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h jNfovEMBEB is, 1850. ¦ l- ¦ - ¦¦¦[' > ...
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SPEECH OF ARTHUR O'CONNOR, ESQ., IN THE ...
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Cat and Bagpipes .—A public-house' of co...
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ITALIAN NATIONALITY AND INDEPENDENCE. IV...
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Circular No. 2. . THE ITALIAN NATIONAL C...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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H Jnfovembeb Is, 1850. ¦ L- ¦ - ¦¦¦[' > ...
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Speech Of Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...
SPEECH OF ARTHUR O'CONNOR , ESQ ., IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS . IRELAND , ON MONDAY , MAT 4 , 1795 , ON THE CATHOLIC BILL . ; 'Mr . Spkakm , —I should not have trespassed on your time at this late hour was it not that , as often as this important subject has been agitated , since 1 have had a seat iu this bouse , I have given silent votes for the most unqualified emancipation of my Catholic countrymen , from , conviction of the justness of their claims to freedom , and of the inexpediency and folly of continuing to sacrifice the civil and political rights of the people , for the purpose of . aggrandising a few families , under the mask of promoting religion . But ,
sir , the times call for something more than silent votes . TheHtuatioQinwhichweaieso unaccountably placed is so critical , and the bill under your consideration involves such vast consequences in its train , that every man , who is not wholly indifferent to the welfare of his country , must feel himself called on to lay aside every lesser consideration , and to deliver his opinion with that freedom , andthat boldness , by which only the country can be saved . What do the whole of the argumentswhichhave Deenadvanced on this night , against the emancipation of our Catholic countrymen , by the gentlemen of the opposite side of the house , amount to ? To a mere unsupported assertion , that it would destroy our constitution in Church and State . This is not the only
instance in this country in which the most egregious job has been concealed under a specious phraseology One would imagine from the language held by the right bon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) , tbat ihe people of this country were in the actual enjoyment of the British constitution in all its purity , andthat it had teen in this country tbat the experiment of tbat constitution had been made by which it bad become the admiration of the world . Is it tbat the condition of the people of Ireland corresponds so well with the great mutual advantages of their country , that we are to infer , that their cavil and political constitution was of that immaculate nature which the right hon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) has represented it ? Is it because we were the most wretched and most
miserable nation in Europe , as long as this system of monopoly and exclusion for which the gentlemen on tbe opposite side of the bouse contend , under the title of Constitution in Church and State , was in its most entire state ; and that we have emerged from that wretchedness and misery in an exact proportion as we Lave destroyed this system of monopoly , by extending the blessings of freedom to our Catholic countrymen , that we should now desist from our labours ? Is it because we hare heard these gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , year after year , ever since this question has been agitated , predict the ruin of the ocaatry , from extending the constitution to our Catholic countrymen , and that we have seen the country thrive in an exact proportion as it has been
extended , that we should now stop short on their authority , and consecrate the remainder of the system of-monopoly and exclusion ? Before , we risk every thing in defence of a system upon authority which has hitherto proved so utterly fallacious , let us inquire into its merits . I will suppose the worst of systems ; and I will leave it to the advocates of this system , to show in what way it differs from this system of theirs , which they . have consecrated under the mystical words of constitution in Church and State . I will suppose the whole representation of the people of Ireland converted into a subject of traffic , and a monopoly of the trade given to a few families , with an exception of that small portion of freedom which . falls to the share . of the counties ; I will ' suppose
even this pittance assailed by these monopolists , by their profuse distributions of jobs and of . patronage , -and by their appointing the men of the best interests in the comities to seats for their boroughs , whom they conld find mean enough to accept them , on the condition of servitude and wages in so vile an occupation ; I will suppose these wholesale dealers in our lights and liberties , coming from their rotten boroughs , and the counties they have debauched , with their attendant supporters of constitution in Church * nd State , to discharge their cargo at the seat of government , at the counting house of an English factor : bartering an unqualified sacrifice of Irish trade , of Irish industry , of Irish rights , and of Irish character , at the feet of English domination , and of English
avarice . For what ? What shall I suppose the price of thia infernal cargo , like Pandora ' s box , a collection of every ill tbat can afflict mankind ? The whole nation of Ireland would blush to hear it ! They would hlash at their own degradation ! Nothing less than the most unqualified sacrifice of every thing in this anhappy country , that could exalt these farmersgeneral of our rights and liberties , and of every thing that could debase an injured , insulted , and impoverished people . Here is a system by which oar national character would be degraded in the eyes of surrounding nations . Here is a system by which the people of this country wouldbe doubly impoverished , to-pay for that treason which was to revile and villify them in the legislature of their own country , and to pay for
tbat treason which was to sacrifice their dearest interests to the aggrandisement of another nation . I call upon the gentlemen of tbe . opposite side of the house to show in what this execrable system differs from the constitution in Church and State , for which they contend . And yet you have been told , that on the continuance of this system your lives , yourliberties , your property , and your religion depend;—on the continuance of this system you have been told your constitution depends . Nay , to fill up the measure of their effrontery , there are men who will nnblnshingly tell jou that this system , so profitable to them , and so ' ruinous to tbe country , shall be constitution itself I Fortunately it is no longer a subject of contention between the Protestants and the Catholics , for every man in this country except monopolists , and those in pay of monopolists , whether Protestants , - Presbyterians , or - Catholics , have declared themselves equally interested in the
destruction of this odious system . Fortunately , the Protestants and Presbyterians of Ireland have , at length , discovered tbe folly of sacrificing their own rights and the prosperity of their country , in a criminal attempt to exclude three-fourths of their countrymen from the blessings of freedom , forno other purpose than to perpetuate a system inwbicb a / € ui / omih " ej are unnaturally exalted , at the expense of millions of their countrymen as unnaturally debased . But it is no longer a secret , that the men who oppose the abolition of religion * distinctions in our civil and political concerns , when tbe general -voice of the nation has concurred in so wise , so just , and so politic a measure , are tie men who usurp the whole political power of the country , the men who lave converted the whole representation of Ireland into family patrimony , to the poverty , to the oppression , and to the disgrace ot the nation , and to the monstrous aggrandisement of themselves , their relativesand their servile adherents ; THESE ARE
, THE MEN WHO OPPOSE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION . And why ? Because Catholic emancipation would be incompatible with their accnrsid monopoly . Here lies the incapacity of the Catholics to participate in the freedom of their country ; here lies Hie excellence of the present constitution in Church and State . In this is comprised the whole guilt of our Catholic countrymen , and in the eyes of men of this description , the same incapacity would attach itself to angels from heaven , if the abolition of their accursed monopoly was to make any part of the consequences . Let those men who flatter themselves tbat they can continue the old system of monopoly and exclusion by which the few have been raised on the necks of the many , risk what
they please in its defence ; but let me conjure you , who are without the pale of their political communion , to consider the important change which has taken place in the public mind , to consider Jthe language which has been Sooken by aU descriptions of men , from one end of the Kingdom to the other . Let me conjure of you to consider that you are no longer legislating for the barbarous , ignoiant ages which are gone by , bat tbat you must now legislate for the more enlightened , and more intelligent age in which you live , and for the still more enlightened ages yet to come . It is on these safe and liberal grounds 1 invite too to weigh the arguments which have been advanced on this nig ht against the emancipation of le
your Cathohccountrymen . An hon . gentleman , ( Og ) said , if you emancipate them they will get the upper hand ; and they will erect a Popish government ; and a noble lord , ( Kingsborough , ) says , that Catholic emancipation is incompatible with Protestant freedom , which assertions are founded on the supposition , that the Catholics pay such implicit obedience to their clergy in religious matters ; that they will destroy our liberties by paying a like implicit obedience to the civil magistrate in political concerns . Is there anything in the conduct of the Catholics at this day to warrant these chargei ? Is it not harrowing up charges from the barbarous ages that are gone by ? Ask the Catholic clergy , and they will tell you that their power is declined
. Ask the Protestant clergy , from oae part of tbe Kingdom to the other , and they will tell yon that the superstitious power of the Catholic clergy is at an end . Bat have you not beard the right hon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) , on this night , hmenttbefieelineof his power ? Bare you not heard him . in the vilest prostitution of terms , lament bis decline , as the decline of a wholesome control ? Bat while itis with joy 1 express my satisfaction , that all superstitious control over the minds of my Catholic countrymen is at an end , as that circumstance puts the justice of their claims to freedom beyond all doubt , I cannot , nor will not , suppress my
detestation and abhorrence of the right hon . gentleman , { Mr . Pelham ' s ) doctrine , which would make superstition a wholesome conlrol : at this doctrine of passive obedience which would revive the reign of ignorance and ssperstitution ; at this doctrine of despots , who having some infernal systemef oppression to support , and shrinking from the light of reason , would replungo us into that darkness aud obscurity we nave escaped . " Backed , then , by the authority of the Catholic clergy , hacked by the authority of the Protestant clergy , and backed by the still more general authority of the general observations of every man within and without these walls , from one end of the kingdom to the other ,
Speech Of Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...
IwUasrameit as afact , that the superstitious control oi & » J ' c der sy orer the Catholic mind is at an end . What becomes of the charge of a Popish government ? What becomes of the insecurity of the Protestants from the Catholics sacrificing your liberties , by paying a like implicit obedience to the cWil magistrate ? Is there anything like this in the conduct ofthe Catholics ? , Has the hon . gentleman and the noble lord , who have made these charges , found the Catholics so criminally indifferent to the blessings of civil and political liberty ? Have those gentlemen , who have left no > ecret means untried to defeat Catholic freedom , found them so criminally tame and submissive under the pressure of civil and political exclusion' ? Is it a fact , that the Catholic laity have
betnso slack , and so backward in the pursuit after civil and political liberty , as to require the incitement of their clergy ? Or , is 'it the characteristic of the clergy of any religion to be very ardent in the pursuit after civil and political liberty ? I put it to the gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , does the current of public opinion at this time in - any nation of Europe , run in favour of despotism , or of Popery , or of Popish government ? But these gentlemen do not perceive the contradictory nature of the arguments they have this night advanced against Catholic fte & dom . At one time they represent them as men so priest-ridden as to endanger the constitution , by erecting a Popish slavish government ; in the same breath they represent them as overthrowing the
constitution by their democratical and republican principles , serving up at the same time tbe most heterogeneous compositions that were ever offered to the human mind . But I refer those gentlemen to the history of mankind , where they will find that the men who have been really and dangerously priest-ridden have invariably , borne the yoke of despotism with patience and resignation but' whenever they have assumed sufficient courage to assert their civil and Eoliti cal rights it was not until after they ad thrown off the tyranny of the priesthood . Reasoning from this indisputable fact instead of agreeing with the gentlemen opposite , -that the . firm tone in which the Catholics' have de . marided their freedom should be a ground for
refusal , I shall ask no better proof that they are entitled to liberty than their having had the spirit to claim it . But , the gentlemen on the other side of the house , knowing the weakness of these contradictory arguments , have had recourse to prophecy . They have entrenched themselves in the fastness of futurity , and in the spirit of divination , they have accused ns , who are advocates for Catholic freedom , with the ruin of posterity . To this prophetic accusation I answer , as far as prophetic accusation admits of an answer , that the dark ages of ignorance arid superstition have ever' proved congenial to the tyranny of priests and despots , bat that the independence which has arisen from this intercourse of nation with nation , from the invention of the
mariner s compass , and the knowledge which has flowed from the . invention of the press , have proved fatal to its continuance . Look round'the world , and you will find in those countries where foreign commerce'is discouraged , and where the invention of the press is unknown , that despotism uniformly prevails over liberty ; , look to China and tbe East Indies , look to Prussia , to the Ottoman and African empires , those immense portions of the globe where foreign commerce is discouraged , and where the invention of the press is either disused or unknown , and you will , find the civil and political rights of the people immersed in ignorance , superstition , and abject servility , the sport of tbe most rapacious despotism . In these countries the
ears of the governing power are never greeted with the harsh sounds of the rights of man ; no , all is despotism on the part of the governors , all is passive obedience on tbe part of the people . Turn your eyes from these wretched countries to the several ' nations of Europe , and you will find how uniformly civil , political , -and religious slavery diminish , in proportion as foreign commerce has been encouraged , and as tbe press has been protected . See how uniformly these causes and effects correspond ; and if any one of you doubt tbat these great causes are at this moment operating those salutary effects , I refer him to the despots of Europe , and this war in which they have immolated so many human sacrifices , ana in which they have deluged all
Europe with such torrents of . blood , and their present fears for their darling despotism shall be their answer" But it is some consolation to me , to reflect that the avarice of these despots , which has tempted them to encourage foreign commerce in their dominions , and tbe vanity or necessity which has led them , or obliged them to give some protection to education ; and the press is at this moment sowing the seeds of that independence and knowledge which will one day crush that despotism , even which they and their bloodhounds have disgraced . Impressed with these great and important truths , is it when our country is becoming commercial under all its artificial disadvantages ,, is it when we have thrown off some of the shackles of
our trade , and when by passing this bill , by oreatmg a people , we shall be enabled to restore it to perfect freedom , that we are to reject this bill through fear of destroying posterity ? Is it when knowledge is progressive among us , when the youth * of the nation are giving such brilliant examples-that liberality of thought is the offspring of education ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are displaying such eminent talents in the pursuit after civil arid political liberty ,+ talents which , I am sorry to say , we have had many examples this night , to prove how much more easy it is to verify than to rival or imitate ? Is it under these circumstances we are to enter our fears for posterity ?' . Is it when our countrymen have resumed their reason in such an
eminent degree that we should suspect them of relapsing into ignorance and superstition ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are claiming their civil and political rights , with the address and firmness of men of enlightened minds , that we should suspect them of relapsing into slavery and a Popish government , basely surrendering the noblest privileges of man ? JTever shall such tinsel reasonings make me see thefuture ruin of my country in the actual freedom of my countrymen ; never shall such weak argument dissuade me from an act of immutable justice , where the rights and liberties of millions of mv countrymen were at stake upon the issue ; no , on this head the prospect is a bright one , and cursed be that man who , for interested
motives , would darken or obscure its lustre . So much for the dangers of your , constitution in State ; but the Church is in danger . What is that part of the system to which the Protestant religion is under such obligation ? "What is that part of the system with whose destruction the destruction of the Protestant religion is so closely connected ?; It is simply the system of conversion ; but is it a system of conversion from conviction ? No ! it shuts every avenue leading to conviction , it closes every door by which a Catholic could enter the Protestant church ; they have been barred by those rewards and punishments which short-sighted bigotry invented for the purpose of forcing religious opinions . By this system you have exposed the Catholic who
is wiling to follow the dictates of conviction to the execration of his own sect for deserting them , because he appears to have done so , he escapes the penalties annexed to adherence ; and jou have exposed him to the conteriipt of the Protestants , whose tenets you wish him to embrace , by making him appear to them as a man who had sold his principles , his religion , and his God , for no other purpose than to gain the immunities you hold out to conversion . Instead of promoting your religion , you have called forth the dread of execration and contempt , to steel the Catholic mind against that conversion you affect to promote , and to attach him to that religion from which you wish to estrange him . Thus it is that narrow-minded bigotry ever defeats
its own ends by the means it employs to attain them . You have not its heats nor its passsions to excuse you , but you have had tie experierice of its example to direct you . Cease , then , to prescribe to the Almighty the extent and manner of the adoration he shall receive ; cease to place your rewards and punishments in competition with his , for you cannotbut observe how thoroughly tbe blasphemous presumption has exposed the impotency of the attempt . Act like legislators . Leave the way to conviction and conversion as free and as open as the superiority of the tenets of your religion appears to yon clear and indisputable . Act like men , sensible of your duty to your Creator . Presume not to meddle with opinions he has not given you
faculties to understand , and which requires his omniscience to control . Away with that system which exacts the sacrifice of tbe civil and political rights of the people for the ineffectual purpose of promoting religion . We have tried it long enough in this unfortunate country to prove its inefficacy . It has had free scope amongst us ever since the passin" of the law against recusants in the reign of Elizabeth , until these few years , that we have begun on its abolition ; and if you would judge fairly of the merits Of the svstem and of its abolition by their effects , I call on you this night to <^^™» centuriesof disunion , oicml wars , and of wetched-™ == „ . v , ™ 1 «( l in anv nation on the globe , and a
few years rapid progress in union , m cmlisation , and in the industry of the people . Bnt I find it is not enough to have combatted this last objection in its own shape ; it is not enough that I have proved to you that you have not promoted your reli gion by this system of persecution ; for , in opposition to the professions and the tolerant P ™ " - ples of those gentlemen who oppose this bill , 1 no assert that every , the least ; disability on account ° f reli gious opinions , makes part of the system of persecution . The objection makes its appearance in another shape , nnd tbe dangers which were said to threaten the Protestant religion , from Catholic emancipation , have been made by an hon . gentleman , Mr . Pelham , to reappear in the shape of Vr 1 ™ l tt 8 , ! k •?* "agents who preferred going to Francis-street Chapei , where the Catholic Delegates were gmngan account of their reception at St . James's , than attending Lerd Camden with an addms . mL ^ , ^™^^ - ^ at Francis-street Chapel by JSv Ke ° 8 b > M . * ™ . Byac , andLewins . were grossly abused by some of the sambas . S ^& afcdebafc" ^ icr j . ue wet t , ~— --
Speech Of Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...
dangers , which he says threaten the Protestant establishment . He has confounded the establishment with the religion , and , by an artful transmigration he has made the Protestant establishment to stand , for the soul of the' Protestant religion ; and , after we have defeated the objection under the colour of the one , he has made' it to rally Antteuslike with additional strength , ' under the colours of the other . I say with additional strength , for I ain aware that Protestant establishment is a word of that mystic meaning in this house , that ' those who would wish to retain it in that state of consecration iri which it has been * placed by the priesthood in the days of our most inveterate bigotry ; have a considerable advantage over me , who would examine its
meaning before the tribunal of reason . ' It is their interest to confound the establishment with vour religion , in order that it may derive all the sanctity , of the religion itself . It is mine to separate them ; but they may as well attempt to confound the military establishment , by "Which tbe officers and soldiers are paid , with the tactics and manoeuvres which it is their , duty to learn . In order to answer this last objection it will be necessary to prove either that the Protestant establishment would undergo no alteration from the emancipation of the Catholic , or that , if it was to undergo an alteration , the Protestant religion , so far from being injured , would be highly benefitted by the change . And I prefer the latter / Tieeause I believe , in my soul ,
thatif some very material alteration be not speedily made in our religious establishment , there will be an end , not only to ail religion amongst us , but to all moral principle , without which religion is a farce ; As the legislature of this country nave been mistaken in their attempt to promote religion by their system of persecution , so also have they been utterly mistaken in the nature and effects of religious establishments . They have confounded the interest of the clergy with the interest of religion ; and they have itnagined-that , in proportion as they enriched , the Protestant clergy they ' were promoting . the Protestant religion ; and that , by dooming the Catholic clergy to have no establish " ment whatsoever ; they were consigning the Catholic
religion to eternal oblivion . Was I ori a subject upon which I could expect any share of candour , I would , rest the whole argument on the fact . I would ask , has the Protestant religion been promoted in proportion as the Protestant clergy has been enriched ? Have the members of the Catholic religion diminished accordng to the views of the legislature , who doomed their clergy to poverty and to have no establishment at all ? The state o ' f the population of the two sects is sufficiently well known to prove that the reverse is the fact ; arid if you will examine the nature of these ' establishments you will discover which is the best adapted , for the purpose of promoting their respective religions . Frorii that absurd notion of
promoting religion by enriching its clergy , the Protestant establishment has made men of fortune ot its clergy ; and it has made them to live with men of fortune , and to live as men of fortune ; it has induced them to live . with men of fashion , with men of pleasure , and with men of the world—and it has made therii to live as men of fashion , as men of pleasure , and as men of the world ; it has thrown them entirely into that class of men whose education , whose high sense of honour , and whose respect for the opinion of an observant world , renders the attendance of a minister of religion almost unnecessary : but it has taken them from the dull , but useful rounds of parochial duties ; it has estranged them from cultivating a friendly and intimate
acquaintance with the lower classes of the people , whose want of education , whose want of a sense of honour , and whose ignorance of moral obligation , makes the constant and friendly attendance , of a minister of religion indispensably necessary to keep them from falling into irreligion—to keep them from that vice and debauchery , which , unsupported by any other fund than tbat of their labour and their industry , which it must shortly consume , must make them bad subjects under any government—must lead them to pilfering and punishment , perhaps to robbery and murder , and to a disgraceful death . By this establishment you have raised excessive hopes of preferment in the minds of the clergy , from the inequalities it has left iri the
provisions which it makes for them , by which their characters have been subjected to the imputation of cringing and servility to the dispensers of preferment—to the meanly sacrificing their civil and political rights and opinions upon the altar of an earthly superior , by which they appear , iri the eyes of the people , as men either disregarding or disbelieving that leading and essential tenet of the Christian religion which forbids the sacrifice of their duty to their worldly promotion . Injurious as these defects in this establishment—for which such fears are entertained—have proved to your religion , they almost vanish , when'I come to consider the evils which arise " from the mode of payment which it allots its clergy . I shall not dwell ori * how
destructive this part of the establishment has proved to tbe agriculture of your country—» the most important branch of industry in which your people can be employed . I shall confine myself to state , ' that it has sown the seeds of eternal rancour , animosity , and litigation , between the minister and his parishioners ; it has allied the mihiater of the meek and charitable religion of Christ with the very dregs of the earth '; it has made him . one in a company with valuators , with proctors , with process servers , and with civil bill attornies ; it has made him the principal suitor in that hell upon earth , the civil bill court , where perjury is all prevalent ; it has converted the minister of the disinterested religion of Christ into a tithe-settling auctioneer ,
distributing his liquors in order to intoxicate his bidders , that they may vie with one another for the purchase of bis wares ; it has made them appear the most avaricious and the greatest persecutors , who—by the tenets of the religion it is their duty to inculcateshould be the most disinterested and the least worldly ; it has made it appear to the world as if this establishment was instituted to make the people sensible of their indigence by a comparison with the wealth of their clergy-rto make them sensible how miserably their hard labour was rewarded by a comparison with the indolence , but immense and sudden fortunes , of their CLERGY ; it has made it appear to'the world os if this establishment was instituted in this country for no other purpose than to
provide exorbitantly for the families and connexions of the political jobbers , and political advocates for the constitution in Church and State , in its present limited condition ; and it has made it appear to the world as if your PROTESTANT RELIGION had no other business in this country than to support . this establishment , and not the establishment to support the religion . Turn your eyes to that establishment —or , rather , no . establishment—which you forced on the Catholic religion , with a view , to its abolition ; you have not enabled its clergy to mock the simplicity of the Christian religion by the splendour of their equipages—by the magnificence of their palaces , their furniture , or their sideboards—by the massiveness of . their plate , nor by the voluptuousness or luxury of their tables ; you have not
tempted themi for you have not enabled them to desert their parishes and their religious duties , iri search of pleasure at Bath—at London , in your capital—at the ; water drinking places , the . resort . of the fashionable . No ; you have apportioned their salaries to the discbarge of their duty , and you have called out the strongest incitements in man—the procuring a subsistence , and the hopes of bettering their condition , to stimulate them to the most active discharge of their duty . I am not an advocate for either establishment—for Iain as adverse to that establishment , which , by obliging the clergy to humour tbe weakness , or to encourage the ignorance of his parishioners , as the only means of procuring a subsistence , makes it an office beneath a man of education . ' But I cannot but
obsen'e , you have an example in your country of an establishment , by which a greater number than . those of the established religion , arc carefully and diligently instructed in their religious duties , by a resident clergy , of the purest morals , the most decorous manners , and of the greatest learning , betiveen whom and their parishioners the greatest amity and affection subsists , and not the fifteenth part so . burdensome to the nationas your Protestant establishment . I am aware , that in the eyes of weak and timid men who subscribe to the doctrine , tbat reformation is the parent of revolution , I shall appear as one who has entered on a delicate subject with too much freedom ; as a dangerous man , as a jacobin , as one that would embrue my hands in the blood of his countryman .
But I will appeal from such contemptible decision to the sounder judgment of those who subscribe to the safer doctrines ; that abuses are the parent of revolution , and tltat a timely and radical reform of tltose abuses , as well in Church as in State , are the only security against thote convulsions which shake society to its foundation . An eye witness to the horrors of a revolution in another country , I must be more than a monster to wish' to see them raging in my own . But if ever there was a time when it behoved Win in public stations to be explicit , if ever there was a lime ivhen those scourges of the human r & ce , called politicians ^ should la y aside their duplicity and their finesse , it is the present moment Be assured , the people of this country will no longer bear , that their welfare shall be made the sport of a few family
factions ; be assured they are convinced their true interests consist in putting down men of self creation , who have no object in view but that of aggrandising themselves and their families at the' expense of the public ; and in setting up men who shall represent the nation , and who shall do the business of the nation . And if I could bring my mind to suspect that my Catholic countrymen , after they had been embodied in the constitution amidst their Protestant and Presbyterian fellow-cititens , would basely desert the common cause of our general freedom by enlisting under tlie banners of this or that family monopolist I should conceive that in having been the advocate for their emancipation ^ I had been the advocate for their disgrace . But honour , interest , and the rising snirit of the nation , forbid such unworthy suspicions . If I was to judge by the dead silence with which tuia a received , I should auspwt what I have said
Speech Of Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...
was : * ° « ' cry palatable to some men in this house ) out I have not risked connexions endeared to me by every tie of blood and friendship , to support one set of men in-preference to another : I have hazarded too much to allow the breath of calumny to taint the objects I have had in view from'the part I have taken ; Immutable principles on which the happiness and liberty of my countrymen depend , convey to my mind the only substantial 'boon for which great sacrifices should be made . I might allay the fears of the Protestant monopolist for what , in the true spirit of political bigotry , they
c ?« their Protestant ascendancy by stating , that as the boroughs continue ^ in the hands of Protestant proprietors , centuries must pass away . before the Catholics can participate in any considerable portion of tho political power of 'their country . But I am contending for the purity of-the constitution , not for its abuses , I disclaim " contending for Catholic freedom , in the hope that the rights and liberties of my country may continue to be monopolised in the same manner after their emancipation as they were before- >; BUT I'HERE AVOW MYSELF THE ZEALOUS AND EARNEST ADVOCATE
FOR THE MOST UNQUALIFIED EMANCIPATION OF MY CATHOLIC COUNTRYMEN , IN THE HOPE AND CONVICTION THAT THE MONOPOLY OF THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF MY COUNTRY , WHICH HAS HITHERTO EFFECTUALLY WITHSTOOD THE EFFORTS OF A PART OF THE PEOPLE , MUST YIELD TO THE UNANIMOUS WILL , TO THE DECIDED INTEREST , AND TO THE GENERAL EFFORT OF-A WHOLE UNITED PEG : PLE . It is from this convictionJand it is for that
transcendantly important object , that while the noble lord Kingsborough , and the right Hon . Secretary , are offering to risk their lives and fortunes iri support of a system that militates against the liberty of my countrymen , I will risk everything dear to me on earth . It is for thisgreat object I have , I fear , more than risked'connexions dearer to me than life itself : But-he must'be a-spiritless man , and this a spiritless nation , not to resent the baseness of a British Minister who has raised our hopes in order to seduce a rival to 'share with him the
disgrace of this accursed political crusade , and blasts them after , that he may degrade a competitor to the station of a dependant , and that he may destroy friendship his nature never "> knew , he has sported with the feelings of a whole' nation * raising the cup with one hand to ' the parched lip of expectancy , he has dashed it to the earth with the other ; iri all the wantoness of insult , and with all'the aggravation of contempt . "Does he . imagine that the people of this ' country , after-he baa tantalized them with the cheering hope of present alleviation , and 'of future prosperity , will tamely bear to be forced to a re-endurance of their former sufferings , and to a re-appointment of . their former spoilers ? Does he , from confidence of long success in debauching the human
mind , exact from you , calling yourselves the ; representatives of the people of Ireland , to / reject a bill which has received the unanimous consent of your constituents ? Or , does lie mean to puzzle the versatile disposition of this ; house , on which he has made so many successful experiments already , by distracting you between obedience to his imperious mandates , and obedience .: to the will of the people you should represent ? Or , does he flatter himself , that-because he has succeeded in betraying his own country , into exchanging that peace by which she , might have retrieved her shattered finances , for a war in which he has squandered twenty times a greater treasure in the course of two years than with all his famed economy , he bad been able to
save in the course of ten ; for a war in , which the prime youth of the world have been offered up , ' as victims to his ambition and his schemes , as boundless and presumptuous as ill-concerted and illcombined ; . for a war in which the plains of . every nation in Europe have been crimsoned with oceans of blood , for a war in which' his country has reaped nothing but disgrace , and which must ultimately prove her ruin ? Does he flatter himself that he will be enabled , Satan-like , to end his political career by involving the whole empire in a civil war , from which nothing can accrue but a doleful and barren
conquest to the victor ? I trust the people of England are too wise and too just to attempt to force measures upon us they would reject with disdain : themselves . I trust they have not so soon forgotten the lesson they so recently learnt from America , which should serve as a lasting example to nations against employing force to subdue the spirit of a people DETERMINED TO BE FREE ! but if they should be so weak or so wicked as to suffer , themselves to be seduced by a roan to whose soul duplicity and finesse is as congenial as ingenuousness and fairdealing is a stranger ; to become the . instruments of supporting . A FEW ODIOUS PUBLIC CHARACTERS : -,-. IN , POWER AND RAPACITY
AGAINST THE . INTEREST AND AGAINST THE SENSE OF" A WHOLE PEOPLE . If we are to be dragooned into measures against our will , by a nation that would lose her last life and expend her last guinea in resenting a similar insult , if offered to herself . I trust in God she will find in the people of this ¦ country d spirit in no tvise inferior to her own You are at this moment at the most awful period of your lives ; the minister of England has committed you with your-country , and on this night , your ADOPTION OR REJECTION OF 3 JHIS ; BILL MUST DETERMINE IN THE EYES OF ' THE IRISH NATION WHICH YOU REPRESENT ^
THE MINISTER OF ENGLAND OR THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND ' . And although you are convinced you do not represent the people of Ireland ; although you are convinced , every man of you , that you are self-created ,, it does not alter the nature of the contest , it is still a contest between the minister of England and the people of Ireland , and . THE WEAKNESS OF YOUR TITLE SHOULD ONLY MAKE YOU THE
MORE CIRCUMSPECT . IN THE EXERCISE OF YOUR POWER . Obey the British minister {—disregard the voice of the people : France must have lost her senses if-she-hesitates what part she will take ; itis : notan 84 th department you will have if moulded , to fter wishes ; it is not simply a La Vendee you will have kindled , in the bosom of your country : for if you shall have once convinced the people of this country , that your are TRAITORS TO THEM . AND HIRELINGS TO THE MINISTER OF AN AVARICIOUS DOMINEERING NATION under the outward appearance of a sister country . If you shall have convinced . the . people of this country that the free national constitution for which they were committed , and for which they risked everything dear to them in 1782 , has been
destroyed by the bribery of a British minister , and the unexampled venality . of an Irish parliament : if you shall have convinced them , that instead of rising and 'falling with England they are never to rise " but when she has been humbled by . adversity , and that they must fall when she becomes elated by prosperity ; if you shall . have convinced the people of this country , that instead of reciprocal advantage , nothing is to be reaped from . their connection with England but supremacy and , aggrandisement on one side , and a costly venality , injury , insult , degradation , . ind poverty , on the other ; it is human nature that you shall have driven the people of this country to count the alliance of any nation able and willing to break the chains , of a bondage , not more galling to their feelings THAN
DESTRUCTIVE OF THEIR PROSPERITY . The gentlemen at the opposite side of the house have attempted to influence you by the mention of Jackson : so will I read his correspondence with your enemy , and you will find a volume of instruction in every line he has written . If the people of this country do enjoy the . constitution in Church rind State , why has he found the people of the one country freer from that oppresssion which goads nations into all the horrors of a revolution ? Why has he , found the people of the other more highly sublimated to his purpose ? Examine the . whole of his , intelligence , and you will find the weakness of your country in the conduct you have pursued , and in the converse of that
conduct only you can establish her strength . Do not depend on the bayonet for the support of your measure , believe me , that in proportion as your measures require force to ' support them , in . an exact proportion are they radically and mischeyously bad . Believe mo , there is more strength in the affections and confidence of the people than if you were to convert every second house in the nation into barracks for your soldiery . And , when the gentlemen ( Cuffe and Kingsborough , ) whom I have heard this night tell you , that to act in contempt of the public opinion is spirit and firmness , and that to act with a decent respect for that opinion is timidity and cowardice ; they make 'cue character of the legislator to merge into the character of the duellist , and they sit you upon . the splitting point of honour with your constituents .
is it not enough that you live in the age aud m the midst of the horrors of revolutions to deter you from acting in contempt of the public opinion ? Have you not had examples enough to convince you that men , in throwing off the russet frock for the uniform of . the soldier , do not at all times throw away the ties of kindred and of blood ? Rave you net had examples enough to convince you that even soldiers cannot at all times be brought to shed the blood of their parents , their kindred , and their friends ? And have you not had a great and memorable example to convince you that the soldiers of an odious government , may become the soldiers cf a nation ? ' If these are plain truths this is the time to tell them . If I speak daggers to you It is that neither you nor my country may ever feel them ; BUT IF YOU WISH TO BE
DECEIVED , HEARKEN TO THOSE MEN WHO AUK INTERESTED IN RISKING EVERYTHING , THAT THEY MAY CONTINUE TO MONOPOLISE THE WHOLE POLITICAL POWER OF YOUR COUNTRY ; HEARKEN TO THOSE MEN WHO ARE INTERESTED , IN RISKING EVERYTHING , THAT THEY MAY CONTINUE TO DRAW THEIR BETTER INHERITANCE FROM THE SALE OF THE WELFARE OF YOUR COUNTRY ; but let rae caution you , whose property is too aanaidajJ & iMe tft be
Speech Of Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...
hazarded inthe bare pursuit after the . rights : and property of your enslaved and impoverished countrymen ' to take care what part you apt on this night j let mo caution you , that the decision of this night gods much / further than even the importahtbilT ' under your consideration . You , - none or you , ' - can be ' ignorant that the British minister has designs in procrastinating this question , to , pro » cure advantages for his own country at the expense Of Yours , ' ' '' greater 'than she was capable of re ceiving -since tKe revolution ; at least since the Union , '' and so strongly impressed is this on the-public mind , that you who shall ~ on this night vote for the rejection of this bill ; will appear in the' eyes of ; the Irish nation , not only as men voting in obedience
to the British minister against the voice of the people , but as men toting for an UNION WITH ENGLAND , ' by which this country is to be everlastingly reduced to the state of an abject province . Fortunately the views . of the British minister have been ' detected ; fortunately ; the people of this country see him in his true colours '; like the desperate gamester who has lost his all , in the wildest schemes of aggrandisement , he looks round for some dupe to supply him with the further ( means of future projects / and in the crafty subtleness of his soul he fondly imagines he has found , that easy dupe in the credulity of the Irish nation . After he has exhausted his own country in a crusade against that phantom , political opinion , ho flutters himself
he wilt be enabled to resuscitate her at the expense of yours . As you value the peace and happiness of your country ; as you value the rights and liberties of tlie soil that has given you birth ; and if you are not lost to every sense of feeling for , your-own ; consequence and importance as men , I call on you this night to make your stand . I call on you to rally round the' independence of your country , whose existence has been so artfully assailed . Believe me , the British minister will leave you in the lurch , when he sees that the people of : this nation : are TOO MUCH IN EARNEST to be tricked out of their rights , or the independence of their country ; after he sees that they ' have been sufficiently alarmed at seeingthe same men who
uniformly epposed'the independence ; of their country , when it was a question in this house in 1782 , recalled irito power when that independence was to be attacked'in- ' 95 , when he has gained his ends of you , and when he . had * made you the instruments by whieh he shall have so divided and disgraced the opposition of . England as to render it , impossible , to form an efficient government out of his . opponents , he will make his , peace , with this country by conceding this measure , leaving you fixed -figures ; for the . hand of scorn to-point-its slow and moving finger at . ' . ' Gracious God ! that you should fall into that very error , . which has so recently overwhelmed a great nation in such unheard of cala mities ! ' Will you not take warning from . the
fate of the government : of France , which , by not adapting . its conduct to the changes of the public mind , has brought ruin on itself and devastationon its country . What a display of legislation have we hadlon . this night ? Artificers who neither ; know the foundation on which they work , the , instruments they , ought to use , nor the materials required ! Is it by foreign troops you would lead the ardent spirit of your countrymen . ? Is it in the fusty records of barbarous ages you would seek for that existent ., mind . tq which . you should adopt your laws . ? . If you will legislate , know that on the . broad basis of immutable justice only you can raise a lasting beauteous temple to the liberty of your island , whose ample base-shall lodge , and whose
roof shall shelter her united family from the rankling inclemency of rejection and exclusion . Know that reason is that , silken thread by which the lawgiveirleads his people ; and , above all , know that in the knowledge of the temper of the public mind consists the skill and wisdom of this legislator . Dp not iiriagirie that the minds of your countrymen have been ' stationary , while that of all Europe has : beeri rapidly progressive ; for you must be blind not to perceive that the whole European mind has undergone arevoliition , neither confined to this nor to that country , but as general as the great causes ' which have ' giveri"it birth , arid still continue to feed its growth . In vain do these men , who subsist but on the abuses of the government under which they live ,
flatter thefriselves that what we have seen these last ' six years is but-the fever of themoment , rwhich willpassaway as ' soph as the patient has-been let blood enough ; as well may they attempt to alter the course of Nature Without altering her 'laws . If they would ' effect' a - counter-revolution' in the European mind , they must destroy commerce and its effects—they must abolish every trace of the mariner ' s coriipass—they must consign every book to the flames—they must obliterate every vestige of the invention of the press—they must destroy the conduct of-intelligence , by destroying the institution of the Post-office , then , arid riot' till then , they arid their abuses may live on iri all the security which ign 6 rance , superstition , " and want of concert in the 1
people can bestow ; But while I would ^ overwhelm with despair those men who have been nursed in the lap " of venality . aiid prostitution—who have been educated in contempt arid ridicule of a love for their country , and who have grown grey iri scoffing at everything like public spirit , let me congratulate every true friend to mankind , -that- that' commerce which has begot so much independence will continue to beget more ; arid let me congratulate every friend to the human species , -that the press , which has sent such' a mass of information into tbe world , will continue with accelerated rapidity to pour forth its treasures so beneficial to mankind . It is to these great causes that we are indebted . THAT THE COMBINATION OF PRIESTS AND
DESPOTS , which so long tvrannised over the civil and" political liberty of Europe ; HAS BEEN DISSOLVED . It is to these great- causes we are indebted , that no priest , be his religion what it may , dare preach the doctrine , and that no man believes the doctrine which inculcates the necessity of sacrificing every right arid every blessing this world can afford as the only means of obtaining eternal happiness in the life to come . This was the doctrine by which- the despotism of Europe was so long supported ; this was thedoctrine by which . the political popery of Europe ^ was supported ; but the doctrine and the ; despotism may now sleep in the same grave until the trumpet of ignorance , superstition , and shallsound their resurrection ! Thanks be
bigotry , to God the European mind demands more substantial food than the airy nothings of metaphysical belief . Thanks be to God , the absurdity of-oueset of men framing OPINIONS for the other men to BELIEVE upon a subject , which neither have faculties to UNDERSTAND , has been exploded ; and that every heart and every mind is anxiously engaged in perfectinga civil andpolitical code , which , as it is within the scope so it is the most important concern ' of every nation on the globe ; and , so far from believing they would earn heaven by a _ base dereliction of their rights , they are firmly convinced that in promoting the true , civil , and political rights of man , they are advancing human society to that state of perfection it was the design of the Creator it should attain ; convinced - that the CAUSE'OF FREEDOM IS THE - CAUSE OF GOD .
Cat And Bagpipes .—A Public-House' Of Co...
Cat and Bagpipes . —A public-house' of considerable notoriety , with this sign , existed long at . the corner of Downing-srreet , next to King-street ; It was also used as a chop-house , and frequented by many of those connected with'the public offices in the neighbourhood . An old friend told me that many years ago he ' met George Rose—so well known in after life as the friend of Pitt , clerk of the parliament , Secretary of the Treasury , & c , arid executor of the Earl of Marchmont—then a bashful young man , at the Cat and Bagpipes . ' . I may mention that George Rose was one of the few instances which I have met with where a Scotchman had freed himself from the peculiarities of the speech of his country . Sir William Grant was another . Frank Homer was a third . I never know another . Notes and Queries .
The Fugitive Slave Law . —A sad scene took place on board one of the boats on the Erie Canal . A man , woman , and child were on board the boat , endeavouring to escape to Canada . The crew of the boat in which they were learned that they were fugitives , and immediately devised a plan to trouble and terrify them , probably thereby finding amusement . One night some of the human fiends , in prosecution of their ' plana , went to theherth of the man Harris , and , awakening him , informed him that his master was on board the boat , and that they would surrender him arid family into Ins bands . Harris drew ft dirk , with which ho was armed for self-defence , drove the scoundrels on deck , and by his decisive manner and actions kept them at bay
until morning . In the morning he was informed that his master had left the boat , and gone on to Syracuse , but would there meet him on the arrival af the boat . On Tuesday evening , about five o'clock , the boat came to a stopping-place at the first Lodi Lock , about a mile east of this city . As is often the case , a number of persons went aboard the boat . Harris supposed they came . to take him , being so informed by some of tbo crew . In his desperation he seized his razor , and , drawing it forcibl y across his throat , jumped into the canel . His wife , with thoir child in her arms , leaped after him ; all determined to die rather than again come under the slaveholder ' s power . Efforts were then made to rescue the drowning family . Harris and his wife were cot out , but the child was drowned . —i 4 tiien ' ccin
paper . Extraordinary . Rapid Voyages . —Tho Peninsular and Oriental Company ' s steam-ship Ripon , with a full heavy cargo for Malta and Alexandria , and 143 passengers chiefly for India , whicli left Southampton at nine a . m . on the 20 th of October , reached Malta at two p . m . on the 29 th , after eight hours stay at Gibraltar coaling , and notwithstanding that she experienced a strong contrary gale of wind in the Mediterranean , with a head sea . Tho Medusa , from Marseilles , with the Overland London Mails for India , of the 24 th of October , reached Malta early on the morning of the 30 th , after a run of akty hours and a half .
Italian Nationality And Independence. Iv...
ITALIAN NATIONALITY AND INDEPENDENCE . IVehav-e received from the'National . Committee the following official circulars to which we cheerfully give insertion ; "' ¦ Circular ' No . 1 . '/¦' - '¦" . . . ITALIAN NATIONAL LOAN . 1 . The National Italian Committee , elected by sixty representatives : of , the people in the Roman Constituent Assembly , ' and by many other citizens belonging to representative assemblies or holding military or goverrim ' entalofficies In any other pans of Italy diifiug the late movemenVby a decreV , 'bearing date the 4 th of'July , 1849 ; arid which is contained in the manifesto which accompanies this circular , have opened a National Italian Loan of Ten Millions of Italianxibk . ^ '' " ' "' .
; 2 , The loan is divided into two hundred and fifty thousand shares—fifty thousand of brie hundred lire each , arid two hundred ^ ' 'thousand ef twenty-five lire each . The notes are'distributed in series , and are numbered consecutively . ; r ; 3 . The shares are made over to the purchaser immediately upon pajriient of their amount . They are theproperty of the holder for the time being , and are transferable by simple delivery of the notes—the possession of which establishes the title to the shares , and to all interests which may become due . . ' 4 . Interest runs at the rate of six per cent : peif annum from the date of the purchase of the shares until payment . The date of the purchase will be writien on the notes themselves by the persons entrusted by the committee with their distribution .
, 5 . The sums subscribed will be eiriployed by the National Committee , according to the powers indicated in the act of the 4 th of July , 1849 , ' exclusively inthe acqnUition of materials of war , or of what else may directly concern the independence arid liberty of Italy , No part ' of the fund can b e withdrawn from the above purposes for personal assistance in any shape . ; ¦¦ ' ¦ '• -... ¦ ! ' 6 . The money obtained will be deposited in London , ' at the banking-house of Messrs . Martin , Stone , and Martin , 68 , Lombard-street . The committee has the right of changing the place of deposit according to circumstances . - ¦ : ¦ -: ¦ - . V
' 71 A commission of six individuals ; half Italian and half foreigners , will verify periodically the general state of the debtor and creditor account of the loan . The auditors can in'rid way interfere with the administration of the fund . ' ' ¦ 8 . This commission will be named by the representatives of the Italian people , whose signatures are appended to the above act . Until such nomination , the commission pro . tern , will consist of the following Italians and Englishmen , viz : —Colonel Antonio Ferfara , Vincenzo Cattab ' eni , and Fredertco Petrucelli ; William Shaen , Esq ., William Henry Ashrust , jurir . ' , Esq ;' i arid-WilliamStrudwicke , ; Esq ., 9 . All the ' subscribers of the above-mentioned Act have the right , when they desire it , Of exercising a similar power of verification . .-.. ¦' : ¦'
10 . A National Government once constitute in Italy , tbe Italian National Committee will make over to it all the books , the-registers of notes , the unsold notes , and the materials of war already acquired , and everything iri their , bands in any way appertaining to the loan . The commission of verification will at tbe same time make its report to such government . 11 . The National Italian Committee and the subscribers of the above-mentioned Act undertake to do everything in their power to procure the recognition of the loan by such National Government , and the fixing of the earliest possible period for the repayment of both capital and interest . .
, 12 . > : The National Committee promises absolute secrecy with respect to the names of purchasers who may desire , during existing political circumstances , to remain unknown ; . but it keeps a register of their names and of the sums of money paid in , so that , at a fitting time , subscribers : to the loan may possess conclusive evidence before their fellow-citizens of not having despaired of the salvation of their country , and of having contributed to hasten its accomplishment . 13 . The notes , formed of paper expressly manufactured for the . committee , have tbe inscription , in water-mark , •' . Prestito Nozionale . Itaiiano" ( National Italian Lean ) , and are in tenor as follows , viz : — : - " Dio b Popolo . —Prbstito Nazionalb Italiako .
"Italia e Roma . Diretto unicamente ad affretare I'lndependenza e la . „ Liberia d"Italia ^ A 0001 . \ PrancAi 100 . Ricevuta di Franchi Cento di Capitale , col Mercantile In teresse di mezzo per Cento al mese , a dilate daquesto ' giorrib , . 1850 . " . Pel Comitate NazionaU , Giuseppe Mazzini , Giuseppe Sirtori , Matxu MonxBccHr ; Aurelio Saffi , A . Sahceti . La Circolare No . 1 , conteriente le basi e i particolari dell'Imprestito fi distribuisce colle cedole : London Agent : , James Stansfkld , 2 , Sidney-place , Brompton . " Translation . ' ¦• - " God and thb Pkoplb . —Italian National LOAir .
Italy and Rome . Directed solely to the achievement of the Indepen- ' dence and Liberty of Italy . A 0001 . 100 Frana . Received tbe sum of 100 Francs , to bear interest ' at the rate of half per cent , per month , dating from this day of 1850 . ' For the National Committee , Giuseppe Mazzini , Gidseppk Sirtori , Mattu . Montkccht , Aurelio Saffi , A . Saliceti . . The Circular No . 1 , containing the basis and particulars of the Loan is distributed with the notes .
. > London . Agent , - James , Stansfeld , 2 , Sidney-place , Rrompton . " On the face of the notes are two impressions in the form of seals , one bearing . ihe arras of the Republic , the other the inscription , '' Comitate Nazionale Itaiiano " ( National Italian Committee ) ; and on the back is the impression of a broken seal , with the signature of one of the two secretaries of the committee . ¦ ¦•' ¦ - CjESARE Agostini . Secretary of the National Committee .
Circular No. 2. . The Italian National C...
Circular No . 2 . . THE ITALIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE . Italians ' . —Without money no undertaking is possible . The ' national cause has need of materials of war , collected and ready for the moment when European circumstances , which can neithfr be calculated upon nor foreseen , shall give the opportunity of rising . "Through the want of arms and means the ruin of our movements has been accelerated . Precious time and money has been expended in providing materials of war , which arrived too late , and fell into fhs hands of the enemy . The first days of a movement are the most difficult . At such a time the
uncertainty of the internal state of the country , and a redoubled vigilance from without , cause delays and obstacles of every kind to the providing of arms and money , which are of vital importance . And tho Lombardb-Venetian provinces and those of ¦ the Centre will inevitably be in want of arms during the first days . Itis necessary to provide ' them . Tour committee has proposed the means which appear tft them the best . For the dignity of the cause , which
is yours , by the facility which it affords of collecting a vast capital by small sacrifices from every man , by tbe security which it offers , the National Loan , opened in our Circular No . 1 , is a more' fitting plan than an invitation to immense sacrifices on ( he part of a few individuals , or than the method of irregular voluntary offerings , which are uncertain in manner , in amount , " - and in time . ' The undertaking is for all ; let it have the aid of all .: Let the Nation save the Nation .
Are there not two hundred thousand patriots m Italy ? Do they not feel that the conflict for our holy banner is inevitable ? Do they not desire thai those who will be the first to fight shall have the means of fronting the enemy ? Would they soot give to us when invested with power and . guiding the movement ? Let them give to us as citizens . We now represent the thought of . the Nation in exile , as formerly in Rome and in Venice / . And the day will come when every one of our notes will be a document of merit and a title of honour to the Italian , who before that day shall have become a purchaser of them .
But there is another object in addition to the first ; the moral object . A loan raised by simpls . citizens for the National cause , and take » up . while the Papal and the Austrian Loans do n 0 ' ^?^ or succeed only by compulsion , raises the «« J ™" party to an undeniable power in Em-ope ; cobsUIntel it an element influencing : peoples and g . vernn , « t . 1 . r „ » -nnt of-t ) 0 » l , ! V 6 lUlOWCllg * who are now , fr »» » J" ; r £ riemis . andp ' acea . T ^ 'TL £ « ' ihe 1 ue « ince of the per ** . aV ! t l ^^ uto d . « er » i » . iio . tha- ****** Sini -hall sucked . Our Jean is a 11 : « " " « , ¦*?*> o „ t " xamplenntilnow ; it remains w th usullte / . nnsecrate it an Italian fact . V S iansJ do you will the end ? Will , tl . en , 'th « meant . We call upon the national party , upon the Italian democracy , upon all who desire its triumph * for a proof of real life . Give it in the name of God ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 16, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_16111850/page/7/
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