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6 THE MfiRTHERN STAR. MjmcH 14 ' 184C ' ...
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« And I will war, at least in wwds, (Ami...
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•• I think I hear a little bird, who rin...
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' IHE "GRE.vT CRIMINAL" MACAULEY. J FROU...
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sanferupts, &u
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Imntruu iwlimntnt.
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HOUSE OF LORDS-Momday, March 9. Irish co...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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6 The Mfirthern Star. Mjmch 14 ' 184c ' ...
6 THE MfiRTHERN STAR . MjmcH 14 ' 184 C ' ^
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ITALY AND SWITZERLAND . We suspend , for this week , the continuation of the "Revelations of Koine . " to make room for the document given below , addressed by the National Association of youngltal ytotkeSwissConfcderation The address was recently published m some ol the French journals , and tlie mere fact of its publication wasnotired at the time by the London daily papers ; but not one of those papers had the honesty to re-publish the address ; which now , for the first time , appears in the Knclfeh language . The adding was presented to the Swiss Central Government on the l * t of Februnrv . On thesuluectof the address -we will merely remark , that there is but one feeling in Great Britain as regards the mercenary character
, of the unholv alliance of Swiss Republicans with Italian tvrants-the feeling of disgust . That Switzerland should have sons who sell themselves as mercenary tools to perform the infamous duties of gaolers and executioners , to keep in slavery and suffering the people of other countries , is monstrous . We trust this appeal of the Italian patriots will have the desired effect ; that , at least , the Central Government of Switzerland will renounce and denounce this abominable traffic , and that they will be supported by the unanimous voice of the liberal cantons . Every Swiss owes it to himself , to his country , to the historical associations that have made his fatherland famous , to raise his voice in repudiation of this horrible crime against mankind : —
TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF THE DIRECTORY OF THE SWISS CONFEDERATION . Gestlehes , —Tou are the representatives of a free people . Ton were chosen by Providence , asd by the suffrages of your countrymen as guardians of your national honour ; retiring that directly concerns it can be irrelevant for you . Listen , therefore , to our words , calmly and deliberately . We come to point out to you a stain that soils your standard . We may do so perhaps in a language not the most consonant with tlie forms of diplomatic ceremony , but it is the language of men who are not the less ready to give their life for the freedom of Switzerland—some amongst you well know it—and we speak in the name of two and twenty millions of men , whose only law is , at the present day , silence .
There exists on the other side of the Alps — that mountain ridge Which God reared up before joa as if bidding you to be free and great—a brave , good , and generous nation , to whom Europe twice owed the boon of unity , of civilisation , whose exiles powerfully aided the cause of your religious emancipation in the sixteenth century , and whose language and race are still represented in your confederacy . That nation is now enslaved ; crushed both in soul and body ; deprived of intellectual and social activity . They only feel existence from the evils entailed upon it . They strive for a common bond of unity , avtu ate . " raeiorauYy doomed to the curse of dismemberment and consequent impotence , by eight different systems of civil and political administration , eight different boundary lines of duties and
customs , eight foreign courts , not nnfrequently hostile to one another . They aspire to liberty—that freedom you have enjoyed for sges , that freedom that God vouchsafed to all his creatures , without which there is an end of all human responsibility—and their yearnings are met with espionage , bard imprisonment , and the tcafibld . They aim at independence , they wish to be emancipated from aU who , separated from them by language , by laws , by tendencies , and manners , are less calculated to penetrate the secret ef their social life ; and they are trampled down by a foreign host , directly or indirectly ruling over all their movements and vicissitudes . They ask for a faith—powerful to uphold them in their deeds , and strengthen than in their hopes—and they are met by an intolerance that would fetter them down to the corpse of a corrupt , venal , bypocritic belief .
All tliis is known to you . None of you but feels in his leart for the evils of Italy , none Of you l ) Ut would readily sympathise with her efforts for her regeneration . And yet , first among the foes we meet in our attempts # 1 ibis redemption of our country , whom do we meet fcut ' i ' tcifs / Tour soldiers garrison the citadels of Naples . Your soldiers marched , only a few Months ago , against unarmed citizens in the States of the Church , when these latter almort peacefully asked for * ome reforms in the administration . Your soldiers slaughtered—so far can a warrior be converted into a headsman , by despotism ' . — young prisoners , wounded , defenceless . And all this , wherefore ? By what faith , by what principle , can these men , who art amongst you by the name of republicans , be brought to fight under tlie standard of the foulest tyranny , against a nation guiltless of any offence towards Switzerland , and demanding in God ' s same , in the name of rights inalienable from human nature , that same freedom they enjoy in your mountains f
Their faith , their principle , their God , is money . For a few pence a-dny they come down—Protestants , some of them—tVey sell themselves to the 1 'ope . tlie anti-Christ , as they , perhaps , iu their conscience , esteem him ; all of t « ein freemen , accustomed to acknowledge no government but what results from the unanimous suffrage oi all—they swear allegiance to an absolute monarchy , like the Condotlieri , in the middle ages , they offer their arms , their blood and soul , their conscience , as republican Swiss , to the highest bidder . "Would that they had , at
least , the bravery of those ancient soldiers of fortune ! They met characters mo less desjierate than themselves ; they * threw their own lives in the scale . It was with them a fair trial of mercenary forces—but your Swiss only engage with an unarmed population ; by the side of gendarmes , or of villains enlis ed hi tlie Papa ! bagnios , they charge upun a few young men , who have hardly yet discipline enough to die at their posts ; tliey drag them fettered and manacled to tlie prisons ; tliey muster under the scaffold . Theirs is at the same time a criminal and a cowardly deed .
That deed , gentlemen , is equally yours and your country '* . The di ; grace falls alike upon you , representatives of Switzerland ; y ou h & ve , perhaps , otteu it ought of this infamous traffic , and you , nevertheless , sutler it to continue . Your fellow-cidzeus may , perhaps , plead ignorance for their exculpation . They , may be , know nothing about their new masters , or about the crimes they are called upon to dfciend ; thes are not aware of the contempt of all free nations , of the execration of a trampled people , which 'vllowthein at every step . They have not been forewarned that ihe ground is mined under thein ; that a certain death awaits them in Italy , whenever the emeuCes It : followed by a general insurrection ; that pursued , crushed by popular resentment , they will meet with the Same fate their brethren underwent in France in 1789 ; away from home , from mother or irieuds to close their ejrs , to soothe with a word of love their death-struggle , to mark with a cross the spot where they fill .
Not so you , gentlemen ; you , who know full well how much foreign governments , jealous ot your republican standard , exult at this traffic that degrades jou , how thej watch fur a favourable moment to dismember you ; why do you not represent to those deluded fellow-citizens tlia t tliey di-houour their country for a sordid lucre ; that their salary , like Judas ' s coin , is the price of innocent blond ; that it inflicts a stain on their country unequalled in Europe , since the abolition of JTegro slavery ? You cannot , gentlemen , call yourselves a free people ; jou cannot utier William Tell ' s name with conscious pride , while men from your own ranks are suffered to sell their co-operatiou in riretting other people ' s chains , to shielt Gcshi- 's cap with their freemen ' s breasts . You caun'jt style vuurselves a Christian people whilst you
abjure your own liberty of conscience and your free ¦ will into the lianas of the lirst despot who can purchase it . We Canllut SO easily point out tlie remedy as we do the evil . XI e know not whether your institutions enable you to prevent a S » iss from sweat ing away his citizens' birthright , and vow allegiance to a monarchic government , afar baring . uiveu his oath to tlie republic ; but it is your Sacred duty , at least , to denounce the evil loudly to ih-= country , because silence makes jou sharers of the iu an : y . It is your duty , at least , to move ihe abolition of the ignominious traffic—to expose the vices of a compact uuuer -which a citizen bui , Willi impunity , disgrace the name of his country . By giving , at least , the start to SO momentousa discussion , you can alone provide to your personal honour , aud free yourself from a serfous responsibility .
Men of great credit , gentlemen , and true lovers of their fatherlana , have , since the time « f John Jlullcr , made you aware that a source of corruption would unavoidably creep into jour national liberties , irmn the contamination of so many free citizens , trained into a school of foreign despotism . Recent experience has amply Con . firmed the soundness of iht-ir patriotic furebodings . Swiss blood , less than a twelvemonth since , was Honing in your own territory ; and he who headed one of the civil factions—the party of the Jesuits—iu those uubrotlierly feuds , was the same who enlists soldiers iu the service of the king of Naples .
As for us , gintlemen , -we do not petition , we protest . Hany months have not elapsed since au Italian legion , organised by Italians at Monte-Video , in tlie Republic of IVnguay , to protect the independence of the country against the despot of Buenos Ayres , Rosas , received from he President of the State , Riveira , a donation of lands and cattle as a reward of their services iu behalf of the beleaguered city . The donation was rejected almost with indignation ; our Italian officers unanimously answered that liberty was not a matter of / art , but of princijAc ; that the Italians had believed tliey were fulfilling a duty whilst they defended the rights of a hospitable country , and that any reward w « uld have taken from their services the merit of disinterested spoutane . ousnc . ss . This answer VaS read before the soldiers , from among whose raillis there hurst only one cry— " We are no Swiss ! we are uu Swiss !"
Gentlemen , we are a fallen people—slaves , without a same amongst nations ; but whilst such words issue from our bosoms , we shall have a firm faith in our coming liberty , far more than your Papal or Neapolitan recruits can enable you to feel in your own . In the name ofthe National Association of Young Italy , Gallemja . Seer . J . Hazzim President .
« And I Will War, At Least In Wwds, (Ami...
« And I will war , at least in wwds , ( Ami—shouhl my chanc *• happt-n—deeds , ) With all who war with Tboushtl "
•• I Think I Hear A Little Bird, Who Rin...
•• I think I hear a little bird , who rinjs The people by and by will be the stronger . "—Braca
' Ihe "Gre.Vt Criminal" Macauley. J Frou...
' IHE "GRE . vT CRIMINAL" MACAULEY . J FROU ACOaKESFOKDENT . ] Few now feel inclined either to controvert or deny the generally recognised propositions , that" the people are ihe source of all political power , " or that" representation should he equally as extensive as taxation ; " hue though few have the audacity to question the soundness of the universal suffrage principle , a * u lilary soul starts up now and then t « controvert the expediency of the practice . Among this class , the Right Hon . T . B . Macauleymade his appearance last week ; and as he is a man whose " word conies with power , " from the prominent place given to his sentiments both in the metropolitan and provincial press , we propose to examine his reasons for refusing to extend the suffrage to his still unprivileged countrymen . To prevent misrepresentation , we shall quote his
own words . Mr . Macauley says , " My reasons for olyjccting to universal suffrage are—the ' belief that a great portion of the people do not understand their own interest , aud that they might easily be induced , by the pressure of immediate distress , to act in opposition to their own interest . " Here , then , wc have Mr . Macauley's reasons for withholding the suffrage . Look at them well , working men ; examine and consider them maturely . Hark the insult they convey . Mr . Macauley says , a great portion of you do not understand your own interests ! Who constituted him judge of your incapacity to manage your own affairs , and by his decision deprive you of the dearest , highest , and most important privilege which can belong to you as raerabersof civilsociety 1 The arrogance and presumption of some men—even well-intonued men—is perfectly inconceivable , of which Mr . Macauley ' s impudence above written is a tolerably fair sample .
But to come to the essence of the right hon . gentleman ' s objections to universal suftrage , let us apply the same test , and the tame mode oi reasoning , to the ordinary aftairs ef evcry-day life . Take a parallel case . Suppose Mr . Macauley ' s next neighbour to be a drunkard ; suppose , farther , that Mr . Macauley is firmly convinced that his neighbour " does not understand his own interest , " and will do things in direct opposition thereto ; suppose that he has irrcfragible proof , amounting to ocular demonstration , before , that such will be the case again ; will such conviction—will even such proof , justify Mr . Macauley's proceeding to denude his foolish neighbour of his property , but going still farther , and applying the
property s » procured to the promotion of his own private purposes ? Let him try it-aye , just try it , and see what the world would think and say of his conduct . He would soon be made to hear in the deafest side of his head , that such a mode of proceeding could not be tolerated , and that his " professedly disinterested attentions" would be attributed to their true causeselhsu . ness 1 Yet this is the principle that one of the most learned and most intelligent of our legislators has the audacity to advocate the continuance el , and desires to see carried out on an extensive—even a national scale ; a principle -which , if carried into general practice , would at once dissolve the bonds ol society , and resolve it into its original elements .
We , however , have not put a parallel case , The one we have , drawn Is far too favourable tor him and his objections . We have put a case where there was a moral certainty of the individual neglecting—nay , acting in opposition to his own interests ,- and we see even such an instance of ignorance ahd inattention would net justify selfish interference . Mr . Macauley , however , says be has proof under the people ' s own hand . lie says that hundreds of thousands petitioned for the franchise , that they might bring about national bankruptcy—in other words , spdsoe out the national debt .
We do not now take upon us to vouchsafe an opinion whether it would be honest , advantageous , or expedient to wipe out the national debt . "We simply ask Mr . Alacauiey , can it be paid ? Wearesceptical ou this point * , and if it cannot be paid , what is the inevitable result ? ^ National bankruptcy , no doubt . How does the public wish au individual to act , who contracts debts without the prospect or possibility of paying them ? Why , they generally advise him to call his creditors together instanter , and deliver up the concern into their hands to make as much out of it as possible , because to do otherwise , and go longer on , is to go deeper in . And in what respect does a nation in debt di ff er f rom an individual , but simply in degree ? We leave every reasonable and disinterested reader to realise in his own mind the course that is proper to be pursued .
Admitting , however , the possibility of paying the national debt , is it just and proper that a )]—that any of it , should he paid " by the disfranchised classes of our countrymen ? We ask Mr . Macauley if that debt was contracted with their consent , or the money expended for their benefit and advantage ? Both of these questions must ha answered in the negative , forthe opinion of the unprivileged classes was never sought in the matter , and every one acquainted with the node in which that money was spent , well knows
that it was squandered—not to further the cause of freedim , but to fix more firmly the fetters of slavery upon ihe unrepresented class . If such was the case ( and vho can deny it ) , how dare the right hon . gentleman charge the unfranchised masses with ignorance of , or inattention to their own interests 1 The fact is , they know their interests too well ; and with possession of the franchise , they would have an opportunity of attending to them in such a way as would prevent the few from robbing the many , under the shelter of legislative enactment .
To go a step farther , and admit , for the sake of argument , that the debt was contracted with the full consent of the people , and bona fide spent for their behoof , did they get value for the obligations now said to be standing against them ? Was not that debt contracted in a depreciated paper currency , on the Jewish principle of giving half the sum for the voucher : and has not the original injustice been fearfully aggravated by Peel ' s bill of 1819 ? In fact , on equitable principles , the national debt has been more than paid by the nation long ago ; and Mr . Macauley makes a most unfortunate allusion , when he refers to this particular point , as proof of the ignorance and inattention of the people to their own interest .
True , we admit with Mr . Macauley , that national bankruptcy would be productive , for a time , of the most disastrous effects , and increase the misery that the masses are suffering ; but what of that ? Their present suffering is great , and would it not be better to undergo additional privations for a short period , to be freed from suffering after ? Till we get rid of our present dishonest paper money system , the labourer will never obtain his fair share of the produce . The debt supports the banking system , and the bankinsr
system aggravates and assists to create the debt ; and there is no doubt that the destruction of both wll follow the adoption of universal suffrage , because it is for the interest and advantage of the great body ( not a few ) of the people that it should be so . Nations have no interest in going wrong , and are much mere likely to see , and even to rectify' errors when they de fall into them , than a f ew interested individuals who profit by misgovernment , and therefore naturally do all in their power to perpetuate the errors aud abuses arising from it .
Sanferupts, &U
sanferupts , & u
BANKRUPTS . ( From Tuesday ' s Gasette , March 10 , lm . J ¦ William Harding , Edward-strcet , Portman- square , turner—William James Harris , High-street , Southwark , linen-draper—Joseph Scire )) , Great Dunmow , grocer-Edward Morgan , Lisson-street , coach-builder—Samuel Pritchett aud Joseph Peckoter Oridgc , Oxford , glove manufacturers , drapers and grocers — William Johu Idendon , Ltmehouse , tailor— William Frederick Brewster , Hath , chemist—John Blundell , Colwnan-strcet , pawnbroker—John Itajner , Stauningley , Manchester , cloth manufacturer—Anthony Nicbol , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , ship breher—Thomas Harding , Lichfield , schoolmaster and stationer — Charles Goldsmith , Bristol , saddler—William Dale , Liverpool , bricklayer— Jtiehard Faulkes , Soughton , cattle salesman . SAKUL'PTCT SUPERSEDED . Joseph Coliinson , Allerton , Yorfcshire , worsted spinner .
FABTNEBSHIPS DISSOLVED . John Young and Henry Weston , linen drapers , 5 , Albion-place — Elisha Thomas Archer and Thomas Joseph Travener , paper stainers , 141 , Old-street—George Grimley and William Kirby , boot and shoe manufacturers , Nottingham—Charles Perry and John Lateward , coach builders , Wolverhampton—W . P . Brand and K , C . Brand , woollen drapers , Wigan , Lancashire—George Young and Nicholas Peppercome , blacking manufacturers . Upper Thames-street—Thomas P . Tyacke and J . G . Plomer , solicitors , Helston , Cornwall—J . Schoolbred , Gregory Cook , W . Shepherd , and H . Brown , woollen drapers , Tottenham-court-road and Graftonstreet East , as far as concerns W . Shepherd—William Alexander and James Alexander , saddlers and
ironmongers , Hungerford—Elizabeth Williams and Ellen AViiiiams , sciiool-mistresses , Monmouth—J . Ailken and . lames Mapleton , leather dressers , KugPell-street—A . and J . Boura , dyers and scourers , So . 31 , llathhone-pla ' cc—Hannah Hay and Elizabeth Marshall , school-mistresses Baliiam-hill , Surrey—George Henry Cottrell and Thomas Morley , morocco leather dressers , Barbican—Thomas Shepherd and T . l ' ye , laee makers , SneintonanuKottingham—J . IJenet Roberts and E . Clieetham , stock brokers , Slh-ilielA—J . M . Maude , Son , and Co ., cement msuru ' facturtrs , Upper Ordnauec-wharf , Jlotlieriiithe—Patrick Cruicksbank , John Melville , Kobert Ramsay , aud
William Fauntleroy Street , ] y , Austinfriars—William Shaw aud Thomas Sliatv , machine makers , Leeds—Charles Cole mid William Cell , furniture brokers , Nottiugiiam—John Rigg and Charles Iloykett , slaters and pSasters , Liverpool—J . Travis , S . Barcroft , and J . Whitaker ] woollen printers , Grecnbridge—S . Waters andG . r ' ree ! men , straw-hat manufacturers , Luton , Bedford—J . Salmon , jun ., and It , C . Salmon , Beaumont , Essex , mer . chants—E . HarrattandT . Balbiriiie . buiiders Huntiiigdon —T . Sharpus , W . Cullum , and J . W . Sliarpus , chinamen and glass dealers , Cockspur-strcet . Clnmug-erDss—h , Donaldson and T . Hudson , Hark-lanc—Jolin Hopwoud and William C * ol ; e . ' , Mence , coal wasters , L ' arnsley , Yorkshire .
Imntruu Iwlimntnt.
Imntruu iwlimntnt .
House Of Lords-Momday, March 9. Irish Co...
HOUSE OF LORDS-Momday , March 9 . Irish coercion bill Lord Dshman moved the second reading of his bill , to punish attempts to deter prosecutors , witnesses , and jurors from the discharge of their duty . This bill was founded on tho 2 ( jtli clause of the Irish Coercion Bill , now before the house , which provided against the intimidation of witnesses , and he had introduced it because he thought less odium would attach to these provisions if tliey were made app licable to the general law of the land , and not only to a special coercive measure for Ireland . The noble lord then proceeded to comment on the Coercion Bill itself , and expressed , in particular , his repugnance to the amended penalty of seven years transportation for the offence of being found abroad under suspicious circumstances between sunset ana sunrise .
A somewhat desultory discussion on the Coercion Bill then followed , in the course of which the Lord Chancellor intimated his entire approval of Lord Penman ' s measure ; and the Earl of St . Germans announced his intention to postpone bringing up the report on the Coercion Bill till Thursday , in order that the amendments might be coolly and deliberately considered . Against this delay several noble lords protested , and it was ultimately arranged that the amendments should be laid before the house on Tuesday evening . Their lordships then returned to Lord Denman s bill , and , after some further discussion , it was read a second time , and tho house adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Mondat , March 9 .
FAMINE IN IRELAND . An interesting conversation arose upon a question which Mr . O'Connell put to Sir R . Peel , relative to the measures taken by the government to obviate the impending famine and disease in Ireland . Sir R . Feel answered the question at some length , m terras almost the same with those which he had employed on several previous occasions in the House of Commons . His statement led to a discussion , in which Sir R . Inglis , Mr . M . Gibson , Dr . Bownng , and Mr . E . Ellice , jun ., joined , and sererallyjdeclated their opinions as t « the best means of meeting the present emergency in Ireland .
CORN LAWS . On the motion of Sir It . Pebl , Mr . Greene brought up the report of the corn resolutions . On the question that the resolutions be read a second time , Mr . LiDDEti . informed Sir R . Peel that it was not his intention to give him any further trouble on the timber duties . So many petitions had recently been presented in favour of the proposed changes , that he was bound to take it for granted that those changes were not disagreeable to the feelings of the petitioners ; and as he had not received any further information from the parties who had sent him the petition which he had originally presented , he was prepared to withdraw the motion of which he had given notice . . . Lord G . Benhxck gave an intimation to air ft . Peel that he must not flatter himself that he ( Lord 0 . Bentinck ) too was prepared to withdraw his opposition to the timber duties .
On the question that the resolution relative to the reduction of buck wheat , maize , and rice be read a second time , Mr . F . MiLKsaaidhehad hoped that Sir R . Feel would have added to this resolution some words reducing the duties on maize for three or four months to come . The protection party would have no objection to agree to such a resolution , as they were most anxious to provide food tor the people ot Ireland . Tney were desirous of meeting a temporary evil by a temporary remedy .
Sir R . Peel observed that his proposition was for a permanent reduction o f the duties on buck wheat , maize , and rice to a mere nominal duty , to take effect forever , so soon astheJrill founded on the present resolutions should be passed into law . He proposed , when the resolution was reported , to issue a Treasury order , reducing the duties on buck wheat , maize , and rice to a mere nominal duty , of which ^ the force should expire as soon as the Legislature should have decided one way or the other on the fate o f the new tariff , and on the new Corn Law . That remission , however , will only he granted on the parties giving bond for the payment of the higher duties , in case Parliament should not give its sanction to the present measure .
Mr . P . Miles then proceeded to explain his reasons for opposing tho resolution , and to suggest them as weU worthy the consideration of those who were inclined to remit all duties on these articles . He concluded by declaring that it was not his intention to give the house the trouble of dividing on this resolution ; he would be content by entering hissolemn protest against it . A discussion , more rambling and inconsecutive than ordinary , then took place , in which the prominent speakers were Mr . Newdegate , Mr . S . Crawford , Mr . Hume , Colonel Sibthorpe , the Earl of March , Sir A . Brooke , Mr . P . Serope , Mr . B . Escott , Captain Harris , Mr . P . Howard , Mr . Fitzgerald , Mr . G . Palmer , Mr . Butler , and others . Scarcely a word was said on the resolution before the house , as the different orators found it more convenient to address themselves to the conflicting statements on the
extent of the potatoe disease in Ireland , and incidentally in Scotland , England , and indeed every other country in the world , to the amount of the rate of wages in Ireland , aud to the conduct of the absentee landlord , the middleman , and the squireen towards tiic labouring peasantry of that country—to the right of that poor peasantry to relief out of tlie union workhouse—and to the necessity not only ol meeting the coming scarcity in Ireland , but also ot accustoming the inhabitants of that country to rely on a better supply of fued than the potatoe . The meritsot'Mr . Bianconiand of Father Alathcw formed tlie staple ot * one gentleman ' s speech , and the demerits of usurers in general , and of Irish usurers in particular , formed that of another . Indeed , Mr . Laboueherc was the only speaker who did more than advert en passant to the subject of maize .
The resolution was then agreed to . A bill founded on all the resolutions was then ordered to be brought in by Sir R . Peel and Sir G . Clerk , and at a subsequent hour was read a first time and ordered to be printed . The house then resolved itself into a committee of the Whole house on the Customs' Acts . Lord G . Bbntlnck then informed Sir R . Peel that his friends did not intend to divide on this stage upon any of the articles included in the tariff . They did , however , intend to divide on the articles of silk , timber , brandy , on some others at a future stage . They would wait till the bill was introduced , and then , on going into committee , would move that certaiu articles be omitted from its schedule . After a conversation on the subject , it was agreed that the debate on the tariff should take place on Friday night .
Mr . Ewart moved that modern foreign books in foreign languages should be introduced into this country duty free . Tlie reasons which he urged for this amendment were , that it would enable the literary public of England to purchase foreign books at a cheaper price , whilst it would not inflict any sensible loss on the revenue . Sir G . Cuhsk observed , that the amount of revenue obtained by the duty on foreign books was £ 10 , 000 a-year . lie admitted that the interchange of the literature of one country with that of another was very desirable : but there were other matters to
be taken into consideration . We had of late years taken great pains to prevent piratical editions of English authors printed on the continent from being imported into that country . Negotiations for establishing an international copyright were now going on with the Prussian and French governments , and with every prospect' of success , lie thought that greater advantage would be gained by the authors and publishers of this country from the establishment of an international copyright than from the abolition of these duties ; and therefore ho must oppose the amendment .
A discussion ensued , in which Messrs . Forster , C . Buller , A . Hope , Aglkmby , D'Israeli , Bowring , and B . Ilawes , supported Mr . Ewart ' s motion ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer , Mr . Cardweu , and Sir Robert Peel opposed it . The motion was by leave withdrawn . Mr . D'lsitABLi lectured Mr . Ewart on the largeness of his professions , and on the insignificance of his performance ou this occasion , and then congratulated the government on the probability that it would never again be in a minority until it had carried its
great aud comprehensive scheme . To be sure , it had been thrown into a minority the other evening on tiie Poor Laws ; but that misfortune he was sure would not befal it speedily again . To-morrow morning the public , which was anxious to obtain foreign literature at a cheap price , would be very sorry to find that a majority of their representatives had voted against their conviction to save a Ministry to which they were opposed . Ho again congratulated the Ministry on their good luck in getting out of nscrape by the support of au opposition which was only assisting it—to its own ruin .
Whon the tariff was nearly gone through , Lord J . Uussbu reminded the committee of Lord Grenville's observation , that if the manufacturer was tohave his corn cheap , tho farmer ought to have his coat cheap . Now , in this tariff there was a permanent duty of 10 per cent , laid on every manufactured article introduced into the country . He had no objection to that , so lone ; as ; thu . cora ^ du tics lasted— / . e ., to the year 1849 . But when the corn duties should be reduced to Is . a quarter , lie did not sec any reason why the duty of 10 per cent , should be retained on manufactured articles .
Sir R . Pkel did not deny that considerations of revenue influenced the decision ot her Majesty ' s Government on several articles of the tariff . If at the end of three years the revenue should permit that a reduction should be made in the duties on articles of clothing , as well as in the duties on foreign corn , he should not be reluctant to make it . But he refused to give any guarantee on thatsubject . He had already made a repeal of the duties on all articles
House Of Lords-Momday, March 9. Irish Co...
used in the consumption of the poor , he had provided forthe repeal of the duties on corn at th » end oi three years , and he considered that he should leave the country in a better condition than at present , it ho left it only liable to a duty of 10 per cent , on manufactured articles , and that too levied , not tor purposes of protection , but for those of revenue . Mr . T . Baring contended that to take off all duties would not benefit either commerce , or man " tacdures , or trade . The country would never allow lto tea ana sugar to be taxed , whilst no duties were levied on articles of luxury from agates down to vellum , ine result would be , that you must have recourse to direct taxation , and then you oug ht to consider whether you will not drive capital out of the country . An animated conversation then took place on tlie benefits of direct and indirect taxation , m which a number of members joined .
The remaining resolutions were agreed to . The Chairman was then ordered to report progress , and tlie house resumed . Report to be received on Friday . Oh the motion of Mr . S . Herbert , the house resolved itsel f into a committee o f supply on the army estimates , and several sums were voted as grants on credit to her Majesty . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and tlie house adjourned .
HOUSE OF LORDS-Tdssdat , March 10 . Lord Brougham presented a petition from the Marquis of Wostmeath , depicting the miserable state of that part of Ireland in which his estates were situate , and praying the house to enact laws by which the mischief complained of might be stayed . The report on the Irish Protection of Life Bill was next brought up , and the several clauses with various amendments were agreed to ; after which it was resolved that the report should be adjourned till Thursday , and that the bill should be read a third time on Friday . The house then adjourned until Thursday . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Tuesdav , March 10 .
EDUCATION IN WALES . Public business was commenced by Mr . Williams moving for an address to her Majesty for the institution of an inquiry into the state of education in the principality ef Wales , especially into the means afforded to the labouring classes of acquiring a knowledge of the English language . The language of the educated classes throughout Wales , and of the inhabitants of the towns , was English ; but the language of the labouring classes , especially in the rural districts , was Welsh . The Rev . Mr . Griffiths , the president of a Dissenting college in Wales , and a
person well acquainted with its condition , reported that there were 250 , 000 children -who ought to receive education—that there were only 70 , 000 of them who received any education at all—that of this number of 70 , 000 , a great portion received an education so inferior as to be only nominal—and that there were 180 , 000 children who were totally left without that guide which all men ought to receive from a sound , moral , and religious education . The hon . member proceeded at great length to show the state of tho principality with reference to its social and moral aspects , and brought forward much interesting information on the subject .
Sir J . Graham could not controvert any of the propositions advanced by Mr . Williams on this subject , nor ' was he inclined to object to the institution ol some inquiry into the matters which he had brought under the notice of the house . lie admitted that the want of an adequate knowledge of the English language was a serious obstacle , and that the knowledge of it was of vast importance to the due administration of justice in the principality of Wales . He also admitted that the knowledge of English was an element of great value in the advancement of Welshmen in society . He thought , however , that Mr . Williams had scarcely done justice to what the government had done of late years to promote education in the mining districts of South Wales . After describing those measures , and their effects on the
social , moral , and religious improvement of the inhabitants of those districts , he observed , that Ministers were now engaged in a grand and comprehensive plan for improving the social condition of the working classes throughout Great . Britain ; and that if they succeeded in carrying it through the legislature , their moral and religious condition would force itseii more and more upon the consideration of Parliament . He proposed that the Educational Committee of the Privy Council should send down into Wales two of its inspectors to inquire into the extent of the ignorance of the English language among the population of Wales , and into the best means of removing it . He thought that the necessary information might be speedily obtained , and that the intervention of Parliament might be procured , perhaps , during the present session .
Mr . Williams expressed his satisfaction at the proposed arrangements ; and , after a lew observations from Mr . C . Wynne , Mr . Davies , and Mr . T . Wyse , all expressive of theiradmiration of the anxiout desire exhibited by the present government to promof eeducation in all parts of the United Kingdom , consented to withdraw his motion .
FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . Sir De Lacy Evans presented a . petition from Westminster , praying for a pardon to Frost , Williams , and Jones . Sir G . Strickland presented eight petitions from Preston to the same effect , which were , however , withdrawn in consequence of there being no signature to the first sheet . Mr . FisLDBts presented two petitions with a like prayer . Mr . T . S . Buncombe , previously to submitting the motion of which he had given notice , pressoted 249 petitions to the same effect , from different places in England and Scotland , signed by 1 , 100 , 000 persons . He could not enumerate all the places , but he would mention some-. —Exeter , Dundee , Bradford ,
Birmingham , Newport , Bndgewater , Wigan , Staley Bridge , the Tower Hamlets , from authors and others engaged in literature from the Vale of Neath ; Halifax , signed by 5000 ; Leicester , signed by 5 , 300 ; Sheffield , signed by 13 , 000 ; Kidderminster , Todmorden ; Manchester , signed by ^ 2 , 446 ; Salford , signed by 10 , 710 ; the town council of Newport ; Leeds , signed by 32 , 500 , among whom was Dr . Hook , the vicar , and several members of the board of guardians ; and several signed by chairmen of large meetings , one of which was held at Glasgow , and another at Edinburgh ; so that altogether these petitions stated the wishes of 3 , 000 , 000 of their fellow-subjects . There was one petition which he wished to separate from the remainder for peculiar remark . It
was from Abergavenny , and signed by 033 persons of that part of Wales , including six of the jurymen who had tried Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr . Ingram , a very respectable individual who had subscribed the petition , stated that the only six jurymen hehad seen readily acquiesced in and signed the petition , that three others of the jury were dead , that he could not find two others , ami thatonecould not write his name or tell whether it was Christopher John or John Christopher . All the petitioners prayed tlie house to address her Majesty , praying her to extend her mercy to these unfortunate and misguided men . The petitioners did not attempt to palliate or to justify the conduct of these men , but they said , looking at the circumstances of the country , and to the examples before them in which the prerogative of mercy had been extended , that the house might becomingly interfere by an address to her Majesty . H would be impossible for him to bring up the petitions , but he
would lay the list on the table . The petitions having been thus constructively laid upon the table , Mr . T . S . Duncomde proceeded to say , that if he could receive the slightest intimation , he would not say assurance , from her Majesty ' s government , or from the right hon . gentleman opposite ( Sir James Graham ) that those respectful , and humble , and , as he thought , proper supplications of the peopleshould receive the attention , and the favourable attention , which Ue thought they deserved , of her Majesty ' s Ministers , he would not for an instant occupy the time of the house , but would leave the prayers of these petitions to be dealt with by her Majesty ' s Ministers , satisfied that due justice would not only be done to these prayers , but that such mercy would be shown as sound state policy required . If the right hon . gentleman would give him an intimation—he would not ask for an assurance—he would proceed no further .
Sir J . Graham advised the hon . member to proceed with his statement ; and then , on the other hand , he would state his own views . Mr . T . S . Duxcomue trusted the house , then , would bear with him while he trespassed upon them for a short time in stating this ease . He was aware that in thus stating it Tie had many difficulties to contend with ; he was aware of the prejudices and alarm attending a subject of this sort ; he was aware of the feeling entertained by many members of that house , that it it were not unjustifiable it was inconvenient tor the House ot Commons to interfere with the prerogatives of the Crown , and especially With that which rented to mercy ,-but there were easts tn which the House of Commons might and ought to interfere , lhere were peculiar cases and peculiar circumstances which justified a member in asking for that interference , although he thought that a
member was bound to make it out by proof that every other means had been tried and had failed , before he brought forward the case . ( Hear hear ) In the present case , he thought that every means had been taken heretofore , by various petitions , to indue the Minister of the Crown to extend mercy to these umortunate and misguided persons . Last vear , the right lion , gentleman wall knew that memorials without end were presented to the Home Oiiicesoine were presented through him-wliieh had been laid by the right lion , baronet at the foot of the throne ; but the government had not felt themselves justified m acceding to their waver . He had no complaint to make of the government in tliat respect : for he did not tluuktlvu . ta . wy government in the ease wf such a hernia Offence as this , wheie the parties had been accused , tried , and convicted of high treason , would have been justified of their own accord in at once granting a pardon . The strong expression of public feeling , and almost the expression of that house , would perhaps have been necessary to justify
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tho government in taking that cours « . Now , he thought he had proved , and that the petitions he had presented had showed a strong and general , if not a universal f eeling throughout the country that a pardon should be granted to these men . What were the reasons for this extraordinary and universal sympathy ? He believed it arose from two causes . In the first place , it arose from the doubt which existed in the minds of four-fifths of the population of this country that the conviction of these men was not altogether legal ; thatitwasinvolvedingreatdoubtand mystery . This doubt was not confined to men unlearned in the law , but was participated in by lawyers themselves . When they saw the fifteen judges divided six to nine on one noint of the case , and nine to six on another
point , who could say that there was not great weight in the doubt , as to the validity of the indictment , raised by the counsel for the prisoners , Sir Frederick Pollock and the learned gentleman whom he had the pleasure of seeing opposite ( tho Solicitor-General )? Ho found not the slightest fault with that decision ; he found no fault with the manner in which the trial was conducted . In introducing this subject he could have no party feeling , and he hoped that no party feeling would be permitted to enter into the discussion ( Hear , hear . ) The petitions had been signed bv men of all parties , regardless of the distinctions between Chartism , Radicalism , Toryism , or W lugism , who were imbued only with the spirit of mercy and charity . He had no complaint to make ot the Ihe offi
manner in which the trial was conducted . - cers ol the Crown had upon that occasion conducted the case in a manner w hich was an ho nour to the profession to which they belonged , and with all the moderation and temper which became servants of the Crown and of the country . The prisoners were most ably defended by the honourable and learned gentleman and by the present Chief Baron . It was known that an objection was taken by them , which the judges thought they were then not altogether capable of deciding ; but if the judges had been then pressed for a decision , it was clear , from the subsequent opinions of Mr . Baron P-jrke and Mr . Justice Williams , that the prisoners must have been acouitted . The point , however , was
reserved , and the trial proceeded . This reserved point was referred to the fifteen judges . If hon . gentlemen had not been tried for high treason , and he hoped they never would , they might not know that by the strict letter of the law in cases of high treason and misprision of treason a list of the witnesses and of the jury , together with the address of each witness and juryman , must be given at " the same time " with the copy of the indictment . to the party indicted . He believed he was right in saying that in this case the copy of the . indictment was furnished not at the same time with a list of the jury and the witnesses ; that the copy of the indictment was furnished on Thursday , and that the list of jury and of witnesses was not furnished till the Tuesday—five days
intervening . Any one reading that could not have a doubt upon the subject But the point was reserved and the decision was this , that six of the judges to nine decided that the objection was fatal altogether to the trial and conviction , and nine , including those six , decided that the objection was good and valid if it had been taken at the proper time , Sir F . Pollock at the same time protesting before God and his country that he could not have taken it at any other time . Suppose that question had come now before the fifteen judges , Sir F . Pollock being on the bench , there would have been then seven judges one way and seven another , and it would have been decided by a casting vote . But there were other authorities . Of the judges of the Queen's
Bench four out of five decided in favour of the objection , so that if these individuals had been tried at the Queen ' s Bench instead o f at JEVowporr , they must have been acquitted . They had also the authority of Lord Brougham in the House of Lords , who stated that if the majority of the judges at the trial had been pressed for their decision the prisoners must have had an acquittal ; and it was but due to that noble and learned lord to say that he not only stated that in Parliament , but he did the utmost man could do not only to save the lives , but to regain the liberty of these men , and to carry out what he said , that an acquittal was their legal right . Virtually the conviction was confirmed by the judges , but let them recollect what occurred at that time—the feeling in
the public mind . He believed that at that time 4 , 000 , 000 signatures were attached to a petition to the Queen . They knew perfectly well that the execution of these men was fixed for Thursday following , the decision of the judges having been given on Friday night . The scaffold was erected , the block prepared , the executioner was down there , but then the human voice of the British public succeeded , though not until pushed on , and accelerated , and assisted by Lord Brougham and Sir F . Pollock . Sir F . Pollock waited six timea on Saturday , after the decision of the judges , on Lord Melbourne and the Home Secretary at that time , and kept returning in distress and dismay , saying that they were quite inexorable , that nothing could move them , and that these men
would be sacrificed . He then saw Lord Brougham in a room of the House of Lords , and again stated his distress , and how often he had been to the Ministers , but could make no impression upon them ; and Lord Brougham said , " Go a seventh time , and tell them from me that these men will be legally murdered . " He went , and the public voice of humanity did triumph on that occasion . The sentence was commuted to transportation for life ; but there wou ! 4 always remain this doubt on the public mind , that if the sentence could not be execuUd by the extreme penalty of the law , it was doubtful whether they could legally transport them . ( Hear , hear . ) That impression still existed , and though it was necessary to make an example of these men , there was a hope
that it their future conduct entitled them to the clemency of the Crown after a certain number of years , their case should be taken into consideration . That time had arrived , and the people of this country were beginning to think , that after six years of suffering , the law and the majesty of the law had been sufficiently vindicated . Frost , Jones , and Williams , for three years , were working in gangs in chains . In what part of the world did they find political prisoners—for , after all , these men were but political prisoners of the highest class—treated in that manner ? Did they treat them so in France ? But , he did not complain of that ; he asked now for their release , and he said it was a most extraordinary thing that England should be the only country in
which , on every great occasion for public rejoicing , they did not offer an amnesty to all their political prisoners . To be sure , there was a remission of sentences of some prisoners made on the birth of the Prince of Wales—a public rejoicing took place—the different prisons were opened—persons were taken out—free pardons were given to them—but no political prisoners upon any but that occasion ever received such an amnesty . Now , look at France . Only within these two years—in 1844 , upon what they considered a victory and triumph of tho French arms on the coast of Africa , in consequence , as it was stated in the ordonnancc , of the exploits of the Prince de Joinville , between fifty and sixty prisoners were released from Doullen . Amongst the persons
released on that occasion were several who , as the house would recollect , had proceeded from the coast of England to Boulogne , and had made almost as insane an attempt as had been made by the persons who had descended from the hills of Wales . That however , was a partial amnesty ; but he hoped it would bo general , and that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and others would be released . Several of his confederates had ; and amongst them was pne who had been concerned in attempting to assassinate the Duke D'Aumale . But had not our arms been crowned with victory « And was not this the time f or the government to show some degree of mercv to these individuals ? We were at that moment inviting France to a more liberal commercial policy .
Were we to be behind her in the cause of mercv ? He was sure that the law had been satisfied by the punishment and suffering these men had undergone ; and their release would be in accordance with the wishes of a great body of the people in this country , lie knew that there was great alarm and prejudice upon the subject , and nothing had given him greater pain than to read a letter from the right hon . gentleman the member for Edinburgh , recently addressed by him to his constituents . In that letter the right hon . gentleman stated that these individuals were great criminals . He did not deny that ; he did not wish for a moment to palliate their conduct , but he thought that the right hon . gentleman was creating an unnecessary prejudice against them , and causing unnecessary alarm , in case the government thought fit to release them . He said : — " Sir , —I cannot agree with you in thinking that the
law has , aa respects hrost and ins accomplices , been thoroughly satisfied . Consider what they did , and what they have suffered . They raised a rebellion which you admit to havo been perfectly unjustifiable —lad thousands of ignorant labouring men into » uilt and danger-fired on the Queen ' s troops , wounded a magistrate in the discharge of his dutv—caused the deaths of several unhappy creauires-iind would , if their attempt had not been stopped iu the outset , have caused such a destruction of life and property as has not been known in England forages . This » their oftencc . What has been their punishment ? lransportation ior about five vears — a , lighter punishment than has been inflicted on manv ° poor lads for picking pockets . You disclaim very properly all projects of insurrection . But rely on it that there will be insurrections enough , if turbulent and designing men are apprised that the penaltv of raising a civil war is henceforth to be less ' than the penalty ot robbing a hen-roost ? Thinking
tins , i cannot hola out any hope that I shall vote for any address in favour of these great criminals . " . Now , it the law did enable them to transport a man br seven years or ior Jife for robbing a hen-roost , that was a most severolaw , and the sooner it was corrected the better . But then that letter wascon-!! t i ; r ? T Wllic l 1 , r , eccilc ( l il - A what he S'fct , 01 was t * liat th <* "e two letters were nul ,-ishcinogethcr andin connexion whha petition he . ucalled at that tune tho "National petition •" Sttf' C 0 Upl i , " 'I 16 outn B « of thesimen wi h » n i was supposed to be the object oi that petition and he thought tliathis name had been most in 3 mtcoduttd mto that letter . The right lion ge „ Je
House Of Lords-Momday, March 9. Irish Co...
man said in that letter— " That this is so , I have proof under their own hands . I refer to the petition which Mr . Buncombe presented to the House of Con > roois in 1842 . In that document some hundreds of thousands of Chartists asked for the franchise , and told us how they meant to use it . They avowed that their objects were national bankruptcy , contiscatioa of the soil , of canals , of railroads , of machinery—in short , the destruetion of all property . " So that he ( Mr . Duneombe ") presented * petition for the destruction of all property . The letter continued : — '' 1 was firmly convinced , and am firmly convinced , thatsuch . measures "would produce indescribable misery to the great majority of the petitioners themselves . " In that sentiment he fully concurred if that
were the case ; but the right lion , gentleman continued : —I ' I refused them the franchise , not from disregard of their interests , but from the same feeling which would lead me to refuse a raior to a man who told me that he wanted it in order to cut his throat ; and I assure you that I have never inquired of any inhabitant of Edinburgh who complained to me of a grievance , whether he was an elector or not . " He wished he had been there when the right honourable gentleman took up his pen , for he certainly would have refused to let him have it , as the right lion , gentleman would have refused the man the razor who . wanted to cut his own throat—( a laugh)—for he did not think that he was obnoxious to this charge of having presented a petition , the
avowed object of which was the destruction of all property . He would have been unworthy a seat in that house if he had presented any such petition , particularly one emanating from three millonsof his fellow-subjects . He wished the right honourable gentleman would point out any paragraph bearing such a construction as that . He found certainly such a passage as this : —" Your petitioners deeply deplore the existence of any kind of monopoly in this nation ; and whilst they unequivocally condemn the levying of any tax upon the necessaries of life , and upon those articles principally required by the labouring classes , they are also sensible that the abolition o f any one monopoly will never unshackle labour from its misery , until the people possess that
power under which all monopoly and . oppression must cease ; and your petitioners respectfully mention the existing monopolies of the suffrage , of paper money , of machinery , of the land , of the publicpress , of religion , of the means of traveilingand transit , and a host of other evils , too numerous to mention , all arising from class legislation . " Now , really , he did not see that any one was justified in saying that the object of that was the destruction of all property . First , they spoke of the monopoly of the suffrage . Was thure not such a monopoly ? Then he thought the hon . member for Birmingham would tell them that there was a monopoly of paper money . Of machinery decidedly , there was one , and also the same with land—lor they were fighting about
it every day . Well , then , as to religion . Would they say there was no monopoly of that . ( A laugh . ) And as to the means of travelling and transit , baa they not been passing a bill since that petition was presented with regard to the railway travelling , and to prevent the company ' s having a monopoly ? Well , then , if the right hon . gentleman looked to the concluding sentence of that petition he would see that he had not put a fair construction upon it in that letter . He presumed that the right hon . gentleman did write that letter and authorised its publication , but it was an unfortunate letter to have been written at that time , and was calculated to produce prejudice , and if any hon . gentlemen were about to vote or speak from the impression they might have imbibed in consequence of that letter , he hoped they
would read the whole petition before they came to any decision on the point ; for if that were to be the feeling of the future Whig government , he agreed very much with the letter which had been lately addressed to the electors of Westminster by the hon . and gallant officer who lately represented that city . The committee appointed for the purpose of endeavouring to liberate these individuals addressed a letter to that hon . and gallant o fficer , and al * o to the present hon . and gallant member . The latter wrote and assured them that he would give them every assistance ill his power , and that his vote would be in favour o the release o f these individuals , showing pretty strongly tho feeling there was amongst the
tradesmen of the metropolis before the election , when both the candidates came forward and said they intended to support this motion . But what said the late hon . and gallant member ( Captain Rous ) ? He said that he thought they stood a better chance of being liberated by the present government than by any other . He had , therefore , a right to quote the authority of a Lord of the Admiralty in his favour . After that letter , then , of the right hon . gentleman who had been Secretary at War once , and would in all probability be Secretary at War again—for he saw that he wrote about the miiitia in a very bellicose strain —( laughter ) , —lie looked with confidence to the Ministry of which Captain Rous was a member , and thought they were likely to obtain the liberation of
theje individuals from this government in preference to any other , more particularly when he saw the hon . and learned gentleman the Solicitor-General sitting by the side of the right honourable baronet . That lion , and learned gentleman knew this case fully , lie ( Mr . Duneombe ) had read his able arguments , and although he knew that counsel was not bound by any sentiments he might express upon the trial , yet they might see a vein and sentiments running through the whole of his address which led them to believe that these individuals had been harshly treated . The conduct of Sir F . Pollock had thoroughly entitled him to say that his opinion was in his ( Mr . Duncombe ' s ) favour . After Frost had been condemntd and sentence passed upon him that he
should be hanged , drawn , and quartered , he visited him in his cell and took leave of him . Do not tell him , that Sir F . Pollock , or any member of the bar , Avould have gone to the cell of an individual if hehad thought him a felon of the sort whose cause they were obliged sometimes to advocate . The house then saw what very strong sentiments there were in favour of those men , and in regard to the case he had submitted to the house , the summing up of the Lord Chief Justice Tindai would , bethought , have justified any man in saying it was very doubtful whether or not the case amounted to high treason ; though it was necessary they should be tried for high treason . Now , he put this case . Suppose the hon . learned member for Cork had been tried for high treason
instead ot being tried for a misdemeanour , had he been | convicted he would not have had the same chance of the judgment being reversed that he really had under I the lattermode of protection . His case was argued before 13 judges , and 11 to 2 decided in favour of his conviction , in the case of Frost and Williams there was no appeal from the decision of those judges ; had there been , how did they know that the Uc-vree oi Lord * might not have decided against the judges the same as they did in the case of the hon . add learned member for Cork ? That circumstance alone proved that it was absolutely necessary there should be an appeal in criminal cases , and he believed the right hon . gentleman at the commencement of Parliament had stated that it was the intention of the government to bring in a bill for that purpose in certain cases . Well , he said that England had never upon any occasion of public rejoicing granted any amnesty to tical
poli prisoners , but he forgot—upon one occasion it had been done , but in that case the prisoners were not Englishmen , they were Canadians , and he would be obliged to any hon . gentleman to show him any difference between Frost ' s case and that of the Canadian rebels . In the case of the Canadian rebels they were actually engaged in a continual state ot warfare against the Queen ' s troops , but in Frost ' s case , in point of fact , it was no rebellion it was a tumult ,- a dangerous tumult , and certainly some lives were lost . If those persons were fit subjects of Royal clemency , he could not understand why these three unhappy Englishmen should not be entitled to the same consideration at the hands of her Majesty's government . He might observe that some ot the Canadian rebels bad been raised to offices of high trust and importance which he had no doubt they filled with advantage ' to the State . He did not ask a similar iudulucnce for Frost
William ,, and Jones ; but he did ask , if the public wish , which had been so strongly and frequently expressed upon this subject was deemed worthy of al tent on , that the case of those individuals m Pl , fc receive the serious ««& b ^ T & % ! $ baronet opposite . He would not say another " Sd ' petitions he had presented in favour ol the motion he would now submit to the house . He beceed tn wove , "Tmt a . humble address be prmSfffihe ? Majesty , that she will be graciously pleased to tate into her Majesty ' s most gracious consEation the petitions of the people presented during the present session ot Parliament in favour of a rWoratirTtn their native land of Frost , Williams , anfiS " Mr . YY aklkt seconded the motion . The question having been put , si j
r urauam rose and said ,-I should be ex-S ^ - ^^^^ wWch ' fcllfioileMSe piebent occasion were tinctured with the least degrto oi passion or acrimony , for 1 entirely agree with the hon . member lor Fiusbury , that it is most desirable we should . dispassionately and deliberately consider the proposition he has brought before us , without the slightest regard to party dilferenccs or feelings . lUear hear . ) 1 must say , en that ground , that I regretted some ot the topics introduced bv the hon gentleman when he weighed the probability of a estion ef this nature
qu , ijnmediatclv and exclusivelv connected with the administration of justice beiic regaiHledmoreor less layouraWy by nught happen tit the moment to be the responsible advisers ot the Crown . ( Hear , hear . ) ^ , I readily admit that the number of petitions presented on this subject , and in favour of the motion of cho hon . member for Fiiisbury , has been very large . ( Hear , hear . ) 1 admit also that the memorials Wuitth . it has been my duty to present to her Majesty tti tlie course of the last year were not only
numerous , but signed by a very large portion of the working classes of tnis country . 1 must also add that the decision of her Majesty ' s government is adopted after duly weighing all tiie circumstances of this case , with reference both to the nature of the crime , and the circumstances under which it ia our duty to regard
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 14, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_14031846/page/6/
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