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ft THE NORTHE RN STAR , ¦ Mabch 1, 184C.
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"WAR WITH AME1UCA." ADDRESS TO THE " WOR...
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* Lox«o», Tnuasiiir .—.Since tlic »b"ive...
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THE GHAKTIST EXILES. THE EXILES' RESTORA...
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THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE TO THE...
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Exilks' Restoration* Committee, Friday E...
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16, Suffolk-street, Feb. 24,1846. Sin,—I...
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FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. [Important a...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Ft The Northe Rn Star , ¦ Mabch 1, 184c.
ft THE NORTHE RN STAR , ¦ Mabch 1 , 184 C .
"War With Ame1uca." Address To The " Wor...
" WAR WITH AME 1 UCA . " ADDRESS TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES .
INDEPENDENCE OF THE ORESO . V . Aithe usual meeting of the Fraternal Democrats held on Sunday evening , in their place of meeting , Great Windmill-street , Henry Ro * s , in the chair , the subject of the ^ threatened war between Great "Britain and the United States was brought under the consideration of the meeting by G . Julian liar * ney . Several speeches were delivered , and it was Ultimately resolved to hold an adjourned meeting on Tuesday evening , then to consider the propriety of adopting an address to ths working classes oi * Great Britain aud the United States .
On Tuesday evening ( last ) a very numerous mectingtook place , the room being densely crowded with democrats iK'longinu to most of the " Eurooean States , " including ( besides English , ) French , £ e rman , Scandinavian , Swiss , & e ., & c . Hw > ? " »*» was aeain called to the chair , and lour secretaries to the meeting , British , French , ucrman , and Scandinavian , were appointed . l :. e chu . rman having briefly explained the intended business of the 6 T G . " Jclias Habset . then rose , and proposed the adoption of the following AT > T > jmss OF THE FIUTERXAL DEMOCRATS ASSEMBLING IN LOXDO . V . TO TIIE WOKKINO CLASSES OF CKUAT BHITALV AND THE UNITED STATES .
" All men are brethren I " Friends and Brothers , —With extreme sorrow we hare witness ^ of late the attempts made l » y iutvresttril aud iauorant parties , to fosle * enmity between the people of Britain and the United States ; an enmity which , if not subdued and eradicated , threatens , at no distant day , to involve the two nations in war . \ Ve chum the right to address you , on the ground , that although not a very numerous party—indeed , not claiming to be a " party" at all—we belong to a variety of nations , aud are thu * entitled to represent—at least in
degree—the interests and sentiments of the working < K 4 « < sf . Unwell , A- few Bvi-asli "mist btAowg to out assembly , but the majority is composed of natives of France , Germany , Switzerland , Scandinavia , and most o : the other states of Europe . The working class is Our class ; many of us by birth , and the rest by adoption , belong to the working order . Thu interest of the sons of toil throughout the world is our interest , and national distinctions we have repudiated , contented to regard each and all as brethren , members of one family—the human race .
Those of us in this assembly who are not natives of Britain , have been driven to this country by political proscription , where we have found a refuge from the storing which desolate thehomes of ourfathers . Great numbers of our brethren have sought aud found a home in the United States . We , who are natives of continantal Europe , most be grateful to both countries for the asylum each has afforded us , and we shall best exhibit our gratituda by lifting up our voices on tbe side of the men of peace anil progress , in aid of their rfforts to preserve the two nations from a fratricidal and desoU tin- war .
Working men of Britain , we are resident anionestyou , and therefore we offer in the first instance , a few words to yon . The questiou at issue between your government and that of the United States is ( briefly explained ) this : — The territory in dispute covets a surface of 350 . M 0 square miles , aud is bounded on the north by the British and Russian possessions , on the south by Mexico , on the east by tiie "Rocky Mountains , and on tiie west by the Pacific Ocean . This territory is called the Oregon , aud was originuUy claimed by Spain ; subsequently that country ( as is asserted by the British Government ) ceded to Britain the joint sovereignty , or occupation , of the territory , and at a later period transferred all her claims on the ceuntrv to the American Union . The British Go .
vernment claim a portion of this territory , the United State * claim the whole . The limits of this address will not permit us to review the claims of the two governments : suffice it to say , that four several attempts have beea made to settle the question by negotiation , which attempts have resulted in nothing beyond mere temporary arrangements . Tha existing arrangement is the "joint occupation" of the territory , subject to be set aside by either of the comeudrag parties giving the other a years notice to that effect . Such notice tbe American Congress have now -under consideration , * and as the British Government seems niitincliued to yield to the demand o : ' the United § tat « t , war is rendered imminent . If neither par ty will compromise , an appeal to brute force appears to be inevitable .
Strongly deprecating and protesting against any such " appeal , " wc ask you , working men of Britain , are you prepared to sanction a war ? What will you profit by a war ! What have you gained by past war .- ! From the time of William the Norman to the time of William the Dutchman , the records of your country ' s { history attest the £ act , that *• the history of irings is the martyrology Of nations . " Without going any further back than tha commencement of your modern system of governmvut , under the auspices of the Dutch prince of " pious and immortal memory , (!) " to whom yon owe the foundation of your monster "debt , " and the other blessings which hare flowed from the rule of the fund-mongers , we must remind you that the war against France , which commenced in 16 S 3 , and which was undertaken to gratify
the ambition of tbe newly-imported king by thwarting the ambition of Lsuis XIV .. lasted nine jean , and cost , in taxes raised at the time , sixteen millions , and in loans twenty millions , being a total of thirty-sis millions . Tue war of the Spanish succession followed ; it lasted eleven years , aud cost in taxes and loans sixty-two and a half millions . Tbe Spanish war , which commenced in 1739 , lasted nine years , and cost , in taxes and loans , fifty-fonr million !* . Then came " the seven years war , " which had its origin in a dispute between England and France respecting American territory , which now neither country possesses . This war cost tbe English people , in taxes and loans , one hundred and twelve millioiis . In all these wars , you , the British people , bad no interest whatever , but in the wars we have next to direct your attention to ,
your true interests were-really identified with tbe principles an 1 m-. n you combated against . We speak of the "American War"and tbe "French Revolutionary War . " The war against American liberty , which resulted in the ju ^ t humiliation of thu British ari » tocracy , andtheglorious ( onsommation of American independence—that war , which lasted eight years , cost you , the British peaple , in taxes and loans , one hundred and thirty-six millions of money . The French Revolutionary War , or , more properly speaking , the war against the French Republic , lasted nine years , and cost you , in taxes and loans , four hundred and sixty-tour millions . Almost immediately followed the war against Napoleon , which lasted twelve years , and cost th < British people , in taxes and loans , tbe
enormous sum of one billion , one hundred and fifty-nine millions . We say nothing of the "little wars" sincelSIS , nor of the enorai- > us cost of your army , navy , and other forces since that date . In the course of one hundred and twenty-seven years ( from 1 GS 3 to 1815 ) , more than half that time was spent in war . The taxes were increased from two millions to their present amount , ( about ) fiftytwo millions ! Iu 1687 , the year before your " glorious revolution ( . ') " tbe "National Debt" was unknown ; now , in spite of the almost countless millions you have paid as principal and interest , yon stagger under the load of eight hundred millions of debt , tbe payment of the yearly interest on which swallows up more than half the fifty-two millions of taxes .
Is it necessary to repeat the question ] "What have you gained by war ?" From the financial we now proceed to the murder account—the estimated number of British alone , who were slain or perished . In the war which began in 1688 were ... 180 . 000 Ditto 1702 „ ... 250 , 000 Ditto 1739 „ ... 240 , 000 Ditto ... ... 175 S 250 , 000 Ditto war against America 1775 „ ... 200 , 000 Ditto war against France . 1793 „ ... 700 , 000
Total in one hundred and twenty-seven years 1 , 820 , 000 These facts and figures , understand , estimate only your loss and sufferings—the taxation and slaughter which yov , tbe British people , have borne ; we say nothing of the enormous wealth dissipated , and wholesale slaughter , which all the nations ot Europe , and the people of tbe United States , have suffered in these wars . We confine ourselves to your losses and sufferings , for our business IS with you—our Object is to dissuade you . from war , by shewing you the folly of renewing tbe madness of former times .
We address you , the working classes , specially , beause en you has fallen alt the cost , and the greater share of the murder occasioned by these wars . We say oOthe cost , because tbe taxes paid by the rich and the non-productive classes are all wrung from your labour . All that the idl . rs of society possess , they have plundered from yon . Consequently , although they teem to share the burdens of the State , youteoUypap all , and bavebesides to support these idlers in their luxurious existence . As to the murder of war , you have always the largest share of it , without any of the lying " glory . " Turn your eyes at th ' s moment to the banks of the Sutlej , where your " order , " " mowed down in masses , " are gautted as so many thousands " rank and file" killed and wouaded . Tor only tbe aristocratic officers is reserved the " glory " of being recorded by name in the annals of national homicide . True , the poor soldiers have the " glorious " privilege of dying on the "bed of honour . " Ambition's honoured fouls
Tcs honour 5 decks the turf that darts ibw ' r day ! Vain sophistry , iu them behold the , Umh , The broken tools , that tyrants cast aw . ij : " Wc have shown you , British workin ^ -iuen , that your fathers had no interest iu tiie wan-, abovi- ci , u /„ i n . i .-. j , unless where their interest was on the aid * nf ili .-. h « ... called " enemies . " Let us now * liow y , u , Hat n « « .-.. gards tliis threatened war with Ai < n :, l > -:., y ., « j 1 ( l » r i ,., interest in ' ' The Oregon territory .- * Tin : i „ . j , i , e .. I Britain is already iumieiis .:. On ii , at . « , ; , ; , «_ ,, % „ , „ told , " the sun ! : cvtr tets ; " f « , i " tlm jj 1 *'' --. and touch every shore . " Hun-iy . lli . s ifiipiil-rhiUfir i-. ki .
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* Lox « o » , Tnuasiiir . — . Since tlic » b"ive a « iili •*« wai adopte ; ' , lu-ws lifts reached London Vn . in A » i > : r ) rn tl . nl theresolulii jis for tiie uhrog ^ ti'm « , f tit ¦ O . ir . fi . li'in <„* 1 S 27 hare uvissinl tlm House ol lti . ;< - < K < iil .. li * 'a , by a Majority ofltvi to 51 votes , ai . d tiitre in uu doubt li'at they hav t rii cibecn adopted by the Senate .
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a Roman lust for conquest . But what benefit are these colonies to > w ? Like the native lan-1 of your fathers , the land of the British colonies is monopohied by aristocrats and speculators . There is n » fOOt of fond , either m Uritainor theeobnies , that you , the working-times cancel your own . The Monies are useful to your . masters , because those colonies add to their wealth , power , and uwgniHcence : but to you thej are barren acquisitions , or add but to your burdens . Should the British government acquire the Oregon , its acquisition will benefit only your masters . Thei will take the land—thy will fill all the higher situations , civil and military , of tbe new colony yWr sbare will be the slaughter of the combat , and the cost of winning and retaining the conquest . Tue privileged classes only can benefit by the acquisition of the Oregon ; if there must be fighting , let tln-in fi-ht their own battles .
We now turn to our American brethren . The speeches iu the American Congress , the addresses of popular orators , and the editorial appeals of tbe press , satisfy us that a large party exist in the States hostile to everything British—unfortunately seldom making any distinction between tiie British people and the British aristocracy Much of this hostile feeling is the natural result of the yet-remembered struggle in which your fathers had to t" -mbat fur liberty and life as a people . Much is also to be excused ou the ground that a mistaken idea exists in tbe States , that the British people of all classes are inilueiiced by ambition an «! the desire to prevent tho growth and spread of the republican institutions of America . This may be true of tbe privileged classes of Britain , but it is not true of the working class , who are as little cursed
with the folly of national ambition as any people on the face of the earth , and who , so far from being jealous of the republican institutions of the Now World , earnestly desire the establishment of like institutions in the Old . The nationality-uoHsense which appears to so largely influence political discussion in America , is rapidly disappearing in this country , and we are convinced that the British working men wnul 4 much rather fight / or republican institutions than against them . We need not here recapitulate the cost and horrors of war ; it will be sufficient toremind you that the war of 1812 causedan enormous increase of your public cxpendituie , which the custom duties failing to meet , recourse was had to heavy direct aud indirect taxation . The JSnglUh Excise Laws were engrailed upon ihe States , and domiciliary visits wers
directed " at all reasonable times . " Besides which , though tbe war lasted only two years and eight months , tbe United States government was compelled to borrow enormous sums , aud incur au amount of debt which it took twenty years to pay off . Supposing you win , take and keep the whole of the Oregon , its acquisition will be but a barren compensation for the loss of life and wealth which even a two or three years' war would cause . Like the working class of Britain , you , the working men of America , will have to bear tha cost of tha war ; you will suflermostof the slaughter ; you will hare but little of the " glorj" of the contest , and reap no more of the profit of the victory , if you achieve it . If you engage in this contest your folly will be without excuse . Do you desire an extensive national territory ! You have it already ; your republic is even now of almost illimitable
extent . You own tbe sovereignty of land which , to even moderately cultivate , would require your present popula . tion to be increased ten-fold , and to call forth the full resources of which , your population should be enlarged at least a hundred-fold—jet you clamour for more land ! Suppose you take the Oregon , who will be its masters \ Sot you , the working men . Like tbo working men of Europe , the great mass of you are landless in your own laud . The old states , the states of more recent creation , and your newly-acquired territories , are , for the roost part , in the hands of landlords and jobbers , to the exelu . sion of the great body of tbe people—the same system will be established in the Oregon should it be ' - annexed " to the Union . Working men of America , Would it not be well to insist upon baring land lor yourselves , rather than righting to add to the enormous possessions of landlords and speculators ?
Working men of America , we have warned you that the present cost aud suffering of war wiil mainly be borne by you ; but this is not all , nor tbe worst . Increase of territory will bring with it a permanent increase of your navy and " standing army , " an increase of naval and military officers , a . i increase of t * u-gat ) ierers , and other locusts , who , baring a disrelish for honest labour , will strive to permanently quarter themselves upon you—first by prolonging the war , and afterwards by voting the continuance of "war establishments" in time of peace , to retainyour force-won possessions . The result cannot fail to be tbe corruption of public morals , and the ultimate destruction of your Republican institutions .
There is one argument which the advocates of war address to the cupidity of the two nations—namely , "Whichever nation shall command tho ports of the Pacific , will ultimately command tbe trade with China . " Suppose so ; let tiie men who profit by " trade , " and make fortunes by "trade , " let them struggle for commercial supremacy if they will ; but the victims of trade hare no go « d reason for fighting for the ports of the Pacific , or any other ports . While in Britain manufacturers and merchants have gained princely fortunes , enabling them tu out-rival the old territorial aristocracy , the working men , whose labour aud skill have been so successfully employed by the "traders , " have been reduced to the lowest state of social existence . Deprived of their labour by the operation of machinery , or earning but a miserable
subsistence , their wives and children immolated to the " Juggernaut of steam , " they have become poorer and poorer , as their masters hare become richer and richer . Britain boasts the most wonderful " trade" the world has ever yet witnessed—bcr commerce brings toner ports the riches of the world , but them riches are not shared by the toiling classes ; work and want , the . Poor Law prison , and the pauper ' s funeral , are their sole rewards . We have good reason , to believe that a similar state of things already exists in the United States . In the commercial and manufacturing portions of the Union , the tyranny of capital is absolute , and the " slavery of wages" not less gulling than ia Britain . The existence of trades' unions , the statements of public journals , and the facts narrated
in private correspondence , leave no duubt as to the increase of destitution , the social slavery of tbe workers in all tbe large manufacturing and commercial cities , and the advance to absolute power of the holders of land and capital . The progress of commerce has served but to extend and consolidate the tyranny of the rich and the slavery of the poor . What matters it , then , to tbe working-men of either country who commands the Chiuese trade ? When the working-men of Europe and America have the sense to insist upon a just distribution of the products of their industry , and a fair exchange of their superfluities , commercial ports will be of equal value , and open to all nations ; no one nstiou will have the monopoly of tkem , and wars , for their acquisition , will be bnt a tale of the past .
Admitting , for the sake of argument , the right of Britain , or America , or both , to lay claim to the Oregon , a careful examination of the ] claims set up by each party leadtus ta the conviction , that the claim of one country is about as good as that of tbe other . An equal division of tbe territoiy would ( under this view ) he , therefore , an equitable adjustment ; and this , we believe , the British government is willing to assent to . Beyond this—always admittin *; the claims of the two governments—there is but one resource , that of referring the matter to arbitration . This the British government Ms preposed , and the American government has rejected .
Intelligence has reached London this day ( March 3 rd ) , Oiat all arbitration whatever in the question of the right to the Orej / onterritorji has been refused bjltnesoDsm-ment of the United States . By the American journals received from New York , we learn that on the 27 th of December , 1810 , the Bri-iob Minister proposed to the American Secretary of State , that negotiation having failed , the question of a just partition of the territory should be left to the arbitration of a third and disinterested party . This the American President rejected . On the ICtli of January , 184 C , the British Minister proposed to the American Secre .
tary , that if the United States have an objection to kings , to submit the question to tiie arbiiratioit of a nixed convention , with an . umpire ; or to a body of distiiisiH ' slicd cieittaiii . Bio proposed to meet the views of the United States by submitting the question of title , and in case it be found tbat neither party has a title to the whole , then to submit the question of equitable partition . To this last proposition , the American Secretary returned answer , on the 4 th of Fcbruarr , that— " To no power , however intelligent or respectable , nor to any body of citizens , could the United States consent to refer a claim of a . c / utracter like ( hat she possesses to the Oregon territory , "
Working men of America , docs this mean was ! Does it mian that your Republican government , which should set an example of justice , moderation , and ;> eaoo to the reit of the world , is determined to light up thu flames , and " let loose the dogs of war V We are no admirers oi the institutions of Britain ; on the contrary , our sympathies ate entirely with the institutions of America , but we say it with a sorrow wo will not dissemble , tbat the obstinacy of your government , if persevered in , will do mure to stay the march of Republicanism in Europe , than all the persecution which aristocrats can wageorkiugs decree .
Working men ot Britain and America , one course is yet open to both countries , by adopting which neither the interests nor tbe "honour" of either could be compromised , while its adoption would be a positive benefit to mankind . If , for tlic sake of argument , we have admitted the claims of tbe two governments , we have no hesitation in asserting , that iu pure right and justice neither country has tiie - -lightest claim to the territory . The supposition tbat any particular government can acquire a right over an unclaimed part of the earth , merely from the circumstance of its having discovered that there is suck a part iu existence , is an outrage on every principle of justice , Sueb conn tries nr « fne !> y n : itiire , and should be leltfree ,
TIi < : actual settlers on mi'l cultivators of the soil , these ar ? Hi v ri ; -litfiil no vim t i ( f iik ot tho soil , and should be at jierfrct lllinrty to < : 'iouki ilicir own form of government , tiiid their own iimtitutloiifi . The British fur-liuaters and Aifierit-an s'piatttTs are thu present occupants . The roiuilfy 1 » Jnriftj < : * i < n * j * li to lWin an indcpcutlcftt state , « r JihIi'mI tevernl hliitcs ; mid when tile population is . sufiiuii : iilry iiiimcroiiK , iiihtitiilioiis will doubtless he formed In a « : n < u'ilniicn with tin : wants of tlic people , and tiie euli ^ lit-ii ' il | iiiiii : iplcH i , f tin ! 114 c To prevent future con . t < : ittittit'i 1 Iliil-ii .-i ami the United States should agree that wli . itt-Ti-r iuHtitiitiniis or laws the new slate might adopt , fcfmuM , .-iK i * ' * - *; ir , Is liritaiu and tbe United States , be the tunic for b' . lh and iuileiieiiiieitt of both .
Such appears In us to be the best means of settling this " « : xc « l ijucstiaii . " Neither Britain nor the United . State .-, have - my ined of the Oregon , they have both more land than they c : m cultivate , or than either of them properly govern . Weil will it he for the human race when
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these territorial disputes will be known no more . That toitl 6 e when the land shall be » o longer monopolised by goeernr » ents , eumu , and individuals : but vnade tU eommon property of aM , the eommon fund for the sustenance of aU earth ' s children . Working men of Britain aud America , if yott approve of the view we hare taken of this question , be up and doing , and act forthwith to preserve the peace of the world . Gather iuyour public assemblies , memorialise your Parliament and Congress , create and guide an enlightened public opinion to this end , and influence your respective governments to act justly , honourably , and for the welfare , instead of the misery , of the human race ,
Working men of Britain , your interests are altogether on tho side of peace . War would dislraet public attention from your grievances , would add to your burdens , might probably afford a pretext for your governtnen t curtailing your scanty liberties , under the pretence of " providing for the public safety , " and would indefinitely postpone your political emancipation . Exclusive institutions , bad laws , and a vicious social system , are jour only real " enemies , " and against these only you should raise tlic shout of war . Working men of America , you are , or should be , the pioneers of freedom ; such was the mission bequeathed to
you by Washington and his great brother patriots , That mission you will best fulfil by perfecting your institutions—by abolishing the slavery of white and blackwages and the whip—by driving from your legislatures thu landlords , usurers , lawyers , soldiers , and other idlers and swindlers ; by making the veritable people , the wealth-producers , really " sovereign , " and thus establishing a real , instead of a nominal , Republic . War will not aid , but will prevent you accomplishing these reforms . Achieve these reforms , and everywhere tbe people will demand your institutions , aud your triumph will be complete .
A war between the two nations would revive the barbarous national prejudices and hatreds , which happily are now fast perishing before the light of knowledge and the advance of national intercommunication . Our desire is to promote the fraternity , freedom , aud happiness of nations . Iuihis spirit we have addressed youj iu this spirit we salute you as brethren . ; IIbnst Ross ( native of Britain ) , Chairman . Thomas Wwbkb ( native of Britain ) , "* Cam . ScHAmit ( native of German ; - ) , \ Seer , tarie > t Jeak A . Michelot ( native of Trance ) , f *" Pikb Holm ( ziative of Scandinavia ) , / London , March 3 , 1816 . Carl Schapper seconded the adoption of the address , and addressed the meeting in English and German . After brief addresses from other speakers , tbe question was put , and the address unanimously adopted . It was then ordered to be published , signed as above .
The following resolutions were then unanimously adopted : — 1 . That the Britishand American journals bo requested to give publicity to the address adopted by this meeting . 2 . That litis meeting appeals to the worl-ing men of Britain to immediately assemble in public meetings to protest against the threatened war with Amtrica ; and to take into consideraiiou the propriety of advising th 6 British governmuiit to assent to , and propose the iuifopendente of the Oregon territory , G . Juliah IiARNEr gave notice that at the next regular meeting on Sunday evening , March 15 th , he would call the attention of the assembly to the war in India . The ekaivuiaTV then -vacated tho ttWvr , and t \ m proceedings terminated .
The Ghaktist Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
THE GHAKTIST EXILES . THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE , TO T . B . MAOAULEY , ESQ ., M . l \ Sir , — Having been constituted a committee for promoting the return to their native land of John 1-rost , Zephaniah Williams , and William Jonrs , we h » ld it to be a duty which we owe to tbe exiles , aud to the community at large , to address a few words to you at the present time .- The motives which impel us to pursue this course sire , in the first place , devotion to the cause of these expatriated pert-ons , and in the second , a desirp to prevent , as far as possible , the minds of others from ueinn imbued or wnvped with those heartless notions of political expediency which appear to be the most striking characteristic of yoMr itmplacablo nature . The immediate circumstance which induces us thus publicly to address you , is tbe
appearance in some of the newspapers ot two letters to which your name ia attached . We have rend these letter . ' with deep attention , and our impression is , that they neither sustain your celebrity as a classical writer , nor redound to your character as a philanthropist or a politician . The one referring to the exiles evinces an obduracy of lieurt , a vindictiveuess of mind , an implacability of spirit , which would harmonise better with the character of some semibarbarian despot than with tbat of an enlightened member of the British legislature . The other is a miserable , au insulting attempt to prop the tottcrini ; fabric of class injustice ; to make the people believe that you know their interest * better than themselves ;
that they arc benefitted by being voteless , : mi that it ia perfectly consonant with reason and justice that they should be liable to compulsory enrolment in the miiitia , and thus become instruments in the hands of their oppressors for upholding the very system that robs , degrades , and enslaves them . In this letter , sir , yon ieebly urge doctrines which are waning fast —doctrines , at the erroneousness and absurdity of which the intelligence of the nineteenth century laue * hs ; doctrines which render their supporters objects ot the contempt of all reasonable men , while just as impnteutly you make a Quixotic attempt to as « ai ! those great principles of political -science which have nature for their basis aud philosophy for their
exponent . In one of these elegant epistles , you assign youi reasons for refusing your support to Mr . Dunconibe ' s motion for the presentation of an address from the House of Commons to the Queen , praying the award of the Royal clemency to Frost , Williams , aud Jones , This letter is the harshest thing of the sort it has been our lot to peruse fur some time past . It really appears to us , judging from its tenor , that it you had the power you would revoke the commuted sentence , and with exquisite pleasure carry the horrific , the brutal , the sanguinary original into execution . ' But , thank God ! such dispositions as yours are the fewest in number .
lou , sir , characterise these men as " great criminals . " We shall not go into the subject of their criminality now ; it is too well understood to b « necessary . Everybody knows what they did , when they did it , where they did it , and how they did it . Neither shall we dogmatise as to the motives which impelled to that course of conduct , resulting in such disastrous consequences . We will , however , hazard the presumption that they were tho purest—the noblest that can stimulate human action , We are not , sir , justifying the conduct of Frost , Williams , and Jones , neither shall wc unqualifiedly deprecate it . Much , sir , might be said , if not in defence , at least in palliation of it . The world lias an arbitrary rule by which it judges rebellions : according to it , their success is their justification—their failure is
their condemnation . Theprincipal actors , in the one case , are great heroes ; in the other , great criminals . But the impartial thinker should take into his estimate the motives to action , irrespective of the consequences . We do not believe that the conduct of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was the effect of a ruthless or depraved disposition . The excellent character as good citizens , good fathers , and good husbands , maintained by these men , forbid the harbouring of any such thought . TI 1 . 1 t their conduct was rash and imprudent in the extreme , we really admit ; but we cannot discover in it that glaring criminality which you tell us is so obvious to your mental optics . Their criminality appears to us to be akin to that of Washington , of Tell , of Wallace .
of Hampden , of Emmett , of Fitzgerald ; names which virtue has hitherto pronounced with veneration—names which fame has inscribed upon the scroll of immortality ; memories which , ages hence , will be eiivelitoedktu « shri-i lvtUalo , a . v-ttvid ' 'ii'CT ( jrevi \; c , v ( liCa that , of a Macauley will only bo mentioned in connection with political tergiversation , Whig jobbery , or schemes for upholding a grinding , oppressive , and anti-Christian system of class mis-rule , You say that the law has not yet been satisfied as respects Frost , Williams , and Jones . This , sir , when put in more understandable phraseology , is simply that vengeful natures , like that of Thomas IJabington Macauley , is not yet satisfied . Instances , however , recur to oar minds wherein the law was satisfied with
a few months' expatriation for greater crimes than those alleged against Frost , Williams , and Jones ; much greater , to use one of your own similes , than the crime of robbing a hen-roost . The Canadian rebellion must be fresh in your recollection ; a dig . astrous event brought about by the injustice of that expiring , tlrftt execrable faction of which you are so worthy a member . That revolt was crushed ; many were killed and wounded ; a great number wore made prisoners ; the majesty of tho law gloated its royal eyes over the strangulation of twenty-nine of them ; while several were sentenced to transportation for life . Their cause was eloquently p leaded at the bar of tho Ilouse of Common-- , by Mr . Roebuck ; the Royal clemency was exercised , their sentences were revoked , and they were restored to those homos made desolate , and to those hearts made disconsolate by their absence . Thus , you perceive ,
there are wei-hty precedents 111 favour ol the release of those " great criminals , " whose punishment you tell us , with seeming regret , is less than that of poor lads for picking pockets . AU we ask is even-handed justice ; all we implore is the same mercy for the Welshman which has been extended to the Canadian . We would advise you to alter your opinions , or to keep them from the severe eye of public scrutiny . They will not stand the ordeal _ of investigation . Your opinions upon the subjects of the franchise and the militia are too despicable for controversy . You dsre not enunciate thein before audiences of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh . At the last general election you received a most signilicant hint of the abhorrence in which they hold your principles , iti the fact that when tlu' show of hands was taken , your Chartist opponent , Mr . Lowcry , had a niajoi-itv of four to one over you . Depend upon it , thr ¦ . ' l li ' l
The Ghaktist Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
refusal to do a simple act of justice will not be iorgottcu , when you again solicit the favour of the inhabitants of Edinburgh . Change youf notions , good sir , if you would have the respect of the ; people ; cherish them , if you prefer tho favour of faction . Your opinions are far in the re « of the spirit ot the age ; the public mind has long passed that point in progress , when crafty logicians could palm the orthodoxy of your views upon it . The lriends of the exiles entertain strong hopes ot success inthoirprescnt efforts . These hopes are not depressed by your menaced opposition . They aro founded upon the intense feeling abroad favourable to their release ; upon the integrity of character preserved up ti > the time ol the calamitous outbreak ;
upon the fact , that tue highest law authorities , including six ol tho fifteen judges , have most solemnly declared their trial illegal 1 and , upon the fact , that during the six gloomy years of their captivity the conduct of these great a-iininuls lias be » n irreproachable . We say , emuuaticftlly , that if these men are not worthy to be made the recipients of the Royal clemency , that the prerogative of mercy had better at onto be declared a nullity . The friends of the exiles appeal with confidence to the benevolent and humane —they appeal to those who square their conduct- by the golden rule ol justice , to ao as they would be done by—they appeal to all , through whose hearts Hows the limpid current of philanthropy , to lend them a helping act in the cause of humanity aud justice .
1 have ihe honour to be , Sir , on the part of the committee , yours very respectfully , TiioMis Mums Wiuumb , Secretary .
The Exiles' Restoration Committee To The...
THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE TO THE ELECTORS AND iNON-KLECTORS OF EDUNliURGU . Gentlkmkn , —We trust that apologies will not be required for the liberty we have taken in thus pub > iiciy addressing you . We feel urged to the pursuit of this course by a high sense of duty . We have , gentlemen , undertaken the management of a cause which we aro resolved to guard with the most scrupulous vigilance . And whenever , or wherever , that cause is assailed , we consider it imperative upon us to rush to its vindication . The cause alluded 10 ia the ' restoration to their native land of the exile
patriots , Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones . Gentlemen , we have to prefer a complaint against your representative , T . B . Macauley , Esq ., for an attempt to obstruct the accomplishment of the object which wo have in view . Two letters of his have recently appeared in ono of your local papers , and , judging Irum the tenor of one of them , Mr . Duucombe ' s motion on Tuesday evening , in favour of thu exiles , will be met with his determined opposition . One part of the policy of the Ue & turation Committee has been to illicit the expression of the greatest amount of sympathy in behalf of those lriends of the rights of labour . Our object in this address is to give effect to that policy ; our purpose is to ascertain whether the views of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh , in regard to the liberation of Frost , Williams , aud Jones , are in unison with those put forth by T . U . Macauley , Esq .
Gentlemen , those individuals , although according to the highest authorities illegally convicted , have now suffered six years of gloomy bondage , and your representative says the law is not yet satislied , because their punishment is less than that of poor lads for picking pockets ! The wives and families ot th-isi men him owinved six years of tovturing anguish , produced by the absence of their nearest and dearest friends . They are about to appeal to the humanity of the British Parliament , aud your representative tells them to bauisli hope trout their hearts —that their suilerings arc interminable ! We ask whether the principles of such conduct are compatible with that element disposition , which forms the brightest adornment' in the human character ? Wc cherish strong hopes that Air . Alacauley will very auon discover that there are but few hearts in Edinburgh to tiirob responsive to the promulgation of his heartless principles .
Gentlemen , your representative holds opinions , upon other important , subjects , which we deem totally at variance with j ustice . You will see , by thu letters already 'alluded to , that ho is favourable to the compulsory enrolment of the militia . He has the effrontery to tell the young men of Edinburgh , that it is for their beneht to bo forced to pursue the throat-cutting trade for 7 s . a-wcek ! He appears to be tyrant enough to force youth into the army , and , as a consequence , age into the bastile , and hypocrite
enough , to tell the people that his impelling motive is zeal for the public good ! He would hue you ten pounds for refusing military service , or send you to the treadmill lor three mouths , all the time assuring you that he was the friend of your interests ! lie would , to our monster war establishment of 250 , 000 men , add 40 , 000 more , because his imagination is haunted with the sj-ectre of a "hostile armament " in the Forth ! He would considerably augment the fifteen millions sterling , annually abstracted by taxation from labour , to uphold the army and navy , yet takes to himself credit for being an economising
reformer ! Non-electors of Edinburgh , you are most grossly insulted by your pseudo representative , in one of these letters he gives his " best consideration" to the subject of the franchise , lie j-ravely assures you that ho refused the people the suffrage on the same ground that he would refuse a razor to a man who wanted to cut his own throat ! Mark the insultm * - arrogance of this Whig pensioner— "Irefused them the-franchise " Who , or what , we ask , is this presumptuous upstart , that dares tu say to the people of Britain , " 1 refuse you the franchise ? " Whence derives he authority to use such darinsj language ? Who is he that attempts to deny his fellow creature those rights which he has eqnal capacities to exercise—those privileges , not of man ' s , but of God ' s institution ? The haughty , despotic mortal , capable
of all this , is T . li . Maeiiuley , Esq ., Whig M . 1 ' . for the City of Edinburgh ! lie is afraid , he says , that the possession of the franchise by the people would change them from peaceful , moral subjects , into ruthlessconiiscatois of ptiolie property ! And hence , to prevent so direful a consummation , he withholds from them the suffrage . Gentlemen , this crafty Whig refuses it for reasms the very reverse of those which he assigns ^ He withholds it not , as he says , to prevent spoliation of property , but that the spoliation of your labour by landlords , iimdlords , and profitlords , may proceed without interruption , To use a simile of his own , he is fearful that the razor of the franchise , in the hands of an intelligentpeople , would be used in lopping off such excrescences from the nation ' s burden as his Indian pension , or in exterminating those voracious monstrosities whose destructive fangs are ever stuck in the vitals of industry .
Gentlemen , we conceive that the avowal of these heartless principles by your representivtWe , imposes upon you the necessity of declaring your real sentiments . Your silence at present , will identify you with these odious views entertained by Mr . Macauley . He is opposed to the release of Frost , Williams , aiid Jones . If , gentlemen , you think otherwise ; if you deem them worthy of restoration , we call upon you , in the name of humanity , to proclaim your philanthropic aspiration to the world . ; If you consider the compulsory enrolment of the militia tyrannous and oppressive , now , while government is concootiujf its new militia laws , is the time for you to speak , out in unmistakuable language . If you think the principle of universalenfrauchisementtobe just and truthful , then let tlte world know that there is no similarity between the politics of Thomas Babington Macauley and those of the inhabitants of the important town which he so foully represents . Thomas Martin Wueklkr , Secretary .
Exilks' Restoration* Committee, Friday E...
Exilks' Restoration * Committee , Friday Evkn-150 . —Mr . Godwin iu the chair . Mr . Stall-rood reported from Finsbury respecting the getting up of a public meeting for the exiles , in that borough . Mr . Moore also reported the movements made by the members of the National Association iu favour of the return of the exiles . Mr . Clark reported the result of an interview with Mr . Diincombe . Mr . Milne reported a favourable result of tho deputation to the carpenters . Mr . Milne also reported favourably from the tailors of the Blue Postu . Mr . Luke gave in a favourable report from tho broad-silk weavers , the City shoemakers , the cabinet-makers , and the farriers . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved , — "Thata tea party , concert , and ball , should be
got up , at ths Parthf ntum-roums , on Friday , March 24 th , in aid of the funds of the Committee ; " and Messrs . Wheeler , Siallwoud , Souter , Milne , and Whiiiuore , were appointed to make the necessary arrangements . Mr . Dunn reported from the City locality , and Mr . Sinu'son from Camberwell . On tho motion of Messrs . Clark and Stallwood , it was resolved-- " That an address should bo got up to tho electors and non-electors of Edinburgh , calling upon them to do justice to Babington Macauley , for his cowardly attack upon the Welsh patriots ; and also , that copies of the address be sent to the various metropolitan and provincial papers likely to insert it . " The meeting then adjourned . —On Sunday afternoon the Committee again assembled , Mr . Milne in tho chair . Messrs . Clark , Doyle , and M'Gvath , reported the result of their labours , and read favourable replies from several l
M . ' . ' s . Messrs . M'Grath and Mills gave in a favourable report from the skein-silk dyers Mr . King reported from the broad-silk weavers . Mr . I home was added to the committee , bavin" been deputed from a party of friends meeting at " the Hall of Science , Goswell-street . Messrs . White and Henley were also added to the committee . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved— " That tho secretary send to Newport . Walts , to induce them to get up a petition , signed by the town counril ; also one by the inhabitants . " It was also rcsolvedlhat the secretary of this committee should write to the secretary at Manchester , requesting him to endeavour to get the trades of that town to petition in Jarour ot the object . " On the motion of Messrs . MOrath and Rogers , it was resolved- " That the Executive should be appointed as a deputation to the various editors ol newspapers in London , rcouesliiie
their assistance in this humane undertaking . " On the motion of i-iessrs . Simpson and Clark , it was resolved— 1 hat the various members of the committee wit . i such help as they can procure , should wait with a pennon ou tho minister ; , of religion , iu their
districts . " It was then resolved—** That the secretary should issue collecting-books to the committee , to raise subscri ptions in favour of the object . " Depotations were then appointed to the five divisions of the shoemakers , toithelarriers , cabinet-makers , typefounders , silk hatters , plasterers , stonemasons , the United Trades , and to Mr . Buncombe . The meeting then adjourned until Wednesday evening . The committee again met at the Parthenium , St . Martin Vlune , on Wednesday evening , March the ¦ till , Mr . John Arnott in the chair . The deputations to members of Parliament , the public press , the Finsbury and other meetings , and the address committee reported . The reports wore deemed satisfactory and received , The committee were delighted with the very cheering prospect of success likely to attend their humble efforts . After according & vote of thanks to the chairman , they adjourned until Sunday afternoon ( three o ' clock ) , at Turnagain-lane .
MEETING IN SOUTHWARK . A numerously attended public meeting was held at the South London Chartist Hall , Slackiriarsroad , on Monday evening , March the 2 nd , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr . Fairchild was unanimously called fo the chair , and said , the purpose for which they had , that night , met was purely philanthropic , aud no man could more desire tbe restoration of the much-injured men than he did . lie thought their longer continuance in a felons' land would be a disgrace to a civilised nation . ( Cheers . ) Mr . T . Clark , in an able , energetic speech , which elicited the loudest applause , moved tho first resolution , similar to the resolutions adopted at all meetings held for this purpose . Mr . Bell , in an able
and argumentative speech , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . Doyle , in a speech of much eloquence , moved the adoption of a petition , embodying the foregoing resolution , which was seconded and carried unanimously . Mr . Thomas Cooper , with his usual ability , moved the adoption of a petition on behalf of William Sherrat Ellis , which was seconded by Mr . Alfred Hunnibell , late of Stafford , and an acquaintance of William Ellis . The petition was unanimouslyadoptcd . Mr . John Gatliard said , he was intrusted with the follow , ing most important resolution : — " That this meeting have read with extreme disgust , the base and inhuman letter of Babington Macauley , M . P ., relative to the unfortunate yet noble-minded Welsh
martyrs , and hereby express their ueep conviction , that any human being who can hold and utter such , worse than brutal sentiments , is totally unfit to represent any enlightened constituency . " Mr . Gatliard read the letter above referred to , and sat down by moving the resolution . Mr . Philip M'Grath said , he felt great pleasure in seconding so forcibly written a resolution , and he had every reason to believe it would be tiianimously adopted . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed Mich an hatred of inhumanity existed in the breast of Englishmen , that must induce them to execrate such sentiments as those enunciated by Thomas Babington Macauley . ( Loud Cheers . ) The case of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was well known , and understood by them , and hence
they wei'O all favourable to the return of those men ; therefore ; he would confine himself to the dissection of the letters of Babington Macauley , who was reckoned among the clever of tho Whig Malthusiaus , and . hence it was necessary tiiat the people should understand him . Mr . M'Grath then read the letter relative to the late national petition , and said the man who could put to paper such falsehoods was a wilful slanderer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) We do not call for national bankruptcy , nor for the destruction of property . ( Hear , hear . ) We , in that petition , simply asked lor tho just right of all , namely , that every man of sane mind , non-convicted of crime , and of twenty-one years of age , should have a voice in tho making of those laws he is called on to
obey . ( Loud cheers . ) We still contend for this , and are still determined to continue the struggle until success crown our efforts , despite all the base calumnies of glib philosophers . ( Great cheering . ) Again , we ajked in that petition that the religious rights of all should be respected , that every man should be allowed to worship God in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience and which , he belie * ved was strictly in accordance with philosophy , reason , justice , and common sense . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Macauley had charged the Chartists with having a desire to confiscate the soil . So far from this being true , we declared that it had already been confiscated . We did more , we pointed out the robbers , among whom numbered Babington Macauley ,
and we demanded that those robbers should restore the stolen property to its righU ' wl owners . ( Vociferous cheering . ) Babington Macauley said , ho " refused the franchise to the working classes by the same rulo as he would refuse a razor to a man who would ask him for it for the purpose of cutting his own throat . " He lefusiil !—who gave him Unfranchise tO bestow Ol' withhold as he pleased ( Loud cheers . ) He knew some , of whom Mr . Macauley was of tho number , that said the franchise was a trust . ; but he ( Mr . M'Grath , ) wished to know who had invested them with the trust ? ( Great cheering . ) There was another subject deeply interesting to them , on which Mr . Macauley had passed some flippant and impertinent
remarks—he meant the embodiment of the militia ; and Which ho trusted , notwithstanding the sublet } of Mr . Sidney Herbert , they would be prepared t !< resist to a man . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . T . B . Macauley contended that the state had a right to call on ah to serve in the militia . Now , he (& lv . M'Gvv « h ) w »* .-tended the government had no such right ; and their right was cvnfined to those who had the franchise . ( Groat cheering . ) He had not in the course of his life read or heard anything half so brutal as tin letter of this sapient legi-lator . Even the great bulk of tlte middle classes were in favour of the restoration of those " great criminals . " As a proof of this , a friend of his had waited on the shopkeepers , calling at every house iu Great Windmill-street , and oul > met with one refusal to sign a petition in their behail .
( Loud cheers . ) Iu what did their criminality consist ? In their patriotism , in their love of country , iu their humanitv , in their burning desire for the welfare of humanity , and their aspirations for the establishment of a universal brotherhood . ( Greai cheering . ) In those wnnobling sentiments thai ¦ f armed the breast of a Kussell , a Howard , a Sydney , a Pym , or a Hampden , that glowed in thu hearts of an Emmett , a Fitzgerald , or immortalised Uiv names of a Skirving , Gerald , Margaret , and Palmer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) He was surprised that a being professing to be the representative ef the Modern Athens , of tho Scotch nietiopolis , should venture to pour forth such brutal and inhuman sentiments , seeing that scarce ten persons in nil Scotland
could be found to agree with him ; so great was the veneration lor patriotic martyrs aud heroes , that tlit Scotch grave-yards abounded with monuments to those twin-brothers of the Welsh martyrs , Skirving , Gerald , and Palmer . ( Loud cheers ' . ) Notwithstanding the malignant slanders hurlitd at the head > of the suffering exiles by their Whig persecutors , hicouhl congratulate the meeting on the near approach of the day of triumph ; and then every man among them , when hailing the return of Frost , Williams , and Jones , might lay his hand on his heart , and say , " This is indeed part of my work . " ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was put , and carried amid great applause . A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , who brMy responded , and the meeting dissolved .
IlAMMisnsMiTH . —At a public meeting held at the Dun Cow , Brook-green-lnno , on Tuesday evening , March 3 rd , Mr . Cook in the chair , it was unanimously resolved—'' That Colonel T . Wood , one of the membeis for the county of Middlesex , present the petition on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , for this district . " " That Mr . G . H . Cook bo subsecretary , and Mr . J . Newell sub-treasurer . " " That the best thanks of this meeting be tendered to Mr . J . Harris , late editor of the 'English Chartist . Circular , ' for services rendered to this locality . " " That steps be taken with ' a view to holding public meetings once per month , in the spacious Temperance Hall , Bridge-road , for the furtherance of the Chartist cause . " " That the petition sheets now out for signature be returned to Mr . Stallwood , on or before Sunday night , March Sth . " A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , and the meeting dissolved .
MEETING AT PAISLEY . A public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley , on behalf of the Welsh patriots , was held iu the Chartist Church , Canal-street , on the evening of Monday . Councillor Campbell was called to the chair , and in a very able and appropriate addrc . « s ouened the business of the meeting . Duncan Itobertsun proposed the first resolution , which , having been seconded bv Mr . James Fleming , was put and carried usani " niously . Mr . Robert Cochran then proposed the petition prepared by the committee , which was
seconded by Mr . William Campbell , who made a powerful appeal to the sympathies of the meeting on behalf of the exiles . The petition was unanimously agreed to . It was then agreed that the petition lie forwarded immediately to Mr . Buncombe , and that the four M . P's . connected with the county , viz ., Messrs . Ilastie , Stewart , Bouverie , and Baine , be severally written to , and requested to support the motion of Mr . Duncomuc . A vote oj thanks was curried by acclamation to Councillor Campbell . Mr . Campbell having replied , the meeting separated .
BiiOMsoitovK . —A meeting of the Chartists was held at the Horn and Trumpet , Bromsgrove , on Thursday , when the petition sheets for the restoration of Frost , Williams , and Jones , were brought in , containing two thousand four hundred signatures , which were forwarded to Mr . Buncombe for presentation . Tho county members for the eastern division of Worcestershire have been written to to support the prayer of the petition , but answers have not been received . BAumEY . —Letter to Lord Mori'kth — Mv Lord .-As secretary to Frost ' s Restoration Committee , I have received your letter from the chairman , to whoin it was addressed , and I think it calls lor a reply , lou very delicately tell us that vou will not vote for the liberation of these brave men ; nut because thov are Ch artists , but for being " rebels " and * Bheddow ol blood . " Now , my Lonl , I Iake the liberty oi telling you that they m tho rermc ol
what you state them to be . It was because their noble and philanthropic souls recoiled at the shedding of blood , that caused them to be in the unhappy condition they are now in . My Lord , let us just test your dislike to shedding blood by your actions . The system that you bol-ter up sends thousands annually to a premature grave ; how many , at this very moment , are languishing with hunger , while your lordship and those of your kidney are wallowing in licentious indulgence ? And , my Lord , where was your dislike to the shedding of human blood , when you voted for that atrocious , blood-thirsty , and inhuman Poor Law , which accursed law has caused thousands of human beings to commit suicide as tha only means of escaping its brutal barbarity ? My
Lord , it may seem right enough for persons in your station of life to philosophise and calculate how many filthy crumbs will keep body and soul together , if those whose fate it may be to become the victims of your worse than Ale , erine Whig Poor Law ( poor enough , God ksows ); but , for my part , 1 woulu sincerely thank Almighty God to swallow up the universe with an earthquake , rather than such an unnatural state as at prc-sent exists should continue any longer . My Lord , I should like you to demonstrate your superiority over me , to prove your right to be a lordly drone , and my right , or rather wrong , to be your abject slave , deprived of everything lhat can make life at all desirable . Yet such is the relation my class stands in to your class . If you think
that you , and the whole unfeeling crew , whose flinty hearts cannot only let them refuse to lend a helping hand , but yield their demon-like assistance to continue the bondage of the glorious and ever-beloved John Frost and his brave a .-sociates , can reconcile tlte people to such brutal conduct , either by your , deceitful smiles or your savage frowns , you will find yourselves miserably deceived ; as I can promise you , in the name of the oppressed millions of this country , there shall be no peace for the wicked till our land is adorned with the presence of the illustrious and hallowed John Frost and his co-sufferers . This you will find the case if ever you take another elec tioneering tour through the West Killing of Yorkshire . considered tho
The very name of John Frost is by productive and useful portion of the community to be synonymous with everything that is excellent and virtuous ; while , I assure you , the name of Morpeth conveys a very different impression . I remain constantly , no very great admirer of your lordship ; yet I would not injure you , 1 would only prevent your doing mischief . —Jons Ward , Secretary to the Frost Restoration Committee . Barnsley , Feb . 20 , ISiC . To Lord Viscount Morpeth . Shkviiklu . —The petition in behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , aud Ellis , has been for warded to Mr . Buncombe , containing 13 , 000 signatures . The borough and county members have been written to , and the following aro the answers from two of them : —
London , Feb . 23 , 1846 . - Sia , —I have been favoured with your letter , requesting my aiteuiion to the petitiou from Sheffield entrusted to Mr . Duneombe . I have every wish to attend to all tha v-isiies of my constituents j but , in this casn , I make no promise of support , 1 hare the honour to be , Sir , Your liumbt ; servant , ¦ — - MonPETn .
16, Suffolk-Street, Feb. 24,1846. Sin,—I...
16 , Suffolk-street , Feb . 24 , 1846 . Sin , —I have receivod your note of the 21 st , and will endeavour to be in nvj vlat-j upon Mr , Duweoinbe bringing the subject it refers to hclore the house , I need not tell you , that the interference of a popular body , like the Ilouse of Commons , with theprero-niivu ol thu Crown in mutters which affect the administration of public justice , bus always beeu looked at with great jealousy , and is liable to very serious objections . At the same time , there are sometimes cases which ju " tify it . Whether the presentis one in which public justice may be considered satisfied , I must hear a little more of the intermediate conduct of tlsc parties before I presume to decide . I shall be glad , however , you may depend upon it , in this , as in all eases , to maku punishment an lenient as is consistent with the safety of the community ; and , as you ask for nothing in your note hut a fair consideration of the statement , I can assure jou , that I shall approach the subject with a strong desire to find a justification for giving my support to this petition . Yours obediently , Mr . George Curtis . J . Pabkek .
Frost, Williams, And Jones. [Important A...
FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . [ Important article from the Morning Advertiser Wednesday . ] Our readers must have observed , from the frequency with which petitions have of late been presented to Parliament for a remission of the sentence of transportation for life , which Frost , Williams , and Jones are now undergoing , tbat the public mind has recently bm \ much occupied with the destiny of these unfortunate men . The feeling is strong and general , that a free and full pardon ought to be extended to them , and that this pardon should be granted without further delay .
It is gratifying to find that , amid the profound and universal sympathy which is felt for the state convicts in New South Wales , no disposition has been anywhere betrayed to attempt to palliate the offence for which they are suffering . The grounds en which it is sought to obtain the remission of the remainder of the sentence passed ou the unhappy men , are two in number . The first is , that the majesty of the law has already been sufficiently vuulieinted . They have now endured the honors of transportation for six years ; and considering the hardships of their lot , that term of punishment must have amply satisfied the claims of justice . As shey are men of intelligence , and had moved in a better sphere of life than the generality ^ of conVicts , they have suffered as much during their six years of transportation aa others would do in three times that period .
The mercy of the Sovereign may , therefore , be solicited with peculiar propriety on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . There is not , we believe , a single individual in the country who would not be rejoiced to see the clemency of the Crown extended to them . It wouid add greatly and deservedly to the popularity of the Sovereign , and would be regarded as a gracious act on the part of the government . But there is another reason why the friends of humanity may , with a peculiar propriety , approach the Q . ueen on behalf of these individual " . Serious doub . sare entertained by several of the Judges aud most distinguished legal gentlemen in the country , as to the validity of the proceedings at their trial .
It is the decided opinion ot the legal authorities to whom we refer , that , inasmuch as the list of the witnesses to be brought against the prisoners on the trial was not delivered until live days after the delivery of the copy of the indictment and the list of the jurors , the whole proceedings were vitiated . Tha "law , according to Sir Frederick Pollock , now the Lord Chief Baron , requires that the list of witnesses , the list of jurors , and the copy of the indictment , should all be delivered to the prisoners at one and tlte same time . It was proved on the trial tbat a copy of ihe list of witnesses was not delivered until live days after the delivery of the list of jurors and of ' a copy of the indictment .
Lord Brougham is of the same opinion as Sir Frederick Pollock . The non-delivery of the list of witnesses at the proper time , his Lordship holds to bo fatal to the whole proceedings . " It applied , " says his Lordship , in a speech in the Ilouse of Lords in 1810 , on the subject , "to everyone of the witnesses . A stronger case for absolute acquittal I have never known in the whole course of my professional experience . I consider , looking at the circumstances of the case , that the unfortunate individuals are entitled to a total release—an extension of mercy it cannot he called , because I consider that a total ' release is a legal rio / it and justice . " There is no mistaking language like this . Is is as plain , unequivocal , decided , energetic , as language can be .
That the Judge who presided on the occasion , felt that there was much force in tlte objection , mened to , was clearly shevm by the fact that he reserved the point for the consideration of the fifteen Judges of England . But a still stronger proof of the validity of tho objection urged in favour of the prisoners , 13 to be fouud in the fact , that nine out of the iittecn Judges declared that the non-delivery of the list of witnesses with the other two documents would have been fatal to the entire proceedings , had the objection been taken in time . Nine out of the fifteen held that it had not been taken in time . Tho other six Judges held that it was not only a fatal objection , but that it had been taken in time .
Here there is a large minority of the fifteen Judges of England , solemnly declaring , after tho deepest deliberation , and the most ample discussion of the merits of the point at issue , that the trial , conviction , and punishment of these unhappy individuals were illegal . It was at the time the source of surprise in Westminster Hall , that , under all the circumstances , the men should ever have been sent out of the country . It surely then would be but doing a gracious act ) now that they have suffered six years of transportation , to remit the remainder of their sentence , and restore them to their country and their Mends .
^ Ihe myriads who have petitioned for the release of Frost , Williams , and Jones , arc not only justified in doing so for the reasons to which we have referred , but they have a case in point to urge as a precedent . The Canadian rebels have received the mercy of tho Sovereign . They have been pardoned . Somo ' of them have returned from the penal colonies to their own country and friends , and others are filling responsible situatiousjn the British Colonial Government . It afforded us at the time great gratification to fiud that the Royal clemency was extended to the Canadian rebels ; but if either of the two classes of convicts had a preferable claim 10 the merer of the Sovereign , it was , for the reasons already stated , Frost , Williams , aud Jones .
At all events , we are suro there will bo a unanimous concurrence of opinion with us , when we say chat it would not oniv be ungracious , but absolutely cruel , and monstrously unjust , to exact from the Welsh convicts a furthcrierm of the terrible punishmom thov . ire emlmimr , ^ ' having extended the clemency of the Crown , to tho Canadian rebels .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 7, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_07031846/page/6/
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