy should be postponed till Her Majesty ' s servants shall be in your lordships' house to attend to Her Majesty ' s service and to the transaction of public affairs .
Their Lordships shortly afterwards adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS , Monday , June 29 . The house met at 4 o ' clock . [ Before the private business had been disposed of , the house and tho side galleries were filled with members ; the Speaker ' s and strangers' galleries were completely thronged ; even the " retreat" allotted to the ladies must also have been occupied to overflowing , for several fair politicians had won their way ( an unprecedented circumstance ) to the sides of fhe Speaker ' s gallery , where they were accommodated with seats . The benches below the bar had not a vacant space , a large number of peers and members of the coi ^ s diplomatique being present . Amongst them were the Earl of St . Germans , Lord Gr . isvenor , and Lord Dalhousie . One general feeling ot interest in the Ministerial announcement seemed to pervade the numerous assembly , which at halfpast five o'clock presented a very exciting appearance . ] SUGAR DUTIES .
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said it might be for tho convenience of the house it he moved the third reading of the Sugar Duties Bill , in order that it might be immediately sent up to the House of Peers . The bill was then read a third time and passed . MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS . Sir R , Peel at half-past o o ' clock entered the house amid profound silence and took his seat . In a few moments lie rose and spoke as follows : — Mr . Speaker , —Sir , —I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to this house that , in consequence of the position of Her Majesty ' s Government , and especially in consequence of that vote to which the house came on the night of
Thursday last , by which they refused to give to Her Majesty's Government those powers which they deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland , Her Majesty ' s servants have felt it their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign . The resolution to tender that resignation was the unanimous resolution of tier Majesty ' s servants , adopted without hesitation . Sir , if 1 had any complaint to prefer with respect to the course pursued by the house , this is not the occasion on which I should venture to prefer it . It is impossible not to feel that that occasion by which a great change takes place in the councils of a great empire , affecting , for weal or for wo , the welfare of many millions ot tlie Queen ' s subjects , in almost all parts ofthe
habitable globe—it is impossible not to feel that it is an important , I might almost say a solemn , occasion , and it is not on such an occasion that one word ought to be said by a Minister , acting in homage to constitutional principles , which can by possibility revive controversies of an acrimonious character . Sir , Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to accept that tender of resignation , and Her Majesty ' s servants now only hold their offices until their successors shall have been appointed . Sir , I said that , if I had complaints to prefer , this would not be the occasion on which I should prefer them ; but I must also say , that I did not propose those measures connected with our commercial policy tit the commencement of this session without foreseeing that , whether these
measures succeeded or tailed , they must cause the dissolution of the Government which proposed them ; and therefore , Sir , I rather rejoice that Her Majesty ' s Government have been relieved from any doubt by an early decision of this house , as to the course it would be their duty to pursue ; for I do not hesitate to say that , even if that vote had been in our favour , I would not have consented to hold office by sufferance or by the evasion of any principle . ( Great cheering . ) I believe that it is not for the public interest that a Government should remain in power unable to give practical effect to the measures they consider necessary for the public welfare ; and in the position in which Her Majesty ' s Government was placed , by the withdrawal , perhaps the natural withdrawal , of the
confidence of many of those who had heretofore given them their support , I do not think it probable that even if the vote to which I refer had been in our favour , Her Majesty ' s Government would have been enabled , with credit to themselves and with advantage to the interests of the country , to continue in the administration of public affairs . ( Great cheering . ) Sir , we have advised Her Majesty to accept our resignations without adopting that alternative which we might have adopted , viz ., recommending to the Crown the exercise of its prerogative , and to dissolve the present Parliament . We have preferred the immediate tender of resignation to the adoption of that alternative . Sir , I do notliesitate to say . speaking with a frankness which I trust will offend no one , that
if Her Majesty ' s Government had failed in carrying , in all their integrity , those measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recommend , I don't hesitate to say that there is no exertion I would not have made ( cheers ) in order , if not to insure their ultimate success , at least to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion on the subject . ( Loud cheers . ) In that case I should have felt myself justified in advising a dissolution , because I think that the continuance of doubtou such asubject would have been a greater evil than resorting to a constitutional expression of opinion by the people of this country . ( Cheers . ) But there is no necessity for a dissolution on , this ground : —Those who dissented from those measures have withdrawn their
opposition , and I am bound to say it was not a factious or unseemly opposition to them ; simply protesting against them , they have given finally their consent to those measures , and tlmse measures having passed into law , I do not feel that I should have been jusvified , for any subordinate consideration , for the interest of the Government merely , in advising the exercise of the prerogative to which I refer , and dissolving the Parliament . ( Uear . ) Because I feel strongly this , —that no Administration is justiliedjin advising the exercise of that prerogative , unless there be a fair , reasonable presumption , even a strong moral conviction , that after a dissolution they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through the support , of a party sufficiently powerful
to carry their measures . ( Cheers . ) I do not think a dissolution justifiable for strengthening a party . I think the power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands ofthe Crown , and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if resorted to without necessity . Though for the purpose of enabling the country to decide whether we were justified in proposing those measures of commercial policy which we did propose at the commencement of this session , I do not think that would have been sufficient ground for a dissolution . The only ground for a dissolution would have been a strong presumption that aftci ^ a dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in this house to enable us to give effect practically to the measures , which we might propose . Now ,
I don't mean support founded on more temporary sympathy with our position on the part of those who , otherwise , are opposed to us ; I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on one great question of domestic policy , however important that may be ; I think we ought not to dissolve without having a full assurance that we should have the support , not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy , agreeing with us in one , but that wo should have the support of a powerful party united to us by a general concurrrcncc of political opinion . ( Cheers . ) And I am bound to say , that in the general division of parties , and after all that has occurred , I did not entertain a confident hope that a dissolution oFPHi ? wr' "' W Id have given us that
House Of Lords.—Friday, June 2g. Their L...
support . ( Hear , hear . ) I must also say , aft & all the excitement , which has taken place , and after the stagnation of trade consequent upon our protracted discussions , it did appear to us that this whs a period t tt ^ f , ^ ^ "ot be judicious to take such' a step . I Cheers . ) . - . U pon- these grounds , we preferred instant resignation to the alternative of adissoluturn . We were left in a minority on a question connected withlreland . ( Hear . ) NowIshouldlament , not merely becauseit is an Irish question , but 1 should most
ueepiy lament it it could be thought that the measure which we proposed for the repression of outrage m Ireland was an indication that her Majesty's servants held any different opinion with regard to the policy to be pursued in Ireland from that which I declared towards the close of the last session of Parliament , ( Hear , hear . ) To the opinions which I then avowed—to . thesejop inions which had a practical effect given to them by the Charitable Bequests Act , and by the additional vote for the endowment of Maynooth—to those opinions I , notv about to relinquish power , entirely subscribe . ( Great cheering . ) We brought forward that measure , believing that resistance to the contagion of ccimo and the vigorous
repression by law of the offences which disgrace some parts of Ireland , were not measures calculated premanently to improve the social condition of that country ; but we thought they were measures which could be taken in conjunction with oAhcva necessary for the purpose of giving effect to legislation upon that subject . ( Hear , hear . ) The house has , however , decided , and I am not about to impeach their decision . I only deprecate any inference , which would be unjustifiable , that , because we profosed those measures , which some called measures of coercion , winch we call measures for the protection of hie , therefore our vlewa with regard to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland have undergone avy
change . Speaking for myself , I do not hesitate now to say that , in my opinion , there ought to be established between England and Ireland a complete equality—( great cheering )—in ' all civil , municipal , and political rights . ( Renewed cheers . ) When I say complete equality , I don't mean because it is impossible , to have a literal equality in every particular . Here , as in matters of more sacred import , it may be that "the letter killcth , but the spirit giveth life ; " I speak of the spirit , and not of the letter , in which ouv legislation with regard to the franchise and other privileges shenld be conducted . ( Hear , Hear . ) I mean , there should be areal , substantial equality , in political and civil
rights—( cheers )—so that no person , viewing Ireland with perfectly disinterested eyes , and comparing its franchise with the franchise either of England' or Scotland , should be enabled to say , " A different law is enacted for Ireland , and on account of some jealously or suspicion Ireland has curtailed and mutilated rights . " That is what I mean by equality of political franchise . Does any gentleman think I am making a reserve ? ( Cheers , and cries of " No , no . " ) I speak ofthe spirit in which we should legislate . I think it ought to be impossible to say that there is a different rule , substantially , with regard to civil or municipal franchise in IieLind from that which prevails in England . ( Cheers . ) Now . ' sir , with
regard to our executive administration in Ireland , I think the favour of the crown ought to be bestowed in that country , and tho confidence of the Crown , without reference to religious distinctions . ( Loud cheers . ) It has not been from entertaining a different opinion that there may be , in our ease , the appearance of partiality . Where we have taken the opportunity ot manifesting confidence in some Roman Catholics . I cannot say that justice was always done to our motives , nor has the position of the individual in accepting favour from us been altogether such as to create an anxiety for the repeti . tion of similar favours . ( Hear , hear . ) These who suceeed us may have different moans of carrying that principle into execution : but if they do aet
upon that principle , and bestow the favour and confidence ofthe Crown without reference to religious differences of opinion , they shall heat no complaint from me on that ground . ( Loud cheers . ) Then , sir , with respect to the spirit in which our legislation should be conducted ; adhering to all the opinions which I have expressed on the greater and more impoz-tant points of Irish policy , yet I must say I , for one , am prepared to co-operate with those who feel the present social condition of the people in respect to the tenure of land , and . the , relation between landlord and tenant , to be one that deservp * our immediate and most o « utrous consideration . ( Cheers . ) I think it may be impossible , by
legislation , to apply any immediate remedy to the state of things which unfortunately prevails in that country ; but , even if the benefit is remote , if it is of a permanent character , so far from being deterred from measures calculated to afford a remedy , the distant period at which the benefit may be derived ought to operate as no discouragement to apply our minds most sedulously and impartially to the consideration of the subject . ( Loud cheers . ) Again , with respect to the legislation on all these matters connected with the tenure of land and the relation of landlord and tenants — while upholding the rights of property , which I believe you will find no advantage in violating , yet , on tho whole , I think the course we have taken during this session of extreme
pressure of public business is a sufficient proof that there has been no disinclination on our part to consider that subject . ( Hear , hear . ) Neither will there be any disinclination to co-operate with those to whom the practical administration of affairs may be committed . ( Cheers . ) Sir , 1 have reason to believe that the noble lord the member for the city of London has been commanded by Her Majesty to repair to her for the purpose of rendering his assistance in the formation of a Government . Sir , I presume the general principle upon which the Government formed by the noble lord will act , so far as commercial policy is concerned , will be the continued application of those principles which tend
to give a free commercial intercourse with other countries . ( Loud cheers . ) If that be the policy which will be pursued , as I confidently expect it will be , I shall feel it to be my duty to give to that Government , in pursuance and execution of that policy , my cordial support . ( Immense cheering . ) I presume , therefore , that Her Majesty's Government will adopt that policy—and that , if other countries choose to buy in the dearest market , it will be no discouragement to them to permit us to buy in the cheapest . ( Cheers . ) I trust that they will not resume the policy which they and we have felt most inconvenient , namely , haggling with foreign countries , instead of taking that independent course
which webelieve to be conducive to our own interests [ cheers ) , trusting to tho influence of public opinion in other countries , that our example , with the practical benefit we derive from it , will at no remote period insure the adoption of the same course , rather than hoping to obtain commercial privileges as an equivalent for the reduction of particular' duties . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , when I say I presume that these general principles will influence their commercial policy , I do not of course mean to say that the adoption of these principles is at once to overrule every moral consideration , and at once to subject every part of the inhabitants of this empire to unequal competition with other nations . I speak generally
as to the tendency of our commercnu policy , and I trust that every step that is taken will be towards the relaxation of restriction upon trade . 1 , for one , shall not urge upon them a hasty and precipitate adoption of principles sound in themselves , if they are likely to incur the risk of a great derangement of the great social system . I shall bear in mind , that great experiments have been recently made under the present administration ; that the _ surplus amount , of revenue is smaller than I could wish it to be , consistently with the permanent interests of the country , and while I offer a cordial support in enforcing the general principles of commercial policy which have received the sanction of Parliament in
the present session , 1 shall not urge them to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as would incur the risk of deranging the finances of the country . Speaking thus , I am bound to say that I am rather indicating my own intentions and the course I shall pursue , than that I have had theopportunity of conferring with others and speaking their sentiments . I cannot doubt , however , that those who gave their cordial concurrence to the measures which 1 proposed will be ready to give their general acquiescence and support to measures of a similar character to be proposed . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , 1 do not know that it is necessary that I should make anv other declaration than those I have made .
I wish to draw no invidious contrast ; I wish to make no unseemly allusions ; but I cannot surrender power without making at least this observation , — that 1 do hope , during the five years for which power has been cemmitted to our hands , neither the interests nor the honour of this country have been compromised . ( Cheers . ) I think I may say with truth that , during that period , the burden of taxation has been equalized , and the pressure which was unjust and severe has been removed from many classes of Her Majesty's subjects . ( Cheers . ) _ I think I may say with truth , that many restrictions upon commerce injuriously affecting the trade of this country have been removed . ( Cheers . ) I think I may say that , without at all interfering with
legitimate speculation ; without at all paraljzmg or deranging the credit of the country , stability has been given to the monetary system of this country ( cheers ) , through the cordial support which again ( without reference to party distinctions ) 'the measures I pronosed with regard to the Bank of England , the joint stock banks , and the private hanks of this country , received in tho year IS' 13 ( Cheers . ) Sir , I trust also that the stability of our Indian empire has not been weakened by the policy we have pursued ( cheers ); and that the glory and honour of the British arms both by sea and land in evcrv part ofthe world not through our exertions lantry of the soldiers ( Cheers . ) Sir , although reductions , « reat thens , yet Thave the house , that the national been improved both by army and navy are In
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 4, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_04071846/page/1/
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