On this page
- Departments (3)
-
Text (14)
-
in tbe ENGLANPlSM 5 I I J.j THE STAR OF ...
-
LETTERS FOR -WORKISGc . M^ l Ko. HX— The...
-
[ Ad vertisement.] £&• NOTICE!
-
REPORTS having heen propagated by malici...
-
£0 ©omspottonua.
-
We regret not being able to make room th...
-
THE STAR OF FREEDOM, SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1852. THE PARLIAMENTARY PEIZE-EING. HOW SHALL WE OUST THEM?
-
What a solemn mockery! What an infamous ...
-
-NATIONAL DEFENCE. What has caused the r...
-
THE COMING REVOLUTION. The political wor...
-
PARLIAMENTAEY REVIEW. THE BUDGET , recei...
-
LECTUEES IN THE METROPOLIS. GUIDE TO THE...
-
fw£ § <•«?£ F™M."~Now fcbat tbD « star o...
-
'YOUNG ENGLANPlSM' ^DTs^f 5 ^ HIS BTJDGE...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
In Tbe Englanplsm 5 I I J.J The Star Of ...
in tbe ENGLANPlSM 5 I I J . j THE STAR OF FREEDOM . __ ^ ^ ° , 85
Letters For -Workisgc . M^ L Ko. Hx— The...
LETTERS FOR -WORKISGc . M ^ l Ko . HX— The Seksz of ibS CorOTar . ' 10 THE EDITOR OP THE STAB OF FBEEDOM . Sib , —Martin Luther has an zdmirable sentence : I am for tearing off every mask , for managing nothing , for extenuating nothing , for shutting the eyes to nothing , that truth may he transparent and unadulterated , and have a free course . ' I quote this because I am told that offence is taken in * all directions ' at my plain speaking—especially at my attacks upon the Parliamentary and Financial Reformers . It seems that when I pointed out a lie , I ought to have
called it an incorrectness : and . when I saw fraud , I shonld have _ spoken of well-intentioned error . Now , I wish to be correct in my speech , even though 1 do not sit on Sundays under a doctor of politeness ; but I find the first canon of correctness to be irutfc to one s own meaning . When , therefore , I find a man saying he appeals to the * whole people , ' would make the ' whole people' contented ; and when I am sure that he knows that be does not mean the -whole people , but a million less , it is not enoug h to call his statement incorrect—it is a ' wilful incorrectness , and that , without any circumlocution , is a Ue . So , when I find M . I / ouis Blanc comparing Mazzini to Lcms JJapoleonand speaking of his ' pompous uselessness *
, at Rome , I am bo thoroughly aware of the wilfulness of the falsehood that I know there , too , of but One word to fitly characterise it . Or . again , when my Lord Lansdowne is found guilty of deliberatel y causing the death of the poor Irish boy , Denis Shea ; when Sir James Graham ( bidding to be next in power ) has been proved to have aided and abetted in luring the Baadieras to a bloody grave—I find no words in our poor language so proper as those of murderer and assassin . I use them accordingly . I -wish my renters , then , to be sure tbat , in employing such extreme words , I do it not of baste , but from deliberate judgment of their propriety ; and I am not to be deterred from using them by any inanity of
criticism ; neither shall I abandon my mode to follow the cant so much in vogue ( a cant prcceeding from the ' peace ' -mongers ) , the cant of hunting for points of contact with criminals of good intention . Let us get back again to English frankness , so far as it can be done without virulence or ill-feeling . I will keep out of slander ; but things and public men I must call by what may seem to me to be their right names A gentleman is not bound to keep his hands in * kid / nor his tongue in silkiness . Mealy-moutbedness is not propriety , any more than grandiloquence , or hasty or ill-mannered violence is strength . I trust to avoid both errors . But I may pass the charge of manner for something deeper . It appears to be a
* qne stion in certain quarters whether I am , at any time ready to sacrifice the cause of the people to an opposition to the middle class , inexplicable and indefensible , ' or only able to sing triumphant paeans on the death of Chartism , and then to sell the body , like any old resurrectionist , to the aforesaid middle class , to which I am so inexplicabl y opposed . I suppose I must even go out of my " way * to set these matters right , that at least my own readers may know what I am aiming at . To the first accusation , then , Isay , that I was not aware that the Parliamentary Reform gang —( well , now , really I and God forgive me for a nanghty word I yet we say a gang of ' navvies ' without any hint of disrespect)—I did not know
that the Parliametary Reform Association was the middle class . This beats the three tailors of Tooleystreet out and out . L . myself , am one of the middle class—born and bred among them : certainly I am not one of tbe Association . And I deny that the Association even represents the middle class . It represents only that portion of the middle class which is without political principles , or which is not over careful to act up to principle ; and this is one chief reason why I attacked it . Not for its power of active mischief , but because of its pretence , which
hlocksjup the way and prevents the action of those \ rho are really honest in that class—and because I see men who ought to know better trying to persuade the people that their statesmen-like politicians are really the middle class , and tbat they have hit upon the very thing for which the nation ( or the ' whole people , ' as they prefer to phrase it ) is longing—tbe exact compromise that at this very moment would best suit the tumour of a compromising people—that they do in fact { however little of public opinion has been expressed in their favour ) really express the opinion of the country . Because I know all this to be false I attack
themthey are dead rubbish in the way of progress . But it is sheer nonsense to call this an opposition to the middle class , though I am not inclined to conciliate a dishonest portion of tbat class by advertising * the impossibility of Universal Suffrage / even as the catchtitle of a lecture—I oppose , as I opposed thirteen years ago , in the National , that portion of the middle class which stands in the way o f a National Franchise . I will ever oppose them : at the same time , I remit not my
exertions to obtain a real union ( not the sham union of the people giving up their rights , on the reciprocityall-on-one side and 'fraudulent preference' system ) of men of all classes for a national object . For while one critic accuses me of an 'indefensible opposition to the middle class , another funnily cries out that am selling Chartism to this same middle class . It wil take a far cleverer fellow than I pretend to be , to sel Chartism to any one now , I guess . * Ha ! you exult at that . ' ISot at all : it is no matter of exultation
or rejoicing tbat one has walked on a wrong road for a dozen years , tbat tbe same one loved is now only on a tombstone . But neither will 1 regret that I have ( however late ) found out that , right as our aim was , oar means were not calculated to obtain it ; that it IS indeed better for us that Chartismhss died out , because it was a Class Movement , and we must have more than a Class Movement to obtain a national object . Nay , however much that failure may be regretted , it would he folly to waste in regrets tbe time which may yet , if wisely husbanded , serve us to revenge our failure ny success . Let us make up our minds that such asperial form of proceeding , called Chartism , is dead ; let us be thankful tbat we are no longer wasting time
and hope and some energy in a false direction ; let us look round upon our scattered forces ( we counted two millions some Jong years ago , ) and try again how many we can collect for new endeavour ; what allies also we can obtain , from no matter what class , even from among the party of the ' garrison / if they will give up their dodges . Of a truth , we know not who is with us , what party can be formed , what we can do for onr purpose . All is scattered . Places that were thronged with Chartists in 1839 , have now not even a Chartist committee . And , as I said before , the ' National ' Parliamentarians have not even the beginning of a party . Yet from having some little money , a staff and impudence , they pass for representatives of the
sense of the country , so far as concerns this most important question ; the question of the Suffrage . I join issue With them on that point , what is the real opinion of the country , without distinction of class ? That is what we should get at . And my proposition goes that way . To repeat its substance , I want every large town , at the next election , to poll the members of those Iwho are bona fide for Manhood Suffrage , -without cumbering it with any details , and only guarding against mental reservations of tbe expediency-men . Such a roll of names would be the preliminary of future action . "We are without organisation now ; and the old plan of Conferences and Conventions of ourselves and friends will
not suffice . But get a muster-roll of those who hold the principle . I have said , do this for a petition from each -place to Parliament against the return of any member who will not accept oar principle . One advantage in this mode of petitioning will he the placing in direct contrast the numbers of Voters for a man and petitioners against time . Another will be ^ the revival of local action , in place of the essentially vicious system of agitating from a centre . "Work to a centre , not from it . Torn : centre -will be easily Obtained by delegation from the localities when the localities have strength enough to back their delegates . It is of no use getting up Conventions till then . We have all to be ^ in over again . And we had better forthwith begin from the beginning , by ascertaining who are on our side . 3 nt why not keep the name of the Charter ? Why not the six points ? Because that would be confining the
movement as we have surely learned by this time , to one class ; and lam 'inexplicably' opposed to the people ' s movement , being only a class movement . Give up for Union ' s sake everything " except tbe principle . That ¦» just the difference between myself , who would not sell you to the Parliamentary Reformers , and those Who talk of moves 'in the right direction / fraudulent inst llments , four Joares , dc . They would give up the ? oiw l ? r \ fw the safce of a compromise , in which , as in the St r Rtfom Bin tin » e , and in the foolishness of the haw no com * ^ pe ° P wonld m decd be sold . I would prmci pl ^ thf ™ i ' 1 , utan s S reenient u P ° tbe one sure ean bei formei-t !? ,. ettmnd "P which a national party not meamncr « , i , gr ^ u ? d ot national equalitv , national poLingofanronT Z ^ -. ^^ '{ «*<> "e »<& " >»• The SnfogewoaW putS" ^^ th . e Pe Ie fo p ^ 'versal pf our friends indulge ° h ? ir « > bi 3 h » whicl » even some being extinct , and wonld ' ba « T j esi f for tne franchise 00 m de » th blow of the pre .
Letters For -Workisgc . M^ L Ko. Hx— The...
tenders , who would palm an " instalment" « P ° * ^ J _ ™ would he no more residential or rateable ^^" JJ more Quibbling about the ^ pomliM y <» uj ^ 3 SuSrage-nomore vain sneering at the 'ff » g of those who are consistent in advocating J ^ "J ^ g than the humbug which is mis-named policy . And even _ wr Joshua himself , who is well-meaning , thoug h weak , might come to blow a trumpet at our Jericho . .... th So , spite of myharshlanguage , my ' oppos ^ on to the middle class , and my ' treachery' t ° ^ J ^ fc P ' r / e i see me persistent in the old recommendation of a eours » i Stillholatobepraotical-tho union ^ h st . 1 ™ classes upon the broad ground of P ^ M ^ L ^ dirty or faYkcious compromise ) - ^ P ™^ leof"ignt to the franchise , which only may be the ™ nd ^ ° * * £ * tional party / which only can be the gro undwotk Sanation .
[ Ad Vertisement.] £&• Notice!
[ Ad vertisement . ] £ &• NOTICE !
Reports Having Heen Propagated By Malici...
REPORTS having heen propagated by malicious persons , that the undersigned is Proprietor of the Stab or Fbeedosi , Notice is hereby given to the Printer , Publisher , and all persons engaged upon the said Journal , that the undersigned is not Proprietor , or part Proprietor , of the Stab of Fbeedoh , and has bo connexion , but that of personal friendship , with its Mitor , and will not be responsible for any expenses or liabilities that may he incurred by tbe publication of the said Kewspaper . ( Signe 3 ) Kobebt Le Blond . Witnesseu * Bisia ^ IttusI RcrEt > Witnesses ^ KttHAEt j ^ n . May 7 th , 1 SS 2 .
£0 ©Omspottonua.
£ 0 © omspottonua .
We Regret Not Being Able To Make Room Th...
We regret not being able to make room this week for correspondence from Brighton , Birkenhead , Manchester , Birmingham , Bradford , Nottingham , Newcastle , Hamilton , Northampton , and many othe : B-. ace ? . . _ „ „ ,, ' ... The O'Coxnok fesD . —Kcceired from the Byron Ward locality , per Mr . Sweet , 2 s—Aerington , 13 s Sd . Names of subscribers in next Saturday ' s •« Star . "
The Star Of Freedom, Saturday, May 8, 1852. The Parliamentary Peize-Eing. How Shall We Oust Them?
THE STAR OF FREEDOM , SATURDAY , MAY 8 , 1852 . THE PARLIAMENTARY PEIZE-EING . HOW SHALL WE OUST THEM ?
What A Solemn Mockery! What An Infamous ...
What a solemn mockery ! What an infamous juggle ! is this thing called the People ' s House of Commons . It is only a dodge got up to gull the people . It is a sham prize fight in a kind of national pugilistic arena , opened by royalty , to give eclat to the clap-trap proceedings , where a Disraeli and a Derby give the challenge to a Russell and a Pal-MERSton , or some other champion of ' all England / at their respective weights , and ' at it they go . ' They appear to ' pitch into' each other with the wildest ferocity , amid the mingled cheers and shouts of their backers . But don't alarm yourselves , good people , they don't mean it at all . They take precions good
care not to hurt each other—all that passion is simulated—it is onl y a ruse to attract your attention . And there you stand , open-mouthed , gaping at them with hungry avidity . Meanwhile aristocratic black-legs , lordly sharpers , and whole locust-swarms of thimbleriggers , and profit-prigs , are going the round of the ring , that is the nation , and picking your pockets most unmercifully , and should you dare to protest and become uproarious , they keep a big bully , called Law , ' who immediatel y knocks your hat over your eyes , or , in slang terms' bonnets' you . That , friends , is as true a pictorial illustration as ever was drawn of onr House of Commons . The Romans amused their
hungryjclamorous mob with theatrical spectacles—and we have our Parliamentary prize-ring . We looked in upon this assembly of the nation s collective rascality , the other evening and , were as much edified , and a great deal more disgusted , than we might have been with a ' setto' between tbe 'Battersea Bantam , and the ' Brummagem Bruiser . ' There were these rich rogues and reprobate revellers , tyrants , and taskmasters , who live and riot luxuriously on the hard earnings of the plundered poor ¦ —many of whom squander that wealth with their pimps and parasites , knaves and courtezans , in the brothels , and hells , and saloons of the
metropolis . There were they , wasting time and moneyand for what ? Labour was nowhere represented ; and if a noble sentiment were uttered by chance , it was received with groans and derisive cheers ; and if the power of the people was mentioned , it was scouted with hyena laughter . Petitions were presented from the people , praying the redress of certain wrongs grown insufferable—they might as well have petitioned the devil for the release of Pitt and CiSTiEREAGH i And thus they have gone on , year after year , cursing tho land and pauperising the
people , draining the vitality from the heart of the nation , and strewing their path through the world with broken hearts and desolated homes . Ah ! gentlemen of England , and lordlings , and aristagogues , you have mnch to answer for ! Ton are a sad set of scamps ! Most of you have mounted to power from the shoulders of the people , and the moment yon had obtained that power , down you kicked the ladder . Oh , for one hour of Cromwell and the iron men of the Commonwealth ! Or , better still , for tbat Cromwell the Second , Universal Soitbage , to burst those doors ,
And drive these wretched plunderers from their revel , And pitch them from our shoulders to—the devil . Ob , you six million ' free-born Britons / who have no political existence at all—who aro bought and sold , like cattle , in the market of the world , and mortgaged , as the slaves of tyranny , even before birth ; if you did but think as we do , how soon would this state of things be changed ! "Were you of our mind , this should endure no longer . Are they to taunt and spurn us , and tread upon us for ever ? Aro they to be permitted to live in idleness as they live , and rob us as they rob , and still scoff at our supplications , mock at ail our pleadings , and laugh at the expression of onr miseries , as though they were our
delegated and delighted torturers ? Would that the next election might return at least a dozen of the true and honest advocates of Labour ' s Ei ghts , who would startle St . Stephen ' s with the stern story which will one day burst upon a wondering world , to hurl our wrongs in the teeth of our oppressors , in flOl'ds which Tyrants quake to hear , and fell them tbat if they will not go with us in changing this human hell , in which the suffering masses are trampled , we must march over them , f or change it we will . But , how shall we oust them . They have possession , and are the masters of the situation . Indeed , the whole policy of their statecraft consists in their knowing how to keep possession .
And we have no party representing the people , which is capable of gathering up its forces , and ousting the present gang of the Parliamentary Prizering . We are divided against ourselves , and fritter away our strength in innumerable sections and isolated activities , to our utter discomfiture , If Chartism cannot be resuscitated , as a watchword for the peop le to battle by , if it possess not the necessary influence to rall y the people , the principles remain , they have stood the test of prosecution and persecution , and still possess a vitality which neither suffering nor obloquy can kill . They are baptised in
human smiles and tears , and are hallowed in the people ' s love ; therefore , let us gather them up and treasure them , and blazon them on the banner which we carry info the future ; but that is not all , the truly Revolutionary party must unite the Chartists , Republicans , and Socialists , and gather up the thousands who bare left our ranks discouraged , and the thousands who have fallen by the way-aide disheartened . There are immense forces of Democracy in this country far in advance of Chartism ; and these , too , most be reckoned in the party which shall represent the people .
The grand aspiration of the age is . 'for Individual Freedom aid Swial Co-operation , ' it has ma manifestat uiiB | but no programme or policy * We await one believing with Mazzini , that , weare t Democracy , onl y its precursors ; aud that our . Star' does but herald in a day which has yet t „ A & wn . J Ul °
-National Defence. What Has Caused The R...
-NATIONAL DEFENCE . What has caused the recent warm debates on tbe Militia Bill ? The Tories—the intimate personal friends of Prince Presidents , and sympathisers with the blood-stained ruffian Kings of Europe—are suddenly seized with a desire to raise a citizen army , and to place the country iu a state of defence , in which it may defy every hostile attempt . And why do they do bo ? Do thoy desire to awake in the hearts of the people a spirit of nationality and manhood ? Do they seek to roll back the tide of the reaction , and to build up a bulwark for Freedom here f
-National Defence. What Has Caused The R...
Do they aim at enshrining British honour in a national power capable of seeing justice done , and making tho name of Englishmen respected in every part of the world by all lovers of honour , and justice , and Freedom , and a name which shall be a terror to tyranny , and to its soulless and merciless minions ? Would that we could answer yes 1 But we cannot . Their past words and actions declare them to be actuated b y other motives—by ideas far less courageous and ennobling .
They have never appealed to the nation . Forgetting all that delicate sense of honour , of which they have so long boasted , they came into office to equivocate and lie , and descend to unprinci pled expediency , even as the basest of Whigs could have done . They have spoken of their intention to crush Democracy , but they have shown no symptoms of any ability or desire to do what Democracy proposes to accomplish —to end the selfish and unholy war of class interests , to conquer the anarchy that now veigns , and make us once more a nation , with national views , and a national willand spirit to work them out ,
, ' No one will believe sor an instant tbat their object in raising a militia is to defend Freedom . Their sympathies are ioo well known to allow of the existence of any such expectation . Whenever the banner of liberty has been hoisted , and tyranny been de f eated , they have raised a cry of rage and grief , sympathising with the fallen despot ; and when fraud and force have again raised the tyrant ' s throne amidst the blood of the slaughtered people , thoy congratulated him upon his triumph over anarchy , and gloried iu the re-establishment of their deadly 'order ' of cossack rule .
From men who are thus dead to every feeling of justice and humanity it would bo absurd to expect patriotism , or a high sense of national honour . It cannot be , then , tbat our rulers want a Militia to uphold the honour of the country . Have they not constantly dragged tbat honour in the mire since they entered office ? Englishmen have been abused Jin suited by ,. the minions of miserable petty tyrants even English officers in their uniforms have been struck down , and maltreated by the agents of a
tottering bankrupt power , and our * chivalrous' Tory Government has replied to the insult b y a remonstrance so mild , that it might well be taken for a licence for further violence . It was not thus when the government reall y represented England . The men of the Commonwealth would not have answered such insults with diplomatic rose-water dispatches , but rather such insolence from this despicable despotism would have bi'ought the English cannon to the gates of Vienna .
Not nationality , or freedom , or honour , do the Tories seek to defend . They , see European liberty lie prostrate , and they think it dead . They see the mad old governments arisen anew , so they vainly think tbat the Revolution is over and hurried , and that now the robbers , tyrants will recommence the oldgaim of shedding the blood of the nations in their attempts to obtain larger slices of the human spoil . Why , therefore , should not England become a military nation ? Why should not a bad militia be gradually transformed into a good standing army , and our rulers take their place at the Council Board of European Kingcraft a strong government—strong
against the people ? Such are the men who carry their pretended scheme of National Defence , in the very teeth of their opponents . Such opponents ! The wretched peace humbugs , in their grovelling selfishness , see more than all the evils of war in any preparation to meet it , at least in the shape of a militia . They object to a large standing army , because they have to give up a portion of their ill-gotten gains for its support ; but it is a thousand times preferable to arming even a portion of the people . They dread anything
which shall have the effect of thinning the labourmarket by lessening production , and thus depriving them of a portion of their present unjust profits . But far more they dread giving arms to those who ' may use them against the unholy supremacy of selfish capitalists , They know full well that in a musket and in a knowledge of its use , rest all the virtues of- a vote . Just think how horrible to the capitalist must be the thought of a strike by men endowed with arms and military trainings ! It is not to be thought of ; more soldiers if git must bejso , but no arms for our toiling slaves !
Mr . COEDEjr said : — < He found that there was scarcely one of the representatives of the large commercial cities of the country who voted with the large majority—of nearl y two to one , while he found tbat'in the minority were the representatives of Edinburgh , Glasgow , Manchester , Birmingham , Westminster , Southwark , Marylebone , Tower Hamlets , Finsbury , Greenwich , Newcastle , Hull , Southampton , Derby , Oxford , York , Stockport , Sheffield , Preston , Northampton , Aberdeen , Canterbury , Dundee , Montrose , and other important towns and burghs . ' True I 0 soul of cotton ! You find the re .
presentatives of the employers and shopkeeping rabble of these places are against any Militia , or arming of the people , for profit is their religion , and they care . nofc what becomes of the nation , or of their fatherland , if they are onl y allowed to stand peaceably in their shops , and pursue their knavish trades , or rob the toiling millions of the produce of their industry . But have you asked the workers—those who , in spite of all their misery and sufferings , still love their country , and desire to see her free and happyif they would not be proud to be the soldiers of their country ' s cause—if their country had a cause—and was not , like themselves , a mere matter of profit and loss to those Manchester ' philosophers / who would be content to be the slaves of N icholas or Bonapartej if they had but liberty of trade , and were not overtaxed ?
Go you to them , and you will find them true of heart , scorning alike your selfishness and cowardness , and the whiggery , and ambition of others . When the day arrives that shall bring sovereignty to the people , wo shall have a militia which shall be no sham , but a real National Defence for and by , not against , the people .
The Coming Revolution. The Political Wor...
THE COMING REVOLUTION . The political world seems hushed and still in a grim , calmness , but it moves for all that . Its apparent stillness is but the calm of invisible speed , like the spinning top , which seems to stand sleeping when its motion is the fleetest . It-is but the pause of battle between two Revolutions . The clonds are thickening and gather blackly in tbe political horizon , but we believe they are charged with blessings for the peoples . It is the lnll before the storm which will soon burst on the battle-ground of Europe . On one side are ranged the forces of tyranny , drunk ' with blood and flushed with victory . They are secure in the might of bullets and bayonets , and ; like the French army on the ni ght before the battle of Asincourt . tW
keep their unholy revel . On the other hand are the forces of Democracy , like the English on that memor * able occasion , prayerful , but trustful , and in no wise discouraged by all their bloody defeats and murderous martyrdoms , the Past is brooding in their hearts , but the Future is smiling in their eyes j They do not shun the conflict—they only ; wait tbe hour ! . Suffering has ripened them for freedom ; the cause they battle in inspires them with the prescience of Victory , and their hearts beat up to tbe heroic level of their glorious destiny . Not in vain have our martyrs gone down to death ! Not in vain have all these lovers of their country , and these redeemers of humanity , been driven into exile . Not in vain have the friends of Freedomheldonthro Bghsorrow andsuffering , even to death . J ot m vam has all this seed of blood and tears been
tOOT , it was all necessary , and has worked its mission well ; and we know that the seed must be sown and have time to rot in the ground , before tbe new life can germinate and ripen into the harvest . What ! you calculated the strength of Democracy was exhausted ? Nay you but robbed tbe peoples of their strength for a time , but , like Sampson ' s locks , it will grow again , and with that growth , ye tyrant Philistines ! will come the crowning catastrophe . Since 1848 the forces of Tyranny have gained immense advantage over the generous and
hisunsop ticated peoples ; by force and fraud has it re-wrested tueir hard-won and dearly bought ri ghts , but itcannot re-establish itself on its former foundations ; great hopes have gone down , proud expectations have been destroyed but there has been such a ripening of spirit , such a surging onward of Mind , from that T . # fo * SatTyramiycan never UDQ o the work ot 1848 . France is not dead j she does but slumber to gather new strength . Never fear but she will rove herself worthy of the hopes we repose in her ,
The Coming Revolution. The Political Wor...
and of the part she is destined to play reaemp tion of tbe time . Yet again shall she call the nations to battle for Freedom and Bi ght , and the redemption of poor strugg ling , but g lorious humanity . Italy is not yet driven into tho sea by the hated Austriansshe has not forgotten her martyrs , though they sleep in bloody shrouds , or die out slowly beneath the tortures of the Infernal-Inquisition . And yet , again , shall the Lombard , and tho Piedmontese , and the Koman gather together at the rallying cry of « Vive el Popob , ' and the Bepublic shall bo enthroned in the cap ital of the CiBSARS . Germany and Hungary are not erased from the map of nations , they bide their time , brood over their wrongs , and meditate
the hour of vengeance . Poland is full of heart and hope , and eager for thecontest . The rear-guard of Freedom ' s army ! she is unexhaustedby the lato struggles , and all tbe better prepared to stand her ground in the coming crisis , Milan—though trodden beneath the iron heel of RadetzKY—that grim old champion of Despotism , and hoary murderer of the young life of Italy — is silent , but it is the brcathlossness of Revenge—Revenge of those mothers and wives ravished by the side of dying fathers and husbands-Revenge of-those babes held up mangled and quivering on tbe red points of the Croats' bayonets ! And when this struggle- . begins — when France , that beating heart of the world , whence emanates the electric thrill of Freedom that pulses along
the veins of the nations—shall rise , and Italy responds to her cry—when Hungary shall shatter the Austrian empire to its rotten core—and Poland shall marshal her scythemen to beard the grim Giant of the North —When they shall march heart to heart , and nation to nation , for the overthrow of their mutual oppressors—shall we , Englishmen , look calmly on , and see noble nations crushed and murdered as before ? Shall we permit the spiders of tho Court of St . James , to weave the same web as those of tbe Elysee , St . Petersburgh , Vienna , and Rome ? When the nations are stirring in the cause o our Freedom , and fi g hting our battle , shall wo remain motionless , and lag behind in the wake of the world ? Or shall we too be prepared to do something for tho triumph of Democracy , and free this old land of ours from the plague of Tyranny and the curse of slavery ?
Parliamentaey Review. The Budget , Recei...
PARLIAMENTAEY REVIEW . THE BUDGET , received with such wonderful unanimity inthe House of Commons , has met with a less fortunate reception ' out of doors . ' Thick and heavy have poured the jibes and jeers of the Free Traders upon the devoted head of the Caucassian Chancellor-. The Protectionist papers have essayed a feeble attempt at defence . But in vain . The ' Times' has well said that' the scourge o Teel and the opponent of Woo l ) made a speech which either of them mig ht have been proud of . ' Yes , the great
Protectionist conjuror , who was to restore the ' good old days' of dear corn , or failing that , was by some financial hocus pocus to relieve landlords and farmers from 'the burdens on land , ' has cooll y turned his back upon his clients , and left them to chew the bitter cup of disappointment . Our new Chancellor so prolific of Budgets , while addressing the yeomen of Bucks , is content , now that lie is in office , to maintain the statu guo bequeathed him by his predecessors . He asks for a renewal of the Income Tax
for twelve months , and to be allowed to maintain all other taxes for the present . There is a very considerable surplus in band ; but there is to be a large additional outlay on account of tbe Kaffir War ; besides which a heavy sum will be wanted to meetjthe cost of the new militia . , The reader may remember , that on the occasion of the late debate on the Taxes on Knowledge , Mr . M . Gibson was induced to postpone pressing his motion to a division in consequence
of the urgent request of the Chancellor of the Exchequer couched in such terms as led the member for Manchester , and , indeed , the country generally , to entertain the idea that these odious taxes would occupy a prominent place in tho Budget , and that the Minister would , at least , propose to abandon the Advertisement Duty . But not so . BENJAMIN DisBAELI , like most preceding Chancellors of the Exchequer , clings
to—The good old way , the simple plan , That they should take who have the . powor , And they should keep who can . THE MILITIA BILL has been tbe p rincipal subject of debate this week in the House of Commons . The men of the Manchester School have struggled bard to throw out the Bill , but in vain . Great majorities have determined that a Militia shall be re-called into existence . While penning these words the Bill is passing through Committee , and in its ori ginal , or some amended , form will , undoubtedly , become the law of the land . Pauierston ' s speech—a capital cut up of the ' poace-at-any-price' men—which we have full y reported , is well worth perusal . Of course many sensible observations have fallen from ' the
other side . ' But both sides fear to assume a bold and honest position . A nation ' s best , and only sure safeguard must ever be found in a people free , contented , and ( for self-defence ) trained to a knowledge of the use of arms . The Parliamentary factions know that , tbe people are not free , not contented ; therefore they prefer a standing army , Moreover , the men of the Manchester School have a special reason against training and drilling the working classes—it would derange trade and commerce . The Militia proposedby the Government , will , in effect , be but an addition to the standing army ; useful , perhaps , in the way of show against a foreign foe , but still more useful to employ against 'theenemy within '—the people , against whom all factions
conspire . Net ? Zealand is at last to have a Constitution . Six years ago Earl G-bey sent out a Constitution which the Governor of New Zealand politely sent back again , wisely judging that if put into operation it would effect no good , but , on the contrary , would be sure to be productive of mischief . B y that constitution tho natives of New Zealand—an intelli gent and high spirited people—were tobe excluded from the civil powers conferred on Europeans . In 1847 an act was
passed to suspend the constitution , and suspended it has been ever since . ' Sir' John Pakington has now introduced a new constitution , in which is avoided the fatal defect of the Whig scheme . It has , however , defects of its own in abundance . Under cover of much seeming liberalit y , this constitution will lay the foundations deep and strong of aristocracy and class-legislation . Among other sublime arrangements for giving birth to future dissension between the colony and the mother country is the fixing of the civil list ^ by act of the British Legislature !
Lectuees In The Metropolis. Guide To The...
LECTUEES IN THE METROPOLIS . GUIDE TO THE LECTURE-ROOM , [ The following—for which we are indebted to our contempocary , the '' Eeiwoner , " of May 4 th-will be conti-Ttendedto 1 0 lia ot correction 8 will be carefully Literary Institution , John-street , Fi tzroy-sguam-ifav 9 th mi Henry Knight , 'Historj of the Jews' < y { •>> waffiffi ! ' M 00 ri 3 e , ds - May ^ lli * m . ) , fl . leVson , M . A ., anfGenlm o f ^' ^ - ^ ^ Tl Cooper , Lift 2 SS £$ & £ * Hi 8 h "o ^ -May Oth ( 8 ) , P . W . Perfitt aX ^ Si & JZVSi ^ achf tiars , oad .-May Oth a-Scture ° Litetavy ln 8 titu , ion . Bethnal-green .-Mny Oth ( 7 J > , cbtpe ? -ETe ^ Iunrin n » W * Room ' 59 < Cttmren-huto , White . Dhcussion . * Unday > Monday > and Wednesday ( 8 ) , a Lecture or
MX ° s T a a ^ l & t ^ taitei & aa ^ P' Wa » W Sunday M ^( K ^& ? * " ° ^" . Manehester .-
Fw£ § <•«?£ F™M."~Now Fcbat Tbd « Star O...
fw £ § <•«? £ F ™ M . "~ Now fcbat tbD « star of llThZ , Af thG , North « a S * w " is now to bo called ) Ki" ^ ' - ^ st J ° «<* states that it has been purchased by middle class gold for middle class purposes . Mr . Jones ought to be engaged by " Punch " to W , ? iJ l . lectuvos . Tiie three principal writers St m " tar u t 0 ue Mr- Harney , Mr . Linton , and « . ; £ „ i ^ y— , e writera who at any time seem ready to sacrifice themselves and the cause of the people ( as thoy all have done more or less ) to an opposition to tho middle class , inexplicable and indefensible . They have no com . petiton in ; tflis impracticability , except Mr . O'Brien , . ., l ° JT llUaself is feeble by their atto .-The Reasoner . April 28 th , ' $ M . Navarro , President of the Special Court at Naples , which tried the persons compromised in the events of 1848 , died at Naples on the 22 d ult .
'Young Englanplsm' ^Dts^F 5 ^ His Btjdge...
'YOUNG ' ^ DTs ^ f ^ HIS BTJDGE T SEAELI A ? TO THE EDITOR OP TBE STAH OP t ? t > SlR , —It was reserved for Burke to n X 1 age of chivalry is gone ; that of MuW that comists , and calculators has succe eded I ers «> . so it is , « the age of chivalry is gone ' L * 1 < m highly ' chivalrous' Earl of Derby haa [ foSS Ve , ! th <> cellor , who polishes up the dull , stunid ° W places of an ex-Chancellor , himself—the v ' C ° nilft *) u of unfathomable Whig calculators , a m P dul , « t incapacity has passed into a national by J , ^ We is known as the ' Wooden-headed' MinsT *^ most dismal of all the very dism al finan c £ . ^ been the misfortune of even tho Wlii * » « *«» their inane , imbecile , and contemptible fanl ji !' « i
That Benjamin Disraeli is clever , very d one doubts . His position a fortni ght ago ai ? n ' er ° between mere cleverness and aspirins BronhJ ¦ ah 4 Budget has given to the scales the cS 8 ^ u > Inched the beam , and the weight of Benb « r * hero of tbo Hebrew race , is hen ceforth btomw 11 , e ounce . a " > an Disraeli has talked much , and written not , vm about 'chivalry , ' The young EngJaKd ers , lV lUle to bo above all ' chivalrous . ' It was -i , J . S 0 ( 1 with them to talk of ' old England ' it 1 J j mission to re-create old John Bull , arid to J ? ' * spirit within him . Tho Church was to be nw « nursing mother' to the people ; by her bZ a the alienated multitude were to be won b V °
vunsuan leuowsmp ; uieir anections enlisted m » sido of national institutions , Bishops aud L wore to work together for the common ' cooii ^? aristocracy of England were to become active ' in * f discharge of their social duties . Ri ghts will duties were no part of ' Young Englandism » Vt ? its regenerating power the owners of the soil *« £ * hold it in trust for the good of all , exercisin g j ,, ti , „? elevated position the functions of friends to the una magistrates , who woul d administer tue hwatKi ' but mildly , remembering that error was common I all ; and m their persons the hi gh namo of * an TW hsh gentleman' was to bo sy nonymous vitta hoi auu . honesty . ut There was in ' Young Englandism / too , a lift * the leaven of Democracy . It did not own Democrat
aa uuueriHuou oy a acotch weaver or an EDg ] j s mechanic . Tim Democracy of « right' wa „ no pad of its theory—that of ' privilege' was eminently fa own . Tbe poor were to bo fed , and fed well . Tha claims of Labour were to be acknowled ged ; and with fair wages and ' sober certainty , " it was ' supposed that ' plug plots' and rioting shonld be heard of no more . That most sturdy , headstrong , awkward animal , called ' Chartism / was to be tamed by an improved workhouse diet . The nchleB y-exe to be & e defenders of the constitutional rights of the massesthe Crown the guardian of all .
¦ Tbo commercial policy of ' Young England ' was long extremely mystical . It was neither the policy of the time of Elizabeth nor that of Pitt . What it was few could understand ; what it was not , all could comprehend . It was not money-gettin g ^ 1 fishness . Ifc was not to be found in the writings of Smith , Say , Ricardo , Malthus , or M'CuItoch . it floated in dim shadows through the brain of Disraeli . It assumed shape and substance in the speeches of tho late Lord George Bentinck . It was condensed by the biographer of that nobleman . Tho author of
' Conningsby , ' of the life of ' Lord George Bentinck , ' pronounced the Bentiuck policy to be com . prebensive , necessary , the very , antithesis of Maucliesterism , and , above all , most unmistakeabl y ' chivalrous ! ' The prophetic fame of Burke for the moment seomed in jeopardy . ' The age of chivalry , ' like the ghost of a murdered king , seemed to beckon to Hamlet . Experience has come to tho rescue ; the disturbed spirit is again at rest—it vanished as the mantle of Sir Charles Wood fell on tho shoulders of Disraeli .
The present Chancellor of tbeE . Ycheq . uer has made hia political reputation by worrying the late Sir Bobert Peel , The present commercial policy of England , as developed by Peel , was tho fortress which it has hitherto been his delight to assail , Uussell , the successor of Peel , adopted the policy of Peel ;—both owned themselves the followers of Cohden . All were opposed b y Disraeli . Ko wonder that his supporters looked ' glum' when penitentiary , but without acknowled gment , Disraeli proved himself a convert , paid direct homage to Sir Charles Wood , and , with a clear and distinct voice , read the burial
service over his past speeches , protestations , and impeachments . Then , in what is the first offspring oi Mr . Disraeli ' s official life remarkable ? Iu uothiug but the fact that it is the disinterred dry bones of Whiggery , exhibited and adopted by its bid enemy , It tells its own tale , and may soon be mastered , It is briefly as follows : —the estimated income of last year was £ 52 , 140 , 000 . Tho actual income was £ 52 , 408 , 000 , Tbeactual exdenditurewa « £ 6 O l 291 , 10 ft , Leaving a surplus at the end of tho year of 2 , 276 , ' 000 . As to- the next year , tho luconie and Property Tax . is to be continued , and the estimated expenditure is as follows : —
Charges on the Debt 27 , 930 , 000 Charge ; on tbe Consolidated Fund 2 , 01 ) 0 , 000 The Army O . . oOD The Wary and t ' ost-office Pa ' clset Service .. 6 , 1 JS . fW The Ordnance 2 « it , The Civil Service 4 , I £ ' , < KM Kaffir War .... ( iCO . OOO The Militia ' 350 , *
Total 51 , Wl ™ The estimated income of the year : — £ Customs , , .. * JO , "> T- ' , O 00 Excise .. ,. U , m , 000 Stamps ...... .. 6 , 3 !' . Taxes .. .. ,, .. .. 3 , 1- 'C " Income Tax ., .. ! .. 3 , 1 S 7 , 0 U 0 Post-office ' . ; . ' ;¦ ; . .. ^ . s Woods and Forests , ., - & - Miscellaneous - * '' >• '"'' Old Stoves ., **
Total 51 , M » W Should the above estimates prove col ' re t » t n vf surplus of income over expenditure will be £ H > 1 , W «' Now what is there remarkable iu the M 8 «' beyond the fact of its being second band . i » 0 I ° ' not a single agricultural labourer who will di'J « K untaxed beer . There is not a solitary pa » - ««» artizan who will pay a shilling less of indirect tase . Tho farmers , who are the especial clients oj present Chancellor of the Exchequer , niigl't . KJ « practical purposes , have been as mu ch renege Sir Robert Peel himself . Young Eng land h as < w * Jj in Downing-street , gone io sleep midcr au om roof , aud awoke to political life as comp letely c" «» in rod tape as if Sir Charles Wood had pot » bed , and the lato Sir Robert Peel dressed rt »^ morning with garments cut and fitted under h '
immediate inspection . .. 0 f The debate that followed the financial ^ l ; ' " jil 0 the Chancellor was one after the old fi , s ! ll " ' ^ ( l opposition was complimentary . Sir Charh's ^ ' concurred , ' Mr . Joseph Hume ' grumbled , J ™ , . . thankful , Mr . Gladstone annalyzed , ' and Bright s |< , ' Prosperity , ' was the keynote of all the |*« " ¦ r speakers . ' Schedule D . The unlucky sdieduW ^ . ing a falling off in the incomes of persons e' ^ 'f , ex trade , as proved by the Income Tax returns , **> ' p lained . The tax under schedule D was said m ^ be an | index to actual incomes in so far as if ' ^^ assessed on tbe profits of tbe current year , » u v ^ ^ average of the three years preceding , that in *"« cte tl co-
return was made : —Thus the Income Tax . return was mane : —xuus we income j- «» - - fits in the year 1851 is not estimated by the ne t p ^ in trade of 1851 , but by the average pr « fiw ° . 0 f 1849 , and 1850 . We cannot allow the Chon ^" ^ the Exchequer to vide wff in triump h on 1 S " . ; 1 jid 'Candour' Come , Mr . Disraeli , stand » f Jlle ' j ) answer our case . You acknowledge that sens # in the Property and Income Tax returns , rej ^ ing the profits of persons engaged i" ' ; . ' ' , ' voiu ' falling off . To prevent mistake , ve will <] U » - own words . You said;— - c ( i ({ i i I come now to the cause of the diminution «' ^ " !* ^'" fun' «* - « intheamnnntnfdMtvniiid into tile Exchequer , i '"¦ , , «« uu ° . 1
occurs under schedule 1 ) . In the year 1 S-U a gie- viiicU ! took place in the proceeds from trades and pro * t'Srf "" : rsiM ^ levied under this schedule . The nmraut fell ftom * , t |» l «»" £ 1 , 534 , 000 j in 1800 it again dropped to , CJ , "" >""" „ 0 nvoju ; ' ^ rallied , and ascended to M . 533 . 0 UU . 1 am isure IJA - ^ &„ &» on the subject , and I am hound to say , tbausi 41 * c : || 1 » w nu opinion from the information laid before mc n « t a £ cr , 6 . » doubt that the diminution I have pointed out uiu- i solely to the unhappy commercial year 1817 . c 0 . . >^ . -vn »»* j « « w »««&¦< ewiuac ¦ " j
meiciai year s w «» «•» - r . since i" ? previous years — mainly that 111 rail ways , b' gci ( , tifoui cleaviyears have elapsed j the in « r *«» , yetf fie , chemical , and . Jmechaniea power m
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_08051852/page/4/
-