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Sohsbs Tow2f.-*»0n . Sunday evening last a full «,^Hn^6f the members of this locali ty was held at
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jfr. Doddridge's, Tonbridge Street. Sew ...
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' s " X. - | V S ; VOL. . NO. 444 LONDON...
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TO FEARGTJS OTJOXXOR/ESQ. Deah Sir,—We c...
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" TO THE SOMERS' TOWN CHARTISTS. Mr test...
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frtipmal parlfanmiL
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HOUSE OF LORDS, Friday, Mat S. The Burgh...
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prevent the adult labourer from working ...
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to peop—The Hon. Member for to law sanct...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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^—^^ V < s — •^^ J ^ AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL . - - ^^ - ^ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . _^^—^^» fc ^^—^^_^^ . : , ¦¦ 1 11
Sohsbs Tow2f.-*»0n . Sunday Evening Last A Full «,^Hn^6f The Members Of This Locali Ty Was Held At
Sohsbs Tow 2 f .- *» 0 n . Sunday evening last a full « , ^ Hn ^ 6 f the members of this locali ty was held at
Jfr. Doddridge's, Tonbridge Street. Sew ...
jfr . Doddridge ' s , Tonbridge Street . Sew lU > aa , . Charles Attree in the chair . The Secretary having read Mr . O'Connors letter addressed to the Somei * Town Chartists , and also the report of the Maryle bone meeting alluded to therein , Mr . George Hum-Iphries moved , seconded bj Mr . lm . Bird , that Mr . O'Connor ' s letter be received as satisfactory . Mr . John Arnott moved as an amendment , Thata respectful exp lanatory letter be written to Mr . O'Connor in reply to his letter in yesterday Star , which was seconded by Mr . Henry Child After a long and friendly discussion , in which Messrs Page , Hornby , Pettit , Harris and Hall took part , the amendment was carried by a great majarity . j ^
Meats . ClllW , Arnott , Hornb y and narns were appointed a committee to draw up the said letter , and the meeting separated . At a meeting of the members on Tuesday evening , the letter drawn up by the committee having been read , was , on the motion of Messrs . Humphries andB | rd , unanimously adopted .
' S " X. - | V S ; Vol. . No. 444 London...
' s " X. - | V S ; VOL . . NO . 444 LONDON , "" SATUBDAY , 1 AY 16 , 1846 . , ^»?^ _
To Feargtjs Otjoxxor/Esq. Deah Sir,—We C...
TO FEARGTJS OTJOXXOR / ESQ . Deah Sir , —We can with , the greatest sincerity assert that we hare for you the highest esteem and respect ; yonr noble exertions , your unceasing and unflinching advocacy , your great services and sacrifices for and in our behalf we duly appreciate . "Wemayhavebeenprecipitate , wcniayhavebeeni-ash , we may haverather nicely scanned your every act and word , and wc may bavc rather too forcibly expressed onr opinions thereon , but that wc were actuated by any invidious feeling or improper motive , that we had any idea of forcing you into an unprofitable controversy , or attaching to your acts or words a mean- j
ing which they did not convey , or that we bad the least j intention of making marked thrusts at your policy , of , casting censure on or attacking you in an unprovoked i or unmanly manner , we most emphatically deny ; and f that any proceeding or expression of ours should lead to such conclusions we extremely regret . : Tve will now briefly explain why we were induced j topass the resolutions of which you complain . See--ing , in the Star , the report of the meeting at the Feathers Tavern , ( to -which we were desirous of calling your attention ) and also in your letter ( inserted In the same paper ) the following passage and tie ( not
extraordinary or national , but ] CHARTISTConren iion , which will shortly be held in LONDON , it appeared to us that an understanding existed to hold the Cenvention in London , contrary to the 3 rd rule of the association , and without the members having given any decision on the subject ; with this impression on onr minds , and being the firm and uncompromising advocates of free expression of opinion on all matters of policy , we thongbt it onr duty to adopt the said resolutions , but being now convinced that we were acting under a wrong impression , we most cheerfully retract any expression that we may have used , calculated to give the least offence .
"With yonr remarks on the prominence shown to the Report of the Marylebone Meeting , we fully agree , but that we were no party thereto , you are aware ; that yon have just cause to complain of that report , we readily admit ; we also consider that we are justified in protesting against it , as being the subject matter of your complaint against us ; that that report is partial and in many of its statements altogether incorrect , we can substantiate ; and we are of opinion , that it is purposely so reported , in accordance with the reporter ' s private opinion . Tonr manly and straightforward conduct , in thoroughly sifting this matter , has given ns every satisfaction , ior which we return yon onr sincere thanks .
We hare not that undue or stubborn predilection for Leeds , nor have we so learned democracy , but that we would most cordially submit to be guided by extreme circumstances or urgent events , and would with pleasure bow to the decision of the majority . In the wise discretion of the Executive Committee we have full and entire confidence , and we can with great satisfaction ( althoughnotboastingly ) state that to every pecuniary appeal made by them , we have invariably responded . With premature and undefined policy we disagree . The nasty and mean feeling to which you allude , as being manifested at the Turnagain Lane meeting , we have no cognizance ofpersonalities and vituperation we deprecate—a vindic tive , dominant , and dictatorial spirit , we
repudiateand petty jealousies , bickerings , and disunion , with their withering and baneful tendencies , we deplore . In conclusion , Sir , we trust tbat the above explanation will afford the desired satisfaction , that all unpleasantness will be buried in oblivion ; and that ere long , united in one common bond of brotherhood , the oppressed , degraded , and toiling slaves to capital , will rise , shake off their chains , and resolve to be free , 3 s the sincere desire of , dear Sir , yonr brother Chartists , the members , of . the Somen * Town locality , ( Signed on their behalf , ) Jons Absott , Sub . Sec . 8 , Middlesex-place , Somers-town . May 13 th 1846 .
" To The Somers' Town Chartists. Mr Test...
" TO THE SOMERS' TOWN CHARTISTS . Mr test De * r Fbiesbs , —Accept my best thanks for your kind letter . It furnishes another proof that all who are sincerely devoted to a good cause will find little difficulty in allaying irritation , and , in your own words , burying all past differences in oblivion . Tor the last few 'weeks tax mind las been diverted from a pursuit , to the success of . which I look for the thorough and complete emancipation of the working classes . My mind has very naturally been distracted by the attempts of the old corrnptienists to seduce some of our leaders to the advocacy of their cause . You will agree with me that whenever a move of this nature is contemplated , the guilty party ever make
a WRANGLING IN THE CHARTIST RANKS the pretext for abandoning the Chartist cause ; while , in my opinion , those differences , if they did exist , wnich I utterly deny , should only induce the real friends of the cause to stick more pertinaciously io its advocacy . This fact , together with the fact that my whole time and energy is now required for the practical de-Yelopement of our Land Plan , made me feel nervous , and perhaps snappish , npon incidents which before I might have looked more lightly npon . Tor these
reasons , together with the fact that yonr locality can boast of as good C & artists as are to be found in Eng- i land , I derived intense pleasure from the perusal , of your letter . As to the share of blame tbat you would fix npon the reporter , it is rather strange , but is nevertheless the fact , tbat I used to him the very Same language , when I discovered the impropriety , that you have used in your letter . Like you , I had long observed a leaning towards the policy advocated by him and I saw that a kind of colouring favourable to it was given to all the reported proceedings ; nevertheless , I did not complain for two
reasons : — Firstly , from respect to the liberty of the press , and Secondly , because I felt assured that that correction which you have now very properly administered , would be the most effectual mode of stopping this improper course of conduct , without imposing upon me the necessity of having recourse to the exercise of my own authority—an authority which , had the evil continued , I should have been bound to apply to its correction .
To-morrow ( Friday ) we take possession of the people ' s first estate , and I assure you , that your sensible letter , and the assurance tbat divisions shall not be created in onr ranks , will enableme to prosecute my new undertaking with more vigour and satisfac tion than I should have been master of under different feelings . It was my intention to have written a xather lengthy letter upon the land question this week , but the vast demand upon our columns , arising from the glorious struggle now being made by the
DuUding Trades , Shoemakers , and f . tber branches of the labouring class , preclude the possibility of entering npon the subject this week . In my next , 1 Lope to be able to announce that a vigorous commencement has been made which may be followed by 3 happy future for your order , l ' ou will agree with me that the cause of the trades , however they have shrunk from the advocacy of our principles , is nevertheless one iu which every friend of the working classes must take a deep and intense interest . 1 make no doubt , that , althoug h not seeking to Le
" To The Somers' Town Chartists. Mr Test...
the medium between the people and the trades on strike for the collection of funds for their support , the columns of the Ster for nest week will prove that my humble advocacy of their cause has not been devoid of a beneficial result . I sincerely wish that the trades of London , in good employment , would take the Crown and Anchor , and invite their president , Mr . Buncombe , to take the chair at a meeting on behalf of their gallant brethren who are so nobly struggling for their own and their fellows rights . It reallv a melancholy and a p itiable thing when we
reflect , that the brave , the generous , and the devoted , who are ever in front of labour ' s battle , are allowed tos i rnsgle on without that sympathy and support necessarv to sustain them in the conflict . 1 would cheerfully live upon a meal a day of the coanest food for seven years to come , if by so doing I could inspire the working classes with the importance of the present juncture . They see an unnatural combination Of wealth , power , law , and authority organized against them , while they look listlessly on , heedless of the consequence to their own order .
Wcfiud the co-tyrants for whom the Master Builders have contracted to do work , ready to relieve them from their engagements , and to submit to any inconvenience to strengthen the hands of the oppressors of labour . Is it not then criminal , nay sinful , upon the part of the Trades of London to withhold their powerful co-operation from their struggling fellow countrymen . Is it not further contrary to their own best interests , inasmuch as they may rest assured , that , when the battle is over , and should the masters succeed , they too will feel the effects of their triumph .
I must now conclude by again tendering yon my thanks , and subscribing myself , Your ever faithful and affectionate friend , Feabgus 0 'Cox . nob
Frtipmal Parlfanmil
frtipmal parlfanmiL
House Of Lords, Friday, Mat S. The Burgh...
HOUSE OF LORDS , Friday , Mat S . The Burgh ( Scotland ) Bill was read a third time and passed . The Western Australia Bill went through committee . Several Railway Bills were forwarded , and their Lordships adjourned to Monday .
HOUSE OF COMMONS-Fridat , May S . CORN IMPORTATION BILL . The Heport of the Committee on the Corn Importation Bill was brought up , on the motion of the Chancellor of the ExcmwEB . On the motion that it be received , Sir Charles Burrell moved that it be received that day six months . Col . Terser seconded the amendment . A long debate followed , in which the arguments on both sides , which have already been repeated a thousand times , were again reiterated . The dullness of most of the speeches was , however , relieved by a " set to" between the honourable members for Bath
and Shrewsbury , of which the following is an outline : — Mr . Roebuck insisted that the real principle at work throughout the whole discussion was self-interest ; all the patriotic talk , he maintained , resolved itself into the fears of reduction of rents . The honourable and learned member then made an attack upon Mr . Disraeli , whom he accused of having once come into his ( Mr . Roebuck ' s ) camp and afterwards deserted to the Tory side of the house . Mr . Roebuck bepraised the Minister as one who had sacrified party feelings , and old friendships , and long-professed principles , to the public good , and who , therefore , could treat with scorn the " impotent insolence " of his late followers .
Mr . D'Israeu replied that the lion , and learned member knew nothing of the subject upon which he spoke , but that he had heard some stories which were without foundation , and which had nothing to do with tke question before the house , and that he could not resist the temptation of repeating them in " an arranged impromptu . " I never have been , said Mr . D'Israeli , a follower of any of the two great aristocratic parties in this House ; I have no hereditary opinions , my sympathies are and ever have been with the people from whom I am sprung , and I have joined tbat party with which I thought the sympathies of the people went . As to the Honourable and Learned Member ' s camp—I never heard of Aiscamp ; this solitary sentinel to talk of his camp ! Who
sympathises with 1 dm ? He , the leader of a party But I have ever found that there is no greater opponent to democracy than your modern liberalism ; and as to popular principles , I believe , they are never more in danger than when they are professed by political economists . ( Loud Cheers . ) Three months' meditation of an attack on my political consistency—five days ' concoction of an assault upon my literary criticism ! Could any conception be greater —could any conclusion be more barren ? Jfever was a senator stricken with more remarkable paralysisnever was a'niore malignant charge—never was there a more futile result . The hon . member was vehemently cheered throughout his terrible retort upon his assailant .
Eventually the amendment was withdrawn , the report received , and the bill ordered to be read a third time on Monday next . Sir James Graham moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to arson . Leave having been given to bring in the bill , the House adjourned .
HOUSE OF LORDS-Mo . n- » at , May 11 . The Lord Cha > -ceh . ob took his seat on the wool sack at live o ' clock .
RELIGIOUS OPINIONS RELIEF BILL . The Bishop of Exeter proposed the questions of which he had given notice , with respect to this bill , should be put to the Judges . After entering at great length into the dangers which he apprehended from the passing of the measure , he concluded by saying that , believing the measure to be equally mischievous and unconstitutional , he felt it is duty to appeal to the Lord Chancellor as the head of the law , and to the other learned judges , for their opinion on the subject , and he would now conclude by reading the questions of which he had given notice . " 1 . Whether , independently of so much of the Act passed in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth , intituled ' An act restoring to the Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual , and abolishing all foreign powers repugnant to the same , ' as makes it punishable to affirm , hold , stand with , set forth , maintain , or
defend , as therein is mentioned , the authority , preeminence , power , or jurisdiction , spiritual or ecclesiastical , of any foreign prince ^ prelate , person , state , or potentate , theretofore claimed , used , or usurped within this realm , or to put in use or execute anything for the extolling , advancement , setting forth , maintenance , or defence , of any such pretended or usurped jurisdiction , power , pre-eminence , and authority , or any part thereof ; and of an Act passed in the fifth year of the said Queen , intituled' An Act for the Assurance of the Queen ' s Royal Power over all Estates and Subjects within her Dominions , ' it is an offence against the law of England , and punishable by the same , by writing , printing , teaching , preaching , express words , deed , or act , advisedly and maliciously to deny the Queen ' s supremacy , or to affirm , maintain , and defend any such pretended or usurped power , jurisdiction , or authority of the Pope , or any other foreign prince , prelate , person , state , or potentate within this realm ?
" 2 . Whether , independently of so much of the said Act of the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth as is above recited , and also of the said Act passed in the fifth year of the said Queen ' s reign , and also of an Act passed in the 13 th year of the said Queen ' s reign , intituled 'An Act against the bringing in and putting in execution of Bulls . Writings , or Instruments , or other superstitious Things , from the see of Rome , ' it is an offence against the law of tngland , and punishable as such , to bring in or put in execution any such bulls , writings , or instruments from the see of Rome ?" The Loan Chancellor said he should have n <; objection to submit the questions to the Learned
Judges , but he did not consider it necessary to do so , because it was clear that by the common law any buli or writing which had a tendency to excite sedition , 0-any act or word which would * interfere with the supremacy of the Grown , j spiritual as well as tempoial matters , would be punishable It was a matter of notoriety that bulls and writings were continually passing between Koine and this country . It was necessary to t . e Roman Catholic worship and discipline that such communication should take place , and m spite of its being considered hi » h treason , in s « te of all their penalties , these communications w : re constantly gomg on . They were bound to tolerate u-they must suffer it , in consistency even with
House Of Lords, Friday, Mat S. The Burgh...
that the late Sir R . Peel was anxious to introduce K their own legislation they ought not to sanction it . They onght net to say that the law should be a dead letter . ( Hear , hear . ) He cOuld only repeat , that Hi his opinion the common law of the land was sufficien t to meet any danger that could be possibiy apprehended from such a source . But the words of this act made the most innocent communication criminal , and therefore it was necessary to repeal or modify it , though , believing that any modification would be liable to obscurity , he had come to the conclusion , that it would be better to repeal it entirel y , and to - y ° , ~ . e v'g ur » f the common law for our security . ( Cheers . )
After some observations from Lord Desjias , Lord Brougham . Lord Campbkm , , and Lord Beaumont , all ot whom doubted the policy of referring the question to the Judges , the Bishop of Exstku withdrew his motion . The House then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS , Monday , Mat 11 . The Speaker took the chair at four o ' clock .
MR . S . O'BRIEN IN THE TOWER . Mr . T . Duscomde presented a petition from Hull , praying for the release of Mr ) William Smith O'Brien from the Tower . ( Great laughter . ) THE CORN LAWS . Sir J . Grauam moved the order of the day for the third reading of the Corn Bill . The Marquis of Graxby , in an effective maiden speech , moved that the Bill be read a third time that day six months . .. ; Mr . Gaskell seconded the amendment . After speeches from Mr . R . B . Sheridan , Mr . Floter , Mr . Miles , and Mr . Caylet , against the Bill , and from Sir J * . EASinorE , and Sir J . Graham in its support , In which all the worn-ont arguments were repeated on both sides , the debate was adjourned .
HOUSE OF LORDS .-Tuesday , May 12 . After transacting some routine business , and receiving petitions on several subjects , their lordships adjourned before G o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Tmsday , May 12 . The early part of the evening was occupied by a quarrel between Mr . Hiloyaru and Lord Lincoln , as to some charges made by the former hon . member against the latter . It is useless to trouble our readers with this " dispute between the pot and kettle . " Everybody knows that both factions bribe whenever it suits their purpose . The adjourned debate on the Corn Bill was then resumed . The speakers against it were Messrs . Newaegate , Palmer , Bennett , I'lumptre , Scott , Seymer , Capt . Polhill , Sir John Walsh , Lord Brooke , and Capt . Vyse . The only speakers in its favour were Mr . Hastie and Mr .
Sharman Crawford , so that the Protectionists had it all their own way , so far as the oratory was concerned . The whole subject , however , is worn so threadbare , that it is useless occupying our columns with the thousand times told tale . The Protectionists , upon counting noses in the early part of the evening , finding they had a majority in a very thin house , raised a loud cry for a division . Shortly after they attempted to count the house out ; there were not more than 30 members present when the motion was made , but a rush took place from the lobbies , and exactly 40 having been found in the house , the debate proceeded . It was adjourned on the motion of Mr . Colquhoun , on the understanding that it was to finish on Thursday night . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Weonesday . May 13 The Speaker took the chair at twelve o ' clock .
THE FACTORIES BILL . On the order of the day for the adjourned debate on the second reading of this Bill being read , Mr . Colquhoud said , he would first take that opportunity to advert to a statement which had been made on a former occasion by hisfriend the Secretary of State for the Home Department , who said that the house had not at any time expressed a decision in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill ; whereas the house did on a former occasion , whether right or wrong , he would not say , express its deliberate opinion that the hours of labour ought to be abridged . The right hon . baronet also stated that the Ten Hours' Bill would inflict a very serious grievance on the great bulk of the manufacturers of the country . If he ( Mr .
Colquhoun ) thought that the measure would at all affect their interests , he would not give his consent to the bill ; on the contrary , he was convinced that so far from the manufacturers suffering any injury by the proposed restriction of labour , they would rather derive great advantages . He was sure that those honest men , those benevolent men , who would faithfully discharge their duties towards the operatives in their employ , would be benefited rather than injured . ( Hear , hear . ) Who , he would ask , were those who sought for the continuance of extreme hours of labour ? The _ dishonest manufacturer—the hard , unfeeling , and inconsiderate manufacturer . The secretary of state for the home department , on the last occasion the subject was under discussion , stated
that he apprehended great injury would be inflicted on the cotton and other manufacturers , as the Bill would place them in a position less advantageous than was enjoyed on the continent , where the hours of labour where much longer than they would be under the proposed measure in this country . It was quite correct to state that the hours of labour in France and in Austria were longer than in England , where , instead of the operatives being employed sixtynine hours in the week as in England , their hours ol employment ran from seventy-eight to eighty-five . ( Hear , hear . ) But while he ( Mr . Colquhoun ) admitted this difference in time , and which presented an apparant advantage to the cotton manufacturers in Austria and in France , yet he would place before
the house the real facts of the case as ascertained a few weeks ago from Mr . Waddington , a gentleman who was himself engaged in business in France for a period of twenty years , and who had at present a largo cotton factory at Rouen . Mr . Waddington declared that the result of his experience was , that although the French operative worked for fourteen hours a day , yet that he would not in that time accomplish the same amount of labour which the English operative would who wrought but ton hours a day . ( Hear , hear . ) Upon that point Mr . Waddington ' s experience was decisive , and it was the experience of years . ( Hear , hear . ) He could not conceive then , that injury would result to trade from competition with foreign countries , because the hours
of labour were diminished at home . If advantages had been given to the manufactures which were more than equivalent to any tax that you were going to impose , ought not , he would ask , that to be a reason why some alteration in the hours of labour should take place ? Great competition on the part of capital and labour tended to reduce the wages of labour . It was therefore the duty of Government to interfere , and restore the equilibrium which should exist between the employer and the employed . The present system was , in fact , calculated to raise bad teelings in the breasts of the manufacturing labourers . They saw their employers making enormous fortunes , and it was but right that they should do so , for they had immense sums of money vested in
the various manufacturing enterprises with which they were connected ; but then , notwithstanding that , while the operatives saw their employers making so much money , and at the same time endeavouring to keep them down by increased hours of labour and diminished rate of wages , it raised sentiments and feelings in their bosoms towards their employers which it was not right they should entertain ; and it was in order to give no grounds for the entertaining of such feelings—to do away with suspicion on the part of the manufacturing operatives , that he gave his support to the present measure . He wanted the manufacturers to give their labourers time to cultivate their minds—to cultivate their intellectual and moral feelines . Did they do so ? And it
could be done in a great degree by reducing their labour . They would find all these bad feelings , to which the present state of matters was so apt to give rise done away with , and their workmen better in all respects . But then the manufacturer said , why , a reduction of the hours of labour would cause a reduction in our profits , and a consequent reduction in the wages of our workmen , and it was stated in [ proof of that , that a reduction of one hour's labour would cause a loss to the labourer of 72 P er cent , on the amount of his wages . This had been stated by Messrs . Heldsworth and Gregg , but he ( Mr . Colquhoun ) would prefer tho evidence of Mr . Leonard Horner , the Factory Commissioner , which was upon a wider basis . According to his evidence the weekly wages was lis . Id . so that on the yearly
earnings ef £ 31 , the reduction would be £ 2 is ., leaving him £ 28 lCs . No doubt the manufacturers said they must protect their labourers from suffering from any such reduction , but lie would ask what was the " loss those manufacturing operatives had sustained in consequence of competition ? Why , according to Mr . Horner , from the year lS 28 tolSU , the fall of wages in consequence of competition , was not 7 or 1 h per cent ., but was 17 percent . ( Hear , hear . ) And the lowest reduction known was 11 per cent . In one mill in Manchester alone wages foil between tho years 1 S 2 S and 1 S 29 , 13 per cent . ( Hear . ) That also was s ' atcd in the report of the evidence taken before the Factory Commission . But there seemed no such anxiety then on the part of the manufacturers for the loss their , operatives were sustaining as they appeared , now to show ,
House Of Lords, Friday, Mat S. The Burgh...
when the trifle of a loss they would sustain in a pecuniary point of view , if they sustained any at all , would be made up for in the opportunity which would be afforded them of improving tliemeslvGg in an intellectual and moral point of view . He believed that were the present measure carried , it would tend to promote the interests both of the manufacturer and the labourer . Moderate labour and moderate wages he considered the best system . ( Hear , hear . ) It promoted the greatest happiness , giving as it did time for improvement and inculcating a system of economy to be observed in the households of those engaged in manufacturing labour . He would therefore most cordiall y give his support to the second reading of the Bill , considering it to bo hv tho honefit of that large portion of the community to whom it was intended to apply . ( Hear , hoar . )
Mr . Lauol-cueke considered the measure a most important one , and could not allow it to pass-a stage without expressing his decided opposition against it . It was nothing more or less , in his opinion , than a proposal to diminish , by one-sixth , the productive powers of the manufactures of this country —( hear )—and he believed that , if such a measure passed , it would inflict a most serious injury , . not only on the manufacturers , but on those classes for whose benefit it was intended . He agreed with the hon . member for Montrose , that it was dangerous to interfere in any way in restricting the labour market , and although he had given his support to Lord Ashley ' s Bill , he thought that he had introduced a bad principle—lie meant that of interference with labour , and he could go no farther in that direction- [ The
hon ;" Jcntlcman then read several memorials and documents which he had received , relating to the hours of working in factories , and stated the reasons which would induce him to oppose any further restrictions upon the hours of labour . ! He believed if the working classes thought that tho effect of this bill would be to reduce the amount of wages , they would as one man protest against it . ( Hear , hear . ) There was no such thing on record as a workman leaving a mill which was work ing twelve hours a day , to go to a mill which was working only eleven hours , although he believed there were instances of those wh <» were working in mills under the eleven-hours system , leaving them and going to those who worked twelve hours . Were the Bill to pass , the Consequences might not immediately ensue , as the foreign
manufacturer might not be able to take immediate advantage of the oosition in which it would place the manufacturers of this country ; but they might depend upon it the struggle would one day come . ( Hear , hear . ) That struggle would then be between the manufacturer , whose capital was at stake , and the working classes , whose wages he must necessarily reduce , and these classes must in that struggle be the greatest sufferers . It would not be safe or wise to adopt the iron rule , and say that no operative in this country under any circumstances shall be allowed to work more than ten hours a day . He did not believe the operatives would thank them for passing anysuch measure as that before the house . ^ They have often heard of strikes for higher wages , but he had never heard of strikes for shorter hours of labour , and consequently he did not believe that tho operatives were in any way interested in the measure . The hon . member then referred to the experiment of
working eleven hours a > day , tried by the Messrs . Marshall , of Leeds , who , however , only did so on condition that their workmen should bestow additional attention and expertness in their work , and argued that , although the workmen employed by the Messrs . Marshall might give such additional attention , yet workmen generally could not be expected to do it if bound down to do so by Act of Parliament . In no country did the manufacturing operatives work less than twelve hours . In the United States the ootton manufaetuors , up to the present time , worked rather more than twelve hours a day , and legislating on the subject of a restriction of the hours of labour was a dangerous experiment , and ho for one would be no party to it . lie had equal objections to an Eleven Hours' Bill as he had to a Ten Hours' Bill ; he thought the Legislature had already gone far enough , and he should therefore give his vote against the second reading of the bill .
Mr . Cowpek supported the second reading of the bill . With respect to the opinion of the operatives themselves regarding it , they almost unanimously desired that it should be carried , and cared more about it titan any measure at present before the house , [ f they looked to the numbers of petitions which had been presented to the house during the present session in favour of the measure , they would see that such was the case . In favour of the measure there had been presented 8 S 0 petitions , all numerously signed , while only tour had been presented against it , and these four were signed by 93 individuals in all . ( Cheers . ) That certainly showed the state of feeling in the manufacturing districts on the subject of the measure . Throughout the whole of these districts only 93 individuals couid be got to oppose it , and that being the
ease he thought the house should have little hesitation in parsing it . ( Hear , hear . ) To find out the state of public feeling in regard to this measure , as compared with other measures of a public nature , and which had caused great noise and excitement in the country , he had taken the trouble to look into how many petitions had been presented to the house in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws , and he found that while in favour of . this measure 880 petitions had been presented , only 572 had been presented in favour of that measure , popular as it was . ( Hear , hear . ) So for , then , as the number of petitions went to show , public opinion was more in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill than in favour of the Corn Laws—and it must be . recollected , in making a comparison , that while the former was only
conlined to one department of the industry of the country , the latter extended over the whole . As to the plan of voluntary agreement between master and operative , it could never bo carried out , the system was too complicated , and depended too much upon the whim and p assion of theindividuals . Several meetings had been held on the subject , but nothing practical resulted . It was generally admitted that the voluntary system would not do . The ground formerly taken by some of the opponents of the short hour Bill was , that it could not be carried into effect SO long as the restrictions upon the importation of corn existed . This was the opinion of Mr . Henry Ash worth , in May 1 S 44 , and of Mr . Marshall . W hat would the factory operatives think of these men , who formerly grounded their opposition to the Ten Homy
Bill on the existence of the Corn Laws , and when these laws wore repealed , oppose it still ? ( Hear , hear . ) Surely the opposition oi such hon . members could not be considered cither as straightforward or sincere . He thought one of the great advantages attending the repeal of the Corn Laws would be , that it would enable manufactures to restrict the hours ol labour , " for surely it would be illiberal and sordid in the extreme that the manufacturers should receive all the benefit , the operatives none . ( Hear , hear . ) lie was not prepared to admit that a diminuA'Oii of produce would be the result of the Bill , taking into nccouiithow often the mills wore at present closed from ( Jutted markets—how often hands were iliscmploycdfrom excessive produce . It must be clear to every one that leisure was an indispensable condition
of improvement — social , mental , and mora—and that if men , like machines , were kept at work from day to day , they could not have any time lor their improvement . He believed , however ) that all understood that this measure did not deal with able-bodied men as a matter of principle . It certainly indirectly had some effect on the men , but , p . h a principle , the bill had no reference to them . The principle was that which had been always acknowledged i > y this country , —the protection of tho weak against the abuses of power . The first step in legislation on this subject was the i rotection of the apprentices . This bill enforced the protection ofthe children who were not free agents able to take care of themselves , bi * . i ought to he protected by the state . When it was said , as the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . Husae )
said , that it would be an interferes * with the freedom of trade to pass this measure * ho ( Mr . Confer ) would ask the hon . myniber what he would have said some years ago when , a certain t ; veat borougbtuongcr asked " Am I not fmcto do as Hike withmy own ?" Or if a West lndh » planter had asked , " Am 1 not free to buy slaves ? " Or how the hon . member would have answered ihc Ainerir . au in the story , who asked if this could he a land of liberty where a man mi-jlit not wallop his own nigger ? lie ( Mr . Cowpcr ) contended that that was the answer to the argument of the hon . member fur Montrose , lie ( Mr . C owjier ) contended that the millowntrs oug ht not to have tho power to make young - 00180113 work a creator number ol hours than , conyigtcntlv with health , they were able to aeeomnlish . for the y were not frce _ agcnts ; at
least thevwe-ro not considered to be so many other walk of fife . Even the man in those mills was not a free agent in the sense that he was called so in other walks of life , for the moment they placed men in conjunction with a . stem ewgiwa they bf tCMue like soldiers in a regiment—they must work the time that the steam engine worked . The Legislature had already undertaken to declare that 12 hours was the longest term which factory workers ought to be emplnved . Now tliev contended that 10 kours was a better time than 12 ; ar . d why did they say SO ? First of all , there was most authority in favour of 10 hours . The persons who had distinguished themselves by being the originators of factory legislation had all maintained 10 hours . It would now'be admitted , he supposed , by the right hon . baronet ( Sir J ^ Grah ? , m )
House Of Lords, Friday, Mat S. The Burgh...
hourslabour , a measure which he laboured severe" ' years to accomplish . Mr . Sadler was also for 10 hours ; and he need scarcely add the name of Lord Ashley , by whom the present measuro was introduced . They had not been able to accomplish what they desired in this matter , but they or their friends were determined to persevere , and he hoped the day was not far distant when their object would be fulfilled .-( Hear . ) One reason for 10 hours was , that that period seemed to be pointed out by the phenomena of nature as the natural time for a day ' s work . If they looked , at the occupation of all mechanics , carpenters and others , it would be found that they almost constantly adopted 10 boars as the time for work . ( Hear . ) If they went into a factory , and inquired how long the mechanics employed there in the
making and repair of the machinery wore employed , they wonld find that they never consented to work more than 10 hours a-ifay . ( Hear . ) He had been informed that one of the causes of the strike of the b : iihlin » trades , which they so much deplored in Lancashire , was that several masters wished to compel the builders to work lo hours and a-half , a chance . to wliich ihemen refused to submit . ( Hear , ht-ar . ) The principal argument used against the bill had been an appeal to their fears—a vain apprehension that could nob he accurately defined , —something- in the distance that could not he distinctly seen . ( Near , hear , ) Those who argued ' in favour ' of the bill had carefully avoided making any appeal to the fears ¦ f the house ; but it seemed to hnn that , if they chose to depart from ' the ' more direct attempt to-influent's
the judgment and feelings of the persons-addressed ,, fchey might have drawn some picture that would at least have produced great alarm in their minds-, — fchey might hare drawn rather gloomy pictures-of tho vast mass of persons in our great hives o ¥ industry discontented at not obtaining that which it had . so long been their anxious and earnest desire to secure , , —they might have drawn some pictures of the alarm that must always follow when a largi- proportion of our population were discontented at not obtaining an object of desire ; particularly w & en the demanding of that objfecb was , in their eyes-, justified by the sanction of three votes of the House * f Commons . ( Hear . ) But , perhaps , after all , tlij-most rational ground of alarm was the prospect of that sad moral , physical , and mental deterioration to
which considerable portions of our fellow-countrymen might fall . ( Hear . ) It was indeed a = subject of serious alarm , that sueha number of young persons should be daily launched into manhood and womanhood without any of that education wliich < wis fitted to prepare them for the duties of life-,, without having undergone social training , but weakened in body and demoralized in mind , without respect for their superiors , without the Jove of goodness , witlwut that knowledge of and reverence for the divine law , which was the surest guarantee for- the security of our present social state , and which maialy conduced to the prosperity of this empire . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Dbnnistouk opposed the Bill on , the groundi that it must inevitably lead to a reduction in the wages of the operatives , as well as to a loss in the profits of the master . The lion , member related some experiments , where by the consent of the
operatives the short hour system was adopted with a diminution of wages , but the operatives soon abandoned the system , and asked fora restoration of the old plan , with long hours and full wages . It was computed that 399 , 000 , 000 ' ' lbs . of cotton were wronght in tlrs country , of which 341 , 000 , 000-lbs . wera exported , leaving the home consumption aSiOOOiOOO 10 s ., about one-eighth of the whole . The effect of the present measure would be to lessen the production one-eighth on the whole of the home consumption . He might add that during the last five years the home consumption of this article had' increased only 50 per cent , in this country , whi & t in France it had increased 131 per cent ., and in the United States of America 200 per cent . The horn , member concluded by saying that he thought the measure would not be more injurious to the masters than it would be to the operatives , and for these reasons he would oppose the further progress of the Bill .
Lord J . Mannkrs said—A gentleman , who virtually guides the destinies , if not of the empire , at least of the Cabinet , assured the House of Commons , a few days ago , that any farther deliberation by Parliament on a great question with which his name will henceforth be connected , was useless and offensive , inasmuch as that question had been settled out of doors . I know not how that may be ; but if efforts the mostpersevering . conducted not only without the assistance of , but ayainst the opposition of enormous wealth—if the repeated and unanimous prayers of a toiling population—if the ' marked , absenee of anything approaching to a difference of opinion among the hundreds of thousands whose hopes are to be fulfilled or disappointed by us to-day—if all these aresyrop ^ toms of a question settled out of doors , then . Sir , I
think tho Ten Hours Factory Bill may lay claim to the hon . member for Stockport ' s definition , and , as a consequence , bis support . It is then to a question , already settled out of doors , on the side of which the reason and intellect of the working men of the North of England , no less than their sympathies and affections , are enlisted— % question that has already received the sanction of the Whig and Tory and Radical parties—it is to the consideration of such a question that the obstinacy of the Ministers compels us to come . The analogies and dictates of nature , if not the direct voice of Revelation , the experience of man , the prayers of the people , the admissions of opponents , the appeals to reason , the pathetic accents of manly eloquence , and woman ' s tears , all fail to move those whose master is Mammon , whose cause is competition ; and instead of a House of Commons responding to the just and moderate request of a population on whom we
affect to rely , with ready acclamation , we are compelled to listen and reply to speeches such as that delivered by the right honourable gentleman . But , Sir , in arguing , this question , I aiQ met at the outset with a difficulty ; it is Proteus we have to encounter . Is it » yi-eat principle or a great accident , » temporary difficulty oraneternal truth , that comes between these poor labourers and their wishes . 1 cannot collect which from the speeches of the triumvirate that spoke the other day . The honourable gentlemen the member for Montrose , indeed , spoke » allantly of a principle , but his most serviceable ally , the Secretary oi' State , defended all past violatians of that sacred principle , talked of compromises , hinted at the inopportuneness of the present moment , and plunged deeply , as no man who vindicates a principle , need do , into calculations and figures . Well then , Sir , as Parliament from time immemorial has onlv taken notice of the honourable member ' s
principle ol non-interference between capital and ]&¦ hour , in order to disregard it , I trust he will not ba offended if I combat in the first instance the right honourable gentleman ' s ' acts , lium-vs at < 1 inl ' ercncaa . In tli ^ coinmeiiceiut'iit of bisspcivri ) the riant ban . gentleman rested his case on the inexpediency of . any concession ; he had founds out , uliat although She working men would accept a compromise of eleven hours , they would not pledge tharasolvos for cwr to that period of Inborn * . If they tornl given that p . i ? dge , I understood , the right hon , geatleman to say , their request mieht have been favourably considered . Well , then , with him . it is only a question af expediency . Let me ask him ,, ; u » d the hou ** c , Ji ' -on this low ground alone , wuiny . considerations arc-not to be found it ) favour of this bill ? What is t & e picture
the snort-time mnvcnient presents ? The working men , sanctioned and encouraged by tho Clergy , the Disseating Ministiy ,. and by the medics ) profession , ranjje on one s-kle :: in opposition to them standwlw ? Their employers . They whose wealth they make , whose power they create , whose importance tkey subserve-,. to whose- luxuries they , minister , and the Executive Government of the day * which just now is remarkable for nothing so i » nch as its partnership vsit-b those employers . Every year , as tbe boon lias been withheld , they lu-mbeen pining , you have been losing ground ; their -f . ink ? swell ns " yc *) 2 * decrease ; and I now ask you , 2 s it politic—is it expedieat for the executive Government any longer to place itself side by side with capital and wealth , against tho unanimous wisles of the working men .
iind ' the deliberate judgment a « d calm conviction of the clergy and medical profession ; and thus huld up capital te- ' thc hatred 5 « d contempt of those who toil to oreateit ? The Right Honourably Gentleman then went on to argue , that although the-literal working of the Bill affeeled only young persons and females , to whom , were it practically confined , 1 gathered the Right Honourable Gcatlcmau would not oppose , that in effect it would operate upon adult male labour , and the very working of machinery itself and he warned the House against entertaining any measure which even incidentally mi ght interfere with adult male labour . Wh y , Sir , what an argument is this ? Here is a measure wliich proposes to limit
thejhours which females aiodyonng persons shall work , to that period of time beyond wliich all medical exnerience asserts labour , to . \» prejudicial to them , a limit which the Right Honourable Gentleman by implication , admits to be rj » ht and just in itself , but which he calls upon us to reject , lest in its operatior . it should bo found to extend itsblessimjs to other and older drudges-. ; and so helpless women and unrelleeting youth ave to be sacrificed , le ^ t weary manhood in the factories should only work as long ns his fellowcountrymen work in other classes ol labour . "Anv one who listened to tho Right Honourable Ge ' ntle - man's arguments on this part of his case to his iadignanfc protest against the tyr-wii ;} - that would
Prevent The Adult Labourer From Working ...
prevent the adult labourer from working his twelve hours a day , would imagine he was listening to accredited advocates of a great body of factory workers , ? who felt that out of a mistaken . regard for their wives and-children , the House of Commons was about to deprive thorn of the benefits of their dearest rights and privileges . But what is the tact ? - Does the right hon . gentleman plead for the majority of adult males in the factories ? Does ™* £ J tor e Y thousand , a hundred , twenty , or so ; mt so . Nearl y a quarter ofa million of human beings haye asked for this measure , and the right honourable gentleman has not ooesolitaiy petition from a solitary unit of that great class in whose name he appealed to us , to justify his position , or certify his fears . I now come , Sir , to that portion of the right hon . gentleman ' s caw which n . oat astounded me , I mean where lie urged the present position of the Corn Laws is an argument against this bill . The right hon . gentleman would nppearto live i ,. a merry-go-round . On the 10 th of May , 1844 , he said '— " Was it common sense or justice , the Corn Laws . being maintained , to restrict the bout's of ' the labourer .. ' ' by one-sixth ? " Well , those words , and others mor ? decisive spoken in private , were success ' ,. , ... •!'_ . ri ' r . ) : n ....:.... i .. j :. i .
iretain in office , h Protection government ; it is now to toe rejected " , because thesamegovcrnnient is no longer ' Protective , but Fi'ee-trading . "' Look , " cries the Homo Secretary , " at the injustice w * u arc committing , , you have not yC < repealed the Corn Laws " —'!» fthoii : > h the noble member for Falkirk , by the- way , a msnth ago , assured fit ' s lute constituents that Shey were in fact , rspea ' . ' eii , am ) iililiough that is the universal lansraaje ofttflriie - ' right hon . icntleman ' n allies . )— W ell , "You have not repealed the Corn Laws , thcroilleniain is ; not . cowfrjiientiy , commencea S , - 'but you have rcducet ? the frroiV-tioii upon marinfactiires , and' can yon , with common lainiess , having Rhus caponed ' our maiiufaoturcrs to fore . i ' . n
competition , take away the ad vantage of -vork in *; long hours ? " Xow , Sir . J'have one or U-ct remarks to make , upo-a'lhis appeal ad mismrorskan . Jn the iir .-t place , Sir , whose fault was it rh . it the ds-i-iea on i ' oreij-n nnmrrfhstures w «« o mliir-ed ? Did tha i > pt-i \ x' * 'y ° ° - " ' MaKC-bester or P . eecls ask you t ' oredia-e theni ? ; l ) id the agrisaltural int ' srest ( to be ' sure ' von would inot have listened to it if ' it-had ) , but did the agriculittiral interest ! ask you *¦ reduce th .-m ? i % ; : tho ; Free-tr , ide master nianuiae-Ssirers , to prove how sinjeere was their reiterated statement thf-t English inidmstry needed ao-protection against foreign indastvy , ; asked you to repeal those protective dnt 5 « .- ! , asserting they wen ; of nc-nse to them / at all . 13 nt are wc now t <) understand Viaf all thescr great professions were but hare words , and that this reduction ( mark not
, repeaL but reduction ) of proiei-tion has Sited them wrtli fear as' to the- effect ci > foreign co-wpcrJilon ? yy-el ) , if this he ggy- . I-must a & servo , in nhe second place , that as tiioy > wcr « the only people in the kingdons who asked foy'ihat'reduction ' , thev mart-pay for ife-Shemselves , or c-ae-sabmit fco-te nyard-sd as " the emp iiestofbtiastei * a ; thbinosttjpocriticaloiVpatpiots . And-let me , in the third place ,. direct the-yttention ot bhe acute and intelligent , w & vkin" people- out of doors to-this remarkabliTplea c- ?* their Pree--tradinorulers . It amounts-in brief ' to-fliis—that the' price the- © peratives in the north os' England wiM have to ; py for Free Trado is two laltlitkmal hwrs- of labour every day . -Now ; mind * it is rot Ii who say »; it is the Bight .- H o * Gentlema ?* who states it broadly , ' - ' . 'ho master mamifaeturevrs -
denounce all protection-: preteetion-b *» bOiH . to be taken away altogether from , sgi-icultui-e-- p-tr'ial y ficnmnanul ' nc-im-es , and this parkkl withdVawa ! is held to be ¦ so serious a weakenin ^ 'o f this miahiv interest * , that uiuless women ami children are-worked two hows- a day longer than all medical experience assetto-Shey ' ougnt to work , the commerce of-Sngland is ruined and ber Hia ! iunicturc 3 ~ desti . * in-ed . ' This , Sir , h the protection , then , with which th * muster man- ^ hctiwers will not p .- . rt—tin ' s tie protection thev S 4 tenaciously clinu ' to—t / iislfm one thing ia . Qhurcfi-an & Siate that ilie Government vsiU not alttr—ihb legalised ovtrwork of women and children . BuS , before 1 . quit this part of the subject , letme say , to the leaders ' of this timid , pulinq :, braggadocio interest—let me say to them , who come whining-about tbedifficultiea ^ bey
encounter from a diminution- in protective dutius- — that the agricultural ! interest ; will . give them back their 20 per cent ., and submit to-the injustice-and inequality thereby occasioned-, in order to give the working men of the North this Ten Hours ' Bill Mean and contemptible , therefore , as was the position assumed by the right horn-gentleman ? it is-absofotely no longer tenable . Then the right hon . gentleman ,, following in the wake- of the hon . member for Montrose , hazarded the bold assertion that the advocates of the Ten Hours' Bill , had entirely overlooked the stress of foreign competition . . Why- at least onehall of Lord Ashley ' s groat speecb « in lS 14 ; was given up to a most minute and accurate ,-analysis-of the hours and system of factory la bou ?> in other couniries . There was no country from Russiato America where
cotton or wool is manufactured , that escaped liord Ashley ' s attention - . therefore the charge was-unfounded ; but even had it been otherwise , how-strange a charge to come from our philosophic . Free . Trade Government—throujjlv . what different spectacles they must view themselves and other people . With-the most perfect indifference they can submit the agricultural industry of ' this country to . a , 7 , -Jiolly free competition frith , foreigner * ,. but are . horrified at the idea of shortening tbe hours- of- labour in our factories unless othsr countries will do the same . 'Wby , how many days , ago was it that the Premier derided the idea of recioroeity , and conjured us to . give up waiting for othsivcountries : fiat jii 8 titia-Tuat-ccelum . \ ras then his motto . Had they not been . hearing day after day , ai > d sight
after- night , the ceaseless ridicule of . the bugbear of foreign competition ? Had i \ ieright hon . gentteman not been the foremost to call upon , the agricultural interest of England to disregard the idea ,, of-droadin <>* foreign competition ? " What mattered id , "he said " , " the sayings of M . Guisst , or the doings * of the ZolWein ? Let England set a grand example , and gloriously succeed or greatly fail . " Bjit ; the right hon . gentleman , who was so bold in March , -who then « o strongly ridiculed all idea of foreign , competition , became as timid as a hare in May . He , who advised the English agriculturists not to shvinlcfrom competition with the whole world , could not- cadure to hear of t , ie seventy-two .. hours a . week- ; vehich the French and the Austrians were .-remiired to work . ( Hear , hear . ) Whence ,. Sir , this starting difference ? Why is t ' ae right hon , eenttsmaB ^ smind-:
" AH see-saw hot ween .. that and-this * Now high , nc-slow , now nvaBtev , now miss , And he himself one strunsg hjpothwis . " Alas , Sir , there is-but one answer , lie and his Government arc but the vassals of-a . ssxjSion of the raastsr manufacturere . But t-jwaFoVtJje-ctose of his speeoh the Honourable . Gentleman saidy that work was the lot of niar . > , aud that if you . iniierfered witb his labour , you interfered with , his . wages , and that the adoption of a Ten Hours' 'Bill would be a tax of lCpercenton bis wages .. Will . iha Right lion . Gsmtlcmnn allow * me to a ? k him : at * fcow muchhe « rates the tax he himself helped to iiaposc , when thehours of labour were reduced to . 12- . ?; jffid wages fallJ fj , 13 , 10 ora - > per . cent ; , . in consequence of that * reduction ? lla-fc . the working nam . rpetitioncd to be >
restored to tae happy state o £ uftir-mited toil , aviet tfonsoquently unlimited wages . ? - ; ' Will he tell ma by how much , the wages of the . v «»* k .-pcoplc in all the . arsenals and * docks of franco hawe been reduced ,, in consequence of . fifty-twa Sundays being subtracted from their period of work *; : H'as one-seventh , of their wages . been cut off . with .- nr-r-seveiuh of their work ? But ! the Ri » ht Iforvrira't-le Gcntlent . - f * relied ouf ' ac-: * , and . quoted tjittfr-ihireof Mr . lirvjfii-k ' s experiment . Now haLpuvHs-J ' r ' -tihii-i- was » -x .. ! -iinecl away at i :-x « time ; bat even » 3 aiiiti s g it ; o Iu- j . ' a M . ine sense a failure , there is thswiemsjjji i- \*>( -i- ' . $ , •*;! i-i Mr . Gai-siiuci- to sat against Itv and I -i < . ! diic < --.. » n jin-itogmisexperiment on a laa-lfcrgt-v . * enle . In the rear 1 S 20 , the masters and- fciio , nji-a in the JN ' oiJingiiam . trade agreed to vork only tvv-s-frc boors in-the day , and signed a dc-sd'to . thafc-oKJ & g-t . Well , wi-M was the , result ? Did wages , fall ? A o , they rose . Tho wages of the- men rose , the proiits of ike mnstejsrose , and the stoeka-Mi , h \ r & diminished So thiivas .
wef ts ; on lor- a . year , at ahe expiratzqa of whkh * some tew . roasters , allured by the temiiation of the . shsrt ; stock on hand ,, held out , disrcgSftdteA the agrcenifint * ,: returned : to tlioolti unrestricfcsd ; system " and . ot course ,. compii-lled others to do t !&¦ same \ Yelj , what was the result thfr »! Did wages vise ? Jsota bit ; of it < : iu ljine months wages Ml from Gd . to ? d . . per haek , as-d the Profits of th 5 . masters declined : twenty- hye $ er cent . And I ap rgal to anv one coa-• nectod wvlh Nottmghamshir e to testify to tho miserable condition of those mho are now blessed ¦ wi 4 h unrestricted hours of Ii * bi » ur . No , the effect would be to equalise the amo . »« t of labour over the peai-i . Uut this disposes of a ' aoiher plea of the Ri-ht ; Hon ,. Gentleman—it proves , that you cannot lt-ava tbia wet lion of factory labour to be settled by capital on one Si ., ] 6 nnj toil on tj ) 0 other . Here , in a limited field of trade , tho attempt was made ^ the cupidity or fickleness ot bslha-dozen capitalists broke in uoon the
vol fZ 21 " r , * * A , ; Ykt toPc . ¦•• en .- "MB you that in the tar laryer field of manufacturing industry where the mnsten are counted by thousands instead ol by hundred * , you can arrive at unanimity , or expect it , it arrnwt at , to be lasting \ No ; IsaY t is a delusion and a deceit to fc « ll the people that they have only to- arrange il with their nu . ste .-s , y \ hy , the men have done their- part already > they have declared over and over again , with increasing earnestness that they , U accept the ten-hours ' limit with all its chances . But have the masters done their p (» -U No- > those who are hnouraWe naturally for the most ask that others shall bo nut
on tue same footing with , themselves , and those who are unfavourabl e will of course hold back until compelled by law . To legislation , then , we must come but stay , there is an alternative , and one to which it would re .-illy appear her Mnicstr's Government and their allies arc willing ' drive the le strikes and combinations . Montrose objects on principle wishes of tho working people ; I Continued to the i
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 16, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_16051846/page/1/
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