On this page
- Departments (1)
-
Text (5)
-
74 THE STAR OF FKEEDOM. September 11, ig...
-
BANKING FOR THE PEOPLE. Very few of the ...
-
Seuiotrittic l§oktmiis,
-
PUBLIC MEETINGS, &c. Is it advisable tha...
-
A NATIONAL PARTY. To the Editor of the S...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Britain And Her Australian Colonies. It ...
the unanimous sentiments of the speakers on that occasion , and the hearty enthusiasm with which the expression of those sentiments were received by tl \ Q assembled multitude , form any criterion of the state of public feeling in New South Wales , the one fixed idea of the people of that colony is that the ties which bind them to Great Britain are to them injurious and degrading , and ought , at the earliest opportunity , to be severed at once and for ever .
We cannot reasonably complain of this opinion on their part . It is one they have been driven to adopt , by continued neglect , and a loiig series of insults on the part of the central Executive . It has been the tyranny and want of faith of the British government which has driven them to seek safety in separation , and to desire to break asunder the ties of brotherhood which yet bind them to the British people . That they
have still sympathy with , and faith in them , is apparent from the fact of their loudly applauding one of the speakers at the above mentioned meeting , Avho expressed his determination not yet , at least , to lay at the door of the British people the blame so justly merited by their rulers , and his refusal to transfer the indignation which the loathsome tyranny of Earl GaEY had excited in his bosom to the yet venerated name of England .
It would be well if the people at home did something to merit this confidence , by awakening from their selfish apathy , and making it their care that Britain has a government which shall not deal in tyranny and deceit , but which shall deal justly add truly by all within the wide-spread dominions of Britannia , and they should do this before it is too late ; for the same spirit of selfishness which renders them so careless of their own high duty , and of the freedom and welfare of then- colonial brethren , has its advocates among the—let us hope it—yet untainted men of tho colonies .
Wn . c . * -n 7 5 . 4 7 ...... j ?_ .. t . •„ / i n i .-. . iri . ;^ i , The Sydney People ' s Advocate finds , in the peril to which England is exposeel from continental despotism , an additional cause for separation . In its number of April 30 th the Advocate sa ]* s : " In the event of Louis Napoleon going to war with England , what ought we in New South Wales to do ? This is a question to the consideration of which , in our opinion , the colonists ought to apply themselves at once . War between England and France is a contingency not unlikely to arise , and in that event how shall we be placed ? Are we now the same
insignificant and despised country we were even twelve mouths ago ? We are of opinion that in the eyes of the world there is a vast , difference between New South Wales in 1852 , and New South Wales at the beginning of 1851 ; and should war be declared against England we need not expect to escape our share of the dreadful visitation . Should this be the case , how are we prepared to meet such a visitation ? Could we successfully resist an incursion of French buccaneers , or are we prepared to sit down quietly , while our houses are plundered , our wives and families assaulted , and in all probability ourselves bayohetted ? * ... * * •« s . *
The best preparation after all , however $ would he our entire and complete independency of Great Britain . So long as toe remain a dependency of the British Crown , so long shall we be liable to be drawn into any quarrel in which the mother country may be unfortunately engaged . In all the measures which we may take , therefore , we should keep in view the ultimate independence of the country , and it would he well for both ourselves
and for England if steps were immediately initiated for bringing about a peaceful separation of the Australasian colonies , from the mother country by the mutual consent of each , and for their erection into one grand federative government similar to that of the United States of America , and then we shall Imve no occasion to cultivate the dreadful arts of war , for we shall have no enemies to fight or fear . "
rt'e scarcely think it probable that the colonists , when they seek separation , will do so from a feeling of cowardice , such as the Advocate here suggests . No ; when the colonists cast off their allegiance to Britain , it will be because they have ceased to hope for sympathy or justice from her , and not because they fear to share her misfortunes , or seek to slink from a combat with her enemies . When it recommends to the people of New South Wales such an unworthy course , we
think the People ' s Advocate scarcely performs its duty as a moral teacher of the people . Safety may he in the direction pointed out by our colonial contemporary , but honour and duty undoubtedly bid the men of Australia cling to their British brethren , to aid them to destroy all their mutual oppressions , and , when they have accomplished this , form with the other branches of the Anglo-Saxon family , a grand federal union of Democratic Republics .
74 The Star Of Fkeedom. September 11, Ig...
74 THE STAR OF FKEEDOM . September 11 , ig B j .
Banking For The People. Very Few Of The ...
BANKING FOR THE PEOPLE . Very few of the working classes have an adequate idea of the self-accumulating power of money when properly invested . " Knowledge is power , " the adage tells us , and the power derived from that source is almost exclusively in the hands of the commercial and middle-classes . The immense sums which are paid as mere interest for the use of money , bear a great proportion to the revenue derived from the skill , industry , and enterprise of the country . There is that
monster item the National Debt , the interest of which reaches to nearly Thirty millions per annum , but that only makes a part and not the largest of the grand total . There is a stupendous mass of Bills of Exchange bearing interest , rendered necessary by the inadequate amounirof the legal currency of the country for the purposes of commerce . There are the piles of mortgages by which the majority of the landed estates are burdened . The various Insurance Companies , securing to those who pay them comparatively small sums amounting to
millions from their calculations upon the interest to be derived from careful investment . Bankers use their clients money , and look to interest for then' profits . Millionaires contracting for foreign loans , loosen their purse-strings with an eye to future dividends . Pawnbrokers taking tangible security , turn their money to advantage by plundering the poor at a fearfully usurious rate . Bill-discounters giving accomodation upon hills at short date , frequently double their capital in the year—and Loan Societies lending small sums to the neces-
Banking For The People. Very Few Of The ...
sitous , exact a return out of all proportion to the benefit conferred . It is thus that those who have money make it the means of gaming more , without themselves adding anything to the wealth of the world . The possession of capital gives them both the right and the power of taxing the industry of others—and large as is the revenue of governmental taxation , it may safely be stated that the sums paid for interest on private debts , amount to more than the whole burdens of the state .
We do not attempt to . justify this system , either upon grounds of morality or policy , ft is far worse to become a nation of usurers than a nation of shop-keepers . This state of things is both the parent and the child of avarice—the cause and the effect of evil . It lowers the tone of the public mind—makes gambling an occupation , rather than a crimeraises up a few immense fortunes , and breaks down many small ones , and diminishes the productive , resources of the country . But one of its worst public effects is that it creates a mass of , what may be called , fictitious capital—hot representing any real wealth , but assuming the form of securities for
money—giving a right to the holders to draw upon the labour of the country without labouring themselves . It is quite possible for a nation to have too much capital , when that capital consists of debts from those tliat produce , to those who consume their productions . Nevertheless , whatever may be its merits—there is the system built up into a power—the greatest upon the face of the earth . The capitalists who are its ministers , hold in their hands the fate of the nations of the world—they may cither give liberty , or impose despotismthey can shako clown thrones , or crush revolutions—without their leave armies cannot march nor fleets sail . It was their
money that butchered Poland , crushed Hungary , and smothered Italian nationality—and without tlieni the Czar could not equip his barbarous hordes—deprived of their aid , the bankrupt exchequer of Austria could not pay the instruments of tyranny—if they withheld their consent , the French usurper would not be able to bribe the soldiery—and here , in our own more peaceful island , the monicd interest is the great agency , by which the poor are kept poor , by being prevented from rising into independence , and through which political wrongs of evil and social distinctions are perpetrated . It is scarcely a figure of speech to say , that the interests of humanity are sacrificed at the shrine of compound-interest .
Let it be remembered that though we write thus strongly , we do not wish to blame , or seek to throw the responsibility upon individuals . We only desire truthfully to describe the system under which we suffer , so that wc may devise some means of meeting it . It would seem that there are two ways which can be pointed out—the one , the application of force—the other , taking hold of the system itself , and using it to our own advantage . That is our alternative . We do not recommend a resort to force .
We would not even , although wc were sure it would be immediately successful . Force is a torrent which sweeps all , both good and evil before it . It destroys alike that which we would contrive , and that which we would annihilate . It might uproot the power of the moncyocracy , but it would also shake the foundations of civilisation . To let loose the worst passions of men , is a remedy worse than the disease . It is substituting the most active , for the chronic form of a
disease , only to relapse again . Besides , to do as the tyrants of all times have done , and are doing—to set up the attribute of the brute above that of the man—to make mere strength the arbitar of right and wrong—is to dry up those springs of rectitude which amid such soil , create all the good of the world . Force is not to be thought of . The only other means of working out our social redemption , is to take hold of the systemto make it our servant , instead of our master .
It may be urged , perhaps , that it is not justifiable to use an agency which wc do not attempt to defend the morality of . Wc answer , that we have been judging of the system by its effects , which are most unquestionably bad , but w e have yet to consider whether we cannot make it the agent of good . It is a misfortune imposed upon us by the accumulated circumstances of centuries , that we are denied the opportunity of walking in the way we should adopt , if we were free to choose . The world as it is , can only be moved by those powers which are capable of influencing it . We must use those or let it
roll on without guidance . If we were at liberty to do so—if it presented any chance—we would throw aside motives of mere self-interest , and appeal to the higher , purer feelings of humanity . That course , however , would have a better chance with utter savages , than with the children of modern civilisation , We have now no better prospect of success than to use this system , divesting it however of its worst features , and applying it to the best possible purposes . In that spirit we urge the people to become their own Bankers—to co-operate for tlie purpose of Investment , as well as for production and distribution .
Some may think this is like advising a Hungry man to eat without producing food . How are the workers to become their own bankers ? What funds are they to deposit ? How are they to invest them so that they may make them productive ? These are some of the questions which will arise , and to which suitable replies must be given . The finding of funds is an easy matter if they have faith in the principle of co-operation , and we take a wrong estimate of them if their faith will not be in proportion to their knowledge of it . They have funds already . In their trade societies and benefit clubs thev have
accumulated deposits to a very large amount . They do not keep those locked up in their spring boxes , or hide them away in secret places ; but they invest them now , although in a very imperfect manner . In some cases they open a deposit account with some banking firm , in others they resort to the commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt . They pass the money out of their hands either upon private security , or faith in the government , and in return they receive about
three per cent , as interest . Except to meet emergencies arising from sickness or want of employment , and to do that very imperfectly , that is all the benefit they derive from their saving . They could do much more with the same means . Their mode of operation is as though a manufacturer worked his engine up to only half its power . Very safe , no doubt , but a great waste of strength Besides providing for emergencies and gaming interest , those Very funis , ' W & efy employed , might yield the operatives money , power , and gain
Banking For The People. Very Few Of The ...
for them a firm footing in the world of manufacture and tva 1 If an establishment were founded for the purposes of inve t * ment alone , such a stimulus would be given to the effort t become independent of the masters as would advance us Wr a century . The money of the labourer would then he acci mulating for the benefit of his order as well as himself . * jr " would have furnished by his own class all the essentials t successful enterpr ise . He would put the better upon fj ! same footing of advantage as the worse system , and give it <> C equal chance of success . The co-operative bank would hoi J
much the same relative position toward the workshop and uV store , as the private banker does to the manufacturer Z the dealer . Working men wishing to extend their opera , tlotis , would borrow its funds upon the security of their buildings , or machinery or stock . That is fully as good security as their money is lent out upon now . It does at the present moment go , though indirectly , into the channels of trade ¦ but trade , the profits of which belong to others . Then it would
go there directly , and for their own benefit . Half a million of money , and the workers could easily produce that amount without drawing upon the future , invested in a co-operative bank under sufficient legal guarantees and distributed security so as to assist working men to become something better than wages slaves , would do much towards altering the condition of society . It would confer power which might be used for political as well as social elevation ; it would give us a
standing in the world . Rendering employment more certain it would diminish the calls upon the funds of trade societies ; diffusing comfort , it would render the necessity for aid from ' suclv societies less frequent . Engendering independent feelings , it would induce a higher moral tone , and avert part of the loss arising from crime and profligacy ; and increasing the power of consumption , it would give to commerce and manufactures additional activity . With all these benefits in view , it is hard to believe that the industrious masses will refuse to help in their attainment , if it can be shown that the endeavour is a safe one . That we
shall attempt to demonstrate in our next article , which will be directed to the particular form in which a banking company for the people should be instituted .
Seuiotrittic L§Oktmiis,
Seuiotrittic l § oktmiis ,
Public Meetings, &C. Is It Advisable Tha...
PUBLIC MEETINGS , & c . Is it advisable that a better and more- contilmtory - policy fa adopted by the Democratic bodii V
A National Party. To The Editor Of The S...
A NATIONAL PARTY . To the Editor of the Star or Fkekdom . Sir , —From articles which have appeared in recent numbers of your Journal , showing the state of public feeling on those political questions which have for so long agitated the public mind of this country , and as it appears to be acknowledged on all hands that some plan of organization should he agreed on , in which the whole people could join , I offer iiir
suggestions , m the hope that they will be discussed by your readers in all parts of the country ; and in the hope , too , that out of that discussion there will arise an uuitv of the whole of the democratic elements of the people , in order that an agitation for the great question of political freedom may become general and useful .
There are two distinct kinds of agitation which for : practical purposes may be distinguished as simple audi complex . The simple are those which aim but at one object , and stand apart from all legislative details ; the complex ; are those which asserting one or more principles , also embody secondary questions , by which those principles are toe be worked out in practice .
The great advantage of simple agitations , is the unity oil action and argument they induce , and the difficulty there iaLs in evading them . In simple agitations , orators , lecturers ? pamphleteers and journalists , all constantly hammering a \ va > j at the same point , are sure to produce their elfect . and there * is no draAving off their attention . They have only one thin $ to attend to , instead oMialf a dozen ; upon that they concern ! trate all their energies—to that they direct all their motionsis and generally with success .
In complex agitations , on the contrary . There are so maim ;; points to attack , and so many to defend—so great a divisioio : of parties , one agreeing to this point , and opposing that , aan . vice versa—so many collateral arguments—so much diffft culty in weaving the network of a system into one cxjxpL sition , that all is tumult and confusion , instead of order anini organisation .
For an illustration of the first kind of agitation to whiclvh refer , that of the Anti-Corn-Law-League may be cited ; amnu if the second ,, the great movement " having for its objep the enactment of the People ' s Charter . Year after ycfcti Mr . Villiers , in tho House of Commons made his annuuii motion for the Repeal of the Corn Laws , with jiwt abow as much , or rather , as little success , as would attend 1 Radical Reformer of the present day , but year alter yc ^ ai
he came back again to that single " point . He knew , an his party knew that upon the settlement of that question , liuWJ other great changes—but to that one they mainly connnhmj themselves . They saw , that with that , must be decided t ! W Sugar question , the Navigation Laws , the relation of ( jovei-en ment to Commerce , and the relative position of Land , a | a « Capital ;; -and though frequent motions arc made by in < taw pendent members having the same tendency , still , as a pabjin the league concentrated their whole force on the one moaoaoo and , bearing in mjrad how the dropping of water upon oneM wejifg Itway the Solid rexsk , tW stuck to ' their point W #
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 11, 1852, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_11091852/page/10/
-