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"Oneenemy can do you more ham ibxa »thou sand friends can do you good."—lord Bamnmre.
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TO THE CHARTISTS.
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My Fme>t>s, I always have, and always sh...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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"Oneenemy Can Do You More Ham Ibxa »Thou Sand Friends Can Do You Good."—Lord Bamnmre.
" Oneenemy can do you more ham ibxa » thou sand friends can do you good . " —lord Bamnmre .
To The Chartists.
TO THE CHARTISTS .
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
My Fme > t > s , I always have , and always shall , submit nrj every act , connected with the cause of Chartism , to the most vigilant . popular controlnay , if necessary , to the most malignant criticism ; as , although " one enemy can dc you more harm than a thousand friends can do you good , " the malice of the enemy is sure to fell before the good sense of the people , the people " are seldom wrong , and never very lon er wrong . " „ „ , offer
. With so much of a prefiice , I shall now a few comments upon the letter which appeared in the " Northern Star" of last week , signed by six persons , " on behalf of the Republicans of Nottingham , " and my comment shall be free from all acrimony . I shall take those paragraphs upon which -I intend to comment from the letter . "We tell him we liare not gathered our opinions from him , and will not hold ourselves responsible to him . We tell him we do sympathise with the Democrats of France ; and , indeed , with sufiering humanity everywhere . "
I tell them , that I have not gathered my op inions from them , and that I will not hold myself responsible to them , and that J , too , sympathise—and really sympathise—with the Democrats of France , and with suffering humanity everywhere ; and I tell them that the sufferings of the Democrats of France have , taught me a wholesome lesson—not to trust too much in the sympathies of the living for the murdered dead . Their suffering has taught me the necessity of taking care that the Democrats of England should not suffer an equal amount < 5 f misery by an equal amount of confidence in those who create it .
"It appears to us rather strange that any man pro & ssing the opinions Mr . O'Connor professes should have taken offence , because we and others have thought right to ¦ eelehrate the Revolution of February , and do honour te the Vemoaats of France and other countries . " I do not only profess , but I hold , and am wedded to the opinions that I have supported and fearlessly advocated through the whole of my life , and I defy the critics to point out one sentence , line , or word in my letter upon which they comment , reproaching , disapproving of , or hinting at disapproval of , the celebration of the Revolution of February . It is not even Mnted at in my letter .
" Sow , we freouently read American papers , but cannot perceive that such is the feet ; there may be a little noise with the free soil party , but still the Americans are wedded to their institutions . " 1 suspect that I read more American papers , and receive more American letters , than my ^ Nottingham friends—and , perhaps , they are not aware that there are now between two and three hundred American papers advocating the Free . Soil Question , and that those papers—one and all—complain of the monopoly of land in America . While my critics designate this national feeling as a " little noise , " may I not , with equal propriety and justice , characterise their criticism upon my sentiments as a "LITTLE NOISE ?"
"But what is the use of Mr . O'Connor blaming us for holding ultra-democratic opinions and promulgating them , when he tcus us that there is not a " particle of duTerence between a iiepublie and a Monarchy with the Charter ? " If he really thinks so , his letter of last week is a mere string of words without meaning , a flight of the imagination which conjured up a sort of bugbear in the shape of Bepublicanism . " I have never blamed them , or any other parties , for holding ultra-Democratic principles , but what I have blamed them for is the adopt ion of a course which is likely to retard the accomplishment of those principles—and , notwithstanding their professions of Democracy , I venture to assert that my principles are more
Democratic than theirs . They may achieve a little convivial popularity , and a little local distinction , by the advocacy of their principles , while niy advocacy of my own principles subjects me to class reproach , to legal tyranny , and to individual insult And yet I have never changed . And I repeat , that there would not be a particle of difference between a Monarchy and a Republic with the Charter , as the power behind the throne would then lie greater than the throne itself , as then the people could make and unmake , and their every suffering ; and every act of injustice to which they were subjected , would be of their own creation , and they alone would he responsible .
"But he seems to be afraid of offending the middle classes ; we beg to remind him that the middle classes are always hchind on the march for reform . When -wenare advanced a little further they will hecome Chartists , and will carry the Charter as they recently carried Corn law KepeaL " My thread of the middle classes is manifest in my cont inuous opposition to that class , while " to the subserviency of a large portion of the industrious class to the middle class , is popular suffering to be attributed . I have never in my life pandered to the middle classes ,.
nor have I ever gone an inch with them except in the road of patronage-destroying retrenchment ; and I should like to know what the feeling of my fi-ieuds and constituents would have been , if my name had been found in the list of the majority who voted for keeping up taxation to the patronage-point , instead of in the list of the minority that voted for its reduction ? And I must remind my friends , who boast of being such old and consistent politicians , that I hare told the people over and over again , that Free Trade would ultimately drive the middle classes into the ranks of
Chartism ; but I also told them—and now repeat it—that the very fact of advocating , or even agitating Republicanism , would scare those who would otherwise be a powerful auxiliary from our ranks . "There is no evidence in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter to prove that in Switzerland there is one law for the rich , and another for the poor , because one man knocked another man down . We fancy that in every country of the civilised world ( Switzerland not excepted , ) there is a law to protect the weak against the strong . "
I gave the fact that I witnessed with my own « yes in Switzerland , as one proof of my assertion ; and I gave the words of my Swiss landlord as proof of the fact ; and I do not know what change my friends can require in the form of government , the constitution , or the laws , if in every "CIVILISED COUNTRY IN
THE WORLD THE LAWS PROTECT THE WEAK AGAINST THE STRONG . " Do they mean that England is not a civilised country , and that they are barbarians ? Or do they mean to say , that in England the laws da protect the weak against the strong ? If so , every Chartist , and every political offender has been legally convicted , and justly punished ; and every man who has stolen a loaf of bread in the hope of preserving his
family from death , has been legally , constitutionally , and justly transported . I cannot acquiesce in this doctrine of my friends , it would so entirely put you and me—and all of us—in the wrong ; and would so completely justify every act of oppression to which we have been Subjected and , perhaps , my friends are not aware that Switzerland is the nursery of the world for hired mercenaries , to defend , for pay , any description of government
Mr . O'Connor tells us that in Bel gium the people have got all but the Charter , and cheerfully pay from £ 5 to £ 18 per acre for land . We are not aware what this " all hut " means ; hut if " all but" the Ctiarter would raise the rent of the land in this country from £ 1 an acre , to £ 5 or £ 18 an acre , we sav , emphatically , from such an "all but" as this , "Good Lord , deliver us I " My friends although so long enlisted in the Democratic ranks , and so ready to criticise one letter of mine , appear to have passed over many others , and in the above passage they
appear to have eenie to a very flighty and erroneous conclusion . They forget that I have always contended that the increase of population would increase the value of land ; perhaps they arc not aware that Belgium , according to its extent , is much more densely populated than either England or Ireland , and they do hot appeal- to be aware that although the Belgians do pay so much higher rent than in England or Ireland , that in nine years , which is the usual tenure in that country , those pay-^ g these hi gh rents are able to purchase their farms at an enormous price . But , surely they
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
cannot charge me , under this head , with either folly or inconsistency , as I hare shown them a ^^ S OTer that Iand < w'hich may be worth but a pound an acre in the wholesale market , would be worth thirty shillings or forty shillings , or even more , in the retail market ; but I mi ght have gone to the Channel Islands if I wished to establish a higher standard of rent , and now I shall submit the question in so simple a form that even my friends will understand it . iTJlTlTlrvf . /» Tl **•»•«¦* " » -mA . . .. JI il 1 1 . _ , . _
^ Suppose , then , that England had a population of not more than two millions—the land , in that case—I mean to purchase it out and out—would not be worth £ o an acre , while if she had a population of fifty millions , the land would , be worth £ 200 an acre and more , and the fifty minions with the land at that standard price , would be more prosperous , more happy , and comfortable than at the lower price with the smaller population . Men before they criticise should make themselves masters of their
subject . The potato rot was equally as bad in Belgium as in Ireland . Potatoes there also constitute a great portion of the produce , yet the Belgians did not die in thousands , or hundreds of thousands in consequence of the calamity—and why . ? Because from the land , however high the rent , they are enabled in prosperity to lay up a sufficient store to bear temporary casualty , calamity , or adversity . "If the time intervening between the election in America of one President and another , he ' one continuous period of turmoil , ' what turmoil would there not he in tins country with annual elections for Msmbers of Parliament "
Surely , no thoughtful or right-minded Chartist will require an ^ answer to this incomprehensible folly . In the one case the election divides the whole nation into parties and factions for months—nay , years , while in the other case the contest is not national and would be over in a day . But our friends appear to be against Annual Parliaments , which I prefer to any other point of the Charter ; because , as I have often stated , short accounts make long Mends , and the master who has hired a servant for a year instead of . seven , could discharge him before he had done much mischief , instead of being compelled to submit to his dictatorship and masterdom for seven years .
"Infect , we cannot perceive the nse of a President under any circumstances j the office , in our opinions , is a relic of Monarchy—of barbarism , and wiU ultimately be dispensed with ; a President for life we consider not only useless , but a positive eviL " In the above passage my friends have clapped the climaz , and have entirely thrown overboard theirlaudationsof the American form of government and constitution . What , then , do they mean to say that they would have no head , no Executive Government , or what do they mean to say ? Is all to be at sixes and
sevens ? Is every constituency to be embroiled with its representative ? Is the House of Commons and the Upper House to be divided into factions by canvassings for ministerial offices , places and patronage ? or upon whom are the duties of the Executive Government to devolve 1 Now I do not think my friends have read the form of government that I proposed , and which appeared in the NortJiem Star of the 1 st of April , 1848 , immediately after the French Revolution , and therefore it shall follow this letter .
My friends state that they are as old as I am , and have been as long in the cause . I will not attempt to deny this assertion , but I should wish to know if any of them have suffered as much in the cause ; if any of themhave adhered for twenty-seven years come next December to the cause , without turning to the r ight hand or to the left ; whether any of them have been banished their country , been tried in England and Ireland , have lost the affection offriends , relatives , and connections , as Ihave , for my continuous advocacy of Democratic principles through evil report and good report , in the midst of moat trying circumstances—
-circumstances which justified the apostacy , the delinquency , and the prostitution of thousands who advocated Democracy for no earthly purpose but that of achieving power to destroy it ? I shall be glad if my friends would point out another instance of a gentleman devoting every hour of his time , hisintellect , and every farthing of his money , to the advocacy of Democratic principles . Are my friends aware that when the "Northern Star" was making nearly £ 13 , 000 a year profit , that every single fraction of it went to the support of the Democratic cause ,
besides leaving me in debt some thousands , and my reward not unfrequently being insult , slander , and insolence , in exact proportion to my generosity ? But I dare say they know me well know enough to believe , that while such ingratitude to others would justify desertion from the popular cause , that in my case it is my own cause , and no calumny or ingratitude can drive me from it . And , in concluding my reply to my Nottingham friends , let me askwhile they sympathise with the Democrats of France—how much they have contributed towards the support of the Democrats of England ?
I now give a letter received by the Editor from the Tower Hamlets , and , as I desire neither secrecy nor misconstruction , I g ive it at full length . Here it is : —
TO THE ED 1 T 0 E OF THE SOUTHERN STAB . Sib , —A letter having appeared in your paper of the 3 rd ult , written by Jlr . O'Connor , advocating opinions and sentiments , also recommending a ceriainline of policy regarding the question of Republicanism , that letter having been thoroughly dehated in our locality , the members have come to a determination to repudiate the opinions set forth and the policy recommended . Persons were appointed to draw up this letter as an exposition of their views , in order that a proper understanding might be effected with the democratic party , not only of this country , hnt also the democracy of France , and the world universally . Mr . O'Connor cautions the people against allowing "the apple of discord " to he thrown amongst their ranks ; hut in our opinion that
"entleman ' s antidote will prove an entire abortion . The question as to whether Monarchical or Republican forms of government are most conducive and congenial to the weU-being of society , has rested entirely in abeyance . Our speakers and writers deemed the deep under-current of popular intelhgence , opinion and sentiment , ample enough to enahle the masses to make a just and wise decision , and we are not aware of any effort being put forth to " supersede the Chartist agitation , hyraising the standard of Republicanism , " unless it was by Mr . O'Connor , when that gentleman declared , in the Commons' House of Parliament , "That , should the Gagging Bill pass , he would then hecome a Republican . " Sir , our opinion of monarchy is simply thisthat it could not exist in connexion with a free and ensuch
lightened iieople , and that great radical changes , as the Charter proposes , would sweep away the key-stone of that mighty incubus which preys upon the vitals ofthe people , and holds hack the immortal rights of man . While there is a monarchy , an aristocracy must also existthouch not in name—who will wage a deadly warfare against the liberty , prosperity , and enjoyments of the unions , in their efforts to arrest the inarch of human progression . We cannot understand the right or utility of kings , unless to gratify morbid ambition , and lust of power . Kations are plunged into bloody wars , engendering hatred and revenge ; thus preventing the universal brotherhood of the human family . We recognise no princely or noble distinction but that belonging to and springing from the
inherent greatness , grandeur , and majesty ofthe people , There is another point in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter , where he speaks of the Constitution of France as "a bag of moonshine . " Sir , we are astounded at this assertion . The people of France possess a mighty lever to work out those great social reforms necessary to improve and derate then-physical an ! moral existence : here is a greatfact without a particle of fiction . Rome was not built in a day , neithercouldthe people of this or any other country achieve political freedom ana social regeneration in that short space of ohk transpired from ti * , i ^ French revolution . Were Chardsm a mere phantom in France it would prove
the same hollow thing in En gland . The reputed leader ' s argument is downright Toryism , and direct insult to the struggling spirit of liberty Mr . O'Connor , in advocating perpetual monarchy , speaks of the election every four years , in America , of a candidate to fill the Presidential chair : he tells us there is cabal and irritation the whole of that period . Does not such an argument virtually repudiate one great feature of Chartism—Annual Parliaments — and confirm septennial election , as in that case there would be threeyears' peace ? How can Mr . O'Connor , in the Commons' House of Parliament- ; in the fece of inconsistency , inconeruitv , and strange anomaly , combat for the People ' s Charter ? " That gentleman would , be answered by his
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
strictures on the constitution of France and American President ' s election . An awkward position for the leader of a great and enlightened party , wKch is struggling to effect radical and comprehensive changes in our form of constitution . Still , further , we have yet to learn the need of President or King . Mr . O'Connor denounces any expression of opinion or interference on behalf of foreign nations who are battling for their liberties , as giving licence of oppression to British rulers . Did not that ' gentleman interfere when Poland was struck down and bleeding at the feet of Russian spoliation , rapine , and murder ? And shall we not continue the same line of action ? Why cease this duty and change our policy ? Why this truckling to the British Minister ? Are not aU men toothers , belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of kings and despots , without an expression of sympathy , or to hurl a protest at the murderers of ^^^^ m ^ ' ^^—^^—^—
our race ? Signed on behalf of the Toner Hamlets' Hall locality by the Council , John Feedinand , Hexry Stile , Henbt Buoro , Xis . JIe . n-by Blight , Edvtard Stokes , Robert Stokes , RlCUABD VlL'QHiN , ' John Axles , Wmiffl Daws , Nicholas Kibbt , S . Reinolds , Sec . Now the first observation J shall make—and
I do not do it disparagingly , as , in fact , it may bespeak my own ignorancer-is , that I never heard of the name of any single individual who has signed the letter , on behalf of the men of the locality . That I should rather rejoice in —as we want recruits just now—if the production was calculated to give energy to the democratic cause . However , I shall make a few comments , with perfect temper , upon the letter .
The first sentence is highly illustrative of the position in which every Editor of the "Northern Star " has sought to place himself . It begins thus : — "To the Editor of the Northern Star . —A letter having appeared in YOUR paper ofthe 3 rd ult ., written by Mr . O'Connor . " I onl y notice this , as before I conclude , it will he my dut y to comment more at length upon this part ofthe subject . The reference'in this letter to " Constitutions , " " Elections for President , " and "Annual Parliaments , " are answered in my reply to my Nottingham Mends .
There is one curious passage , however , which is not only a reply to the whole of the letter , hut it also furnishes—not my defence for I required none—but in the most forcible language strengthens my every position ; and , therefore , all other commentators upon my letter of the 3 rd of March , must erect their battery against the recruits of the Tower Hamlets . This passage will prove how much better sensible men can write upon sensible subjects than upon moonshine , and airy and metaphysical nothings ; and now I pray the closest attention of the reader to the following passage—the pith , the marrow , and the substance ofthe whole letter . Here it is : —
. " SIR , —OUR OPINION OP MONARCHY IS SIMPLY THIS , THAT IT COULD NOT EXIST IN CONNEXION WITH A FREE AND ENLIGHTENED PEOPLE , AND THAT GREAT RADICAL CHANGES—SUCH AS THE CHARTER PROPOSES—WOULD SWEEP AWAY THE KEYSTONE OP THAT MIGHTY INCUBUS WHICH PREYS UPON THE VITALS OP THE PEOPLE , AND HOLDS BACK THE IMMORTAL RIGHTS OF MAN . " Now , I beg of every Chartist to read the above extract , and then contrast it with my stereotyped opinions : —
" Get the Charter , and depend upon it , that when the power behind the throne is greater than the throne itself , the large majority will establish what form of government they please , but let us not cause division in our ranks , by affrighting many from the advocacy of our cause , by declaring for changes to which they might he opposed . Got the Charter , and then you will have all you want , " I shall give one more extract . It is the last passage in the letter , and bears upon the achievement of the Charter . It runs thus : — " Why cease this duty and change our policy ? Why this truckling to the British Minister 1 Are not all men brothel's belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by , and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of Kings and despots , without an expression of sympathy , or to hurt a protest at the murderers of our race . "
This is , doubtless , a most energetic and patriotic jinale ; but to what policy do my friends refer ? Is it to that policy which is to achieve the Charter , and thereby destroy all oppression and misrule ? for , if so , that is my policy—while the policy I contend against , is mixing up any other question with that from the accomplishment of which they anticipate man ' s liberation , and the world's regeneration . Why do THEY thus truckle to the British Minister ? Why do THEY—according to their © wn confession—attempt to strengthen his hands by aiming him with strong arguments against the People ' s
Charter—while the very manacles that I seek to rid myself of , when moving the Charter in the House of Commons , they would seek to impose upon me ? And one of the reasonsand the pr incipal reason—I had for writing my letter was , to arm myself when Lord Akuhdel and Surrey , 3 fr . Dkujimond , and Mr . Hume , flashed the Republican doctrines , preached in the " Star" in my face , in the House of Commons—and the gentlemen of the Tower Hamlets may rest assured , that when
I move the adoption of the People ' s Charter , I shall be able to combat the proclaimed enthusiasm of the few , by the steady principle and fixed opinion ofthe many . I shall not shrink from the performance of my duty , but , being longer trained and better disciplined than most men in Chartist tactics , I do not wish to enter the lists under unnecessary disadvantages ; and when I make my speech upon the subject , my friends will be at perfect liberty to criticise it , and then they will be able to discover my truculency to the British Minister .
The terms' brotherhood , '' * 'human family , '' " immortalliberty , " " sympathy , " and " murderers of our race , '' are very exciting , but there is something more substantial required to dry the tears of those whose protectors have suffered in the cause of Chartism , and I do not mean to deny that the Tower Hamlet district has contributed its fair share . I now submit the following letter , written in a manly , honest , and friendly tone : — * Cripplcgate Locality , 28 , Goldcn-lane , Sunday , March 4 th , 1849 .
Sib , —I am requested , by the members of that society , to respectfully submit to your notice the following resolution , which was unanimously agreed to by the meeting : at the above named place . Moved by Mr . Brown , seconded by Mr . Bentley : — " That the letter of Mr . O'Connor , in the Nobthekn Stab of this week , wherein Mr . F . O'Connor has stated that he is an enemy to Bi & Mams , has caused much surprise in our minds , and will , we have no doubt , be used by the political enemies of that gentlemani m thenown peculiar way , inasmuch that it is an established fact that on the passing of the Government Security Ml ,
Mr O'Connor declared if that un-Enghsh and unconstitutional law was carried he would then avow himself a Republican . We , therefore , hope that Mr . O'Connor wdl , with his usual candour , refer briefly to tins matter m the next week ' s Stab , in order to elucidate the two positionsthe avowed Republican of 1848 , the Monarchist of 184 Uat the same time we beg to inform that gentleman that we K highly appTeciate tt » noble ^ fetermmed efforts that he has hitherto displayed m the cause of 1 olrticSeedom , and yet hope he will follow up the fight until the battle ' s wonu ^ ^^^ chaimatu
My friends , with regard to my declaration in the House of Commons , I beg to refer you to my letter oi the 1 st of April , 1848 , as it appearedin the Star , and to the principles there Lid down , I still adhere , as tho best form of P-overnment . You ask roe to elucidate my positions of 1848 ? md 1849 . My position , my principles and opinions , are the same in 1849 as in 1848 , without a particle of change ; and your hope shrjl be cheerfully realised , as I am iterminedio follow up the fight till thebatfle is won , and with the assistance of men like you-who ' know how to appreciate a lifts devotion ' to your cause-I have no doubt oi « ltip '» ate success .
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
I . rfow turn to the strictures of * -L . 'Ami dte Penpfe" upon my letter , and although the whole- of the composition is one entangsd ' slaan of pros and cow , for and . < t S ainst ,. of agiution for KepubKcanisrn , existing for the presentonl y in thekain , I think I shall be able satisfactoril y to unravel the inystew ,. and place the commentator and myself in dar properpositions . Every man is aware of thelaemty with which any writer may dilateupon an existing abuse , or upon a popular proposition . : l , et the Attobney-Genebai . accord me a licence of exemption from the penalties ofthe bagging Bill for three months only , and I would undertake to leave Mons . " L'Ami du Peuple' wholly in the shade .
The writer , in one part of his letter , assuming to himself not only the power to criticise the present , but to dive into and to divine as to the future , presumes that as he gathers and culh his Democratic principles—or , rather ; notions o ^ J ) einocratic opinions ^ from Ghent in Belgium , and from Chartists smarting under the oppression of Monarchial or other Oligarchical misrule—presumes at the same time that my sphere of knowledge is limited within the
compass ofthe fancy of some "fool or designing knave ; " and as I wish to partake of all that responsibility which the writer would impose upon those my teachers and instructors , I submit to you the opinions of the knave and fool , not from whom I wholly gathered my opinions , but by whom I am strengthened in those opinions , and you shall judge of the weight which ought to be attached to them . Here then follows the opinion of the knave and the fool : —
" You know I have often expressed to you my opinion on mixing up Repeal or any other question , with that of the Charter , and now depend upon it that Chartist advocacy of Republicanism would raise hosts of enemies . Once establish , popular control throiigli the Charter , and it will then be the People ' s own fault if abuses continue . Errors are too often discovered when it is too late to correct them , and foolish steps are not easil y retraced . "Thomas Siingsby Dd-ncombe . "
Now , then , I am not at all ashamed of being found in unison of opinion with such a " knave" and-such a " fool "—a knave and fool who joined our ranks , not in our strength , but in our weakness ¦ not to achieve power for himself , but to confer power upon the people , and who has undauntedly advocated our pr inciples in and out of Parliament—the man whose health has suffered , and whoso life has been endangered , by unremitting devotion to the people ' s cause . Now , just read the following extract : —
" The true Republicans of this country , whilst very properly expressing their sympathy for their Bepublican brethren of the Continent , quite as properly keep their mouths shut as regards this nation , They lmow that' the peat is not l-ijpe , and they ' lade their time . '" Now , in the name of common sense , what can be more ridiculous than the above , when contrasted with the assurance that the Republicans have no intention of interfering with the Chartist movement . Presuming that the writer is the ear , if not the tongue of the party—what are we to gather from the extract but this—namely , that the Republican
party in this country "bides its time , " and waits till" the pear is ripe . " Does not this , of itself , bear a strange contrast to the assurance that the question of Republicanism merely stands in abeyance until the "pear is ripe ? " and , although a pear , does it not as naturally follow that it would constitute the " apple of discord" in the democratic ranks ? But , latterly , every line of this writer which has appeared in the " Star" so far from keeping the Chartist movement distinct , has been devoted to foreign policy , and the anticipated' glories of Republicanism , and scarcely a word of enlightenment as to those social and political changes , which the writer describes as
indispensable to the enlistment of public opinion on behalf of the Charter . All his theory is a laudation of Republicanism ; and , therefore , as the Star is considered the organ of popular opinion , the natural—naty , the only—inference is , that the popular mind is to be disciplined , not for the achievement of the PEOPLE ' S CHARTER , but for the accomplishment of a Republic ; and there is not a reader of the " Northern / SW ^ 'thatisnotshrewd enough to understand with what glib facility an - irresponsible writer may deal with the views of a responsible teacher ; but before I conclude I shall give you a fow instances of the fact .
Now , I beg the attention of the reader to the following extract : — "Considering , therefore , that the question of'king , or no king , ' is a matter of—to say the least—secondary importance , and one , moreover , the agitation of which would , at the present time , be premature , and consequently impolitic , no trueliepublican would have thought of raising that question at this time , had Mr . O'Connor ' s letter not appeared . That letter containing sentiments which 1 am sure a lai-ge number of my brother Chartists 'dissent from , I think , as one of that number , that I am bound , as an honest man * to show wherein and why I differ from Mr . O'Connor . " Let me now ask , if I required any justification for my letter , whether I could furnish stronger than will be found in the above ?
Firstly , —It is admitted that the question of " teiig or no king" is a matter of but secondary importance . Well , I thought this was the question of paramount importance ; with me , at all events , it is , as you will learn from my proposed Constitution , printed in April in last year ; and as you will also have learned , from " my frequent announcements , that the league of people would become too strong for the league of kings ; but as the Charter would proclaim the will of the majority , to the choice of that majority , I would leave the form of Government , so that I think I am more essentially democratic than the
critic . Then , again , if this question of Republicanism had not been mooted , how would the writer have known that a LARGE NUMBER of Chartists dissented from my views ofthe subject ? But I always have been supposed to play second fiddle to editors of the " Northern Star ; " and , therefore , though held responsible for every Chartist act and every Chartist word , it appears I am kept in utter ignorance of Chartist feelings , until the expression of thorn leads to persecution , and then the re sponsibility of defence devolves upon me . Now , it is a very remarkable fact , that both in the House of Commons and out ofthe
House of Commons , I have been taunted with this cry of Republicanism , and so has Mr . Buncombe ; but there is no duty more easy than that of writing enthusiastically , when it is accompanied by perfect irresponsibility . "Butlam notpvepivrcd ta censure those who hdlcve that the shortest road to the establishment of the Charter is through the enlightenment of the people , as to the tocial value of that measure . The blunders ofthe Frovisional Government' and the intrigues ' of the rich would , both combined , have failed to damage the glorious victory of February , provided the people had been sufficiently enlightened to have elected an honourable . Assembly . Unhappily , common sense had not preceded common Suffrage . " ' ¦ ¦> ' - . ¦¦
"Well , I candidly confess that those extracts bewilder me . The writer , while criticising , and hot in a good spirit eithcr ' r-as it was merely intended as the grape shot which vr » a
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
\ to be flowed by the chain ghet-. adoptsnm j every seitfhnent in those parts ef his letter ; which are at all ? econcilable . As ? I have toM you , scores of times * , that the French people were not prepared far the great change , inasmuch as the ftee expression of opinion * was not permitted , while , I have- told you as often , tta * the Engl » h people through free discus-810 % are the most enli ghtened people upon pohiics . m the world ; and that , therefore , changes which have failed * to produce the promised results abroad , wouldite smc to produce them at home , in consequence of popular enhghteament . I haVe explained to you that in prance and other' countries ,, the people strng-I ghngftr liberty martial
are' people , disciplined m the art of war ,, and afatys seek chance through physical Revolution ,, in which many of thenpper and middle class take part , ittthe hope of turning the change totheir owriadi vantage . There they enlist feutfor a certain number of years , ahii they learn the use of arms , while you are a clod pole race , the higher and middle class opposed to you , disunited yourselves and compelled to enlist asslaves for life ; the poor gentlemen- alone , whoare too proud to work and too poor to live without labour , now and then enlisting yo « v each to rally around his own bag of moonshine , while each deserter makes popular indifference a justification for Ms retreat .
Not so with me , however ; I unfurl the banner , and through evil report and good report , through sunshine and shade , through eulogium and persecution , I have never furled it , and I never will , even at the bidding of Republicans , "If Mr . O'Connor means that the first general election , under the provisions of that Constitution , is likely to give birth to an Assembly no better than the present . I share his anticipations ; but even that will not prove the Constitution ' a bag Of moonshine . ' I am not at all confident that a first , or even second election under the provisions ofthe Charter , would produce a House of Commons containinc ; a maioritv of real Reformers . " J
Here the writer confounds the form of Government with Constitution , while they have nothing whatever to do with each other ; but I should say that the writings of the critic and my writings and teachings , and all our lucubrations , were moonshine , indeed , and I should abandon the field of politics to-morrow , if I could entertain the notion , that the first or second election under the provisions of the
Charter would not supply a Reformed House of Commons . If so , my friends , you and I , and all of us , have been grasping after moonshine , as , rely upon it , that what the first session did badly the second would do worse , and each , in succession , improving upon the delinquency of its predecessors , while my hope is , that the first session would establish landmarks to the Constitution , which no subsequent gathering could destroy or remove .
" Jh' . O'Connor says that' In America there is as much class-distinction , national suffering , and popular discontent , as in any monarchy in the world . ' There is ' class-distinction , ' there is ' suffering , ' and there is 'discontent' in America , but certainly not so much , nor anything near so much , as in many monarchies . I believe Ireland is a monarchy ! The alleged state of society in America , used hy Mr . O'Connor as an argument against KcinMcanism , is also made use of , by our opponents , a 8 an argument against the Charter . Their cry is ' Look at America ! Behold the results of Universal Svffrage : —slavery , ' class-distinction , ' ' suffering , ' and discontent . '' But neither Chartism nor Republicanism are to be damaged by such arguments . The existence of slavery , class distinction , suffering , and discontent in America , testify to the wickedness of the few and tuc ignorance of the many ; but the principles of Eternal Justice proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence , are true and glorious , nevertheless . "
"Well , I am blessed with the best tempei that ever man possessed , for if the above is not sufficient to make a Quaker kick his mother , I do not know what would be . Here , then , is the veiy pivot upon which the whole question hinges ; not only Mr . O'Connor , and other persons , but even Mons . "L'Ami " himself admits the slavery , tyranny , classdistinction , suffering , and oppression which exists in America ; but by contrast the commentator says that they are greater in some
Monarchies . Well , what does this all prove ? Why the very fact that I have urged—namely , that with the Charter , and the most popular political libert y—or rather representative freedom—the whole blessing that would otherwise emanate from the system is utterl y destroyed by the mode of electing a President , which causes incessant dissension , inquietude and class-cabals . Now , what can the reader think , after seventy years' experience , of a democratic writer informing us , that all American grievances are consequent upon "THE
WICKEDNESS OF THE FEW , AND IGNORANCE OF THE MANY . " Well , then , here is a large extension of English suffering developed . In the first instance it was not to have exceeded the first or second election . But now from the American precedentindeed , I should have said , the American President—we are supplied with hope that the effect of the English Charter may be seventy years of long and continuous suffering .
But hold ! what matters that ; why fret we ? Cannot Ave live upon the principles of "Eternal Justice , proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence ? " Now , surely , that is not " moonshine : " that is " a fair day's wages for a fan * day ' s work "—there is a gleam of hope cast upon the suffering millions , through the solar microscope of the oracle of the future . "Livehorse and you'll get grass , " Chartists , wait for sevent y years , and then you shall see what you shall see .
I quite agree that the discussion of those social benefits , likely to result from the attainment of the Charter , is not only right and constitutional , but also indispensable , and no one has gone as far as I have in showing what those social results would be , but I have never hampered them with any new form of Government , or with those vexed and irritating questions which must end in
class-dissension . " Certainly no man , in the possession of his senses , will think of condemning tho Swiss Confederation on the strength of Mr . O'Connor ' s striking anecdote of a lusty innkeeper cuffing a peasant , who , I suppose , was not quite so lusty . Mr . O'Connor , to have given his- story the slightest weight , should have shown that there was no law iu thfi Canton to punish a man for assaulting another . " I must declare myself very much perplex ^ with those comments , but it is from the spaso
they occupy , and not from the difficulty of answering them . I did not say that there was no law in Switzerland to punish one mas for cuffing another , nor will the commentator say that there is no law in England to punish one man for cuffing another—hut , as in Switzerland , so in England , there is no justice for the poor man who is cuffed by the rich , man , and the commentator should understand ! the difference between justice and law .
¦ "Mr , O'Connor has 1 « cb in Belgium—I Have not > ncvey . theless I take exceptit ® to the very chanaing picture he has drawn of the loyalty of the Belgiaas , and their social happiness . I can assare Mr . . O'Connos- that a very numerous Republican party exists m Belgtum ; indeed m Ghent —the Manchester of Belgium — the working men are , to say the least , quite as much Hepafehcans as th = > working men of Manchester are Chartists . 1 have reason to behove that the peasantry are not i ; , i favour of Republicanism . Why ? Because , with the exception of the peasantry of one other nation , tli « = J" roor V vriest-rifluwj thai ) any ' other
portion of the Catholic population of liuropc . the priests keep I / eopold on his throne . " Well , your frirjid appears to be in very extensive communication with foreign countries , and , in his dissertation , he finishes me with tho very strongest argument in favour of the Land Plan , while he most unmercifull y cuts his own throat . The reason why the peasantry are satisfied , is because they can . devote their free labour to agricultural pursuits ; while the alleg «^ tion , « -that satisfaction with the present
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
form of Government is based upon priestly ThpSr" ^ *^ . ^ ^ ' ^ fact tha * the mechanics , artificers , and artisans of Ghent , ^ e just as much subject to priestly dominion ll ^ 7 ft TT ; ^ * illu «<* the Stlliang fact , that an agricultural population , to which the Charter would lead , where each husbandman would have the fruits of his own industry , is the one thing to make all rallv \
iiiit-klin / 1 n « t »> X * J'ff * * ' / T » ¦ . - 11 j around any form o ? "Government , and any V j Constitution , which the . majority would ac- v leapt , as the means jofitaotectine theiriehta -v lot an . : '; ,, ¦ :-.. ¦;¦ .. . ¦ .. . -r ¦*¦ . . - ¦;¦¦ ¦ ¦ 5 f "ill • O'Croiror seems'tff-te'Miiiifare ofthe fact , that hi * ^ 1 fWSWtt , of Republicanism is out of date . It was correct , per- n ! liaj ) g sfcn ' y years ' - since , hot the true KepnMicans of the pre- s sen * di * T-. -the nen of thc / ntm—reject President ng well aa \ f Kir ^ s and will so-more rate for one than the other . AH . - Mr ; ©' ' Ciamor ' s seasoning , therefore ^ against 1 'resi'dentrai v * elections ; cv . ery fowyears ; fkttsto tfrcgroand ' . "
It « s > almost sngeneroas to exposethe numbty [ of fallacies contained iff the letter upon Which \ ^ < il am eooimenti . Tg' —but :, as- I write for all '* V { classes- & € labour—the enlightened ^ the saga- \ . > cious , tifiri the ignerant ^ -iir . needs aiusfe be' done . \ We find , then , tha ^ . although the q uestion of J Repubhcaansm has ; not been mooted , yet ^ nevertheless , in the ab ' ove . we are y / aft ira pos- ^ session of th « fact , that it-is the-ado » ted > pr in- f ciple of the MEN OP' THE : F ' UTJVJRE . V Now ,. all . tinat I can ss 3 fisy . that 5 . ifthe ( niestion C of xihe-nresenifc is to be based upon- the * 3 UtiCl- " patfons-of the men of & e futureas Tab no j
,, diviner ; . I am puzzle * -the labour that I \ l thought'we-had cut outr . for . ourselves ,. * as- to establish : jt prasent system for . tha ; preseaS generation ,, nut ,, if we are to > do nothing for- the men of' thefwtare , and iftfeinen ofthe future aveto dio . all & r us , then £ adopt -She'hojreSil motto of thehope inspiring ^ 'L ' Ami , " "BIBE YOUR TIME , " « WAIT TaLL . THE ' PE & S IS-RIFE .. '' Let your tee & water for- ' itj and don't y ou wish you may got it ;? :
Ill conclusion , the writer tells us- thai America was . once a Monarchy—if Canada- declares its independence , the men of t & e future may tell us that Canada was- a Monarchy . Indeed , with more truth , as Sauadaidbes .- possess a representative system ; butJie might just as well tell us that the child was its own mother as that America was once-a . Monarchy ,. My friends ,, I have now commented , upon , the letter of the Nottingham Republicans , the Chartist Council of the Tower Hamlets , the
kind letter and resolution of the men of Cripplcgate , and tho very long letter of "L'Ami du Penple , " which appeared in the " Star" of last week ; and as nothing is mors easy than for irresponsible persons to urge their own opinions against those ' of responsible persons , and as the easiest tiling in the world is to write most enthusiastio-aud highspirited letters upon political subjects , national grievances , and heroic performances ,, and although much pressed for time , I must make a few comments npon the general subjsct ..
The letter of the six gentlemen from Nottingham which appeared in the " Star" of last week , was in possession ofthe Editor before it was printed . I was at the office between twelve and one o ' clock on Friday morning , when it was printed , and yet he never showed it to me , nor did he show mo or say one word about his own letter ; if he had , late as it was , and tired as I was , my defence ( or , rather , my answer ) should
have accompanied the charge . Now this comes strangely from a professed lover of justice ; however , I rejoice to think that your confidence guarantees to mo more than a week to defend myself against the most solemn charge . My letter of the 3 rd was written after considerable reflection , based as well upon my own opinions as upon those of Miv Buncombe , and I do not retract or qualify one single word or sentence in that letter .
.. Perhaps there is no instance upoi * record of a man and a newspaper adhering , -as strictly to Democratic principle , as I have through the whole of my life , and as the " Northern Star" has from the first number to the present moment ; and no doubt yon have very frequently seen a snarling cur barking at tho heels of a highmettled horse , but always keeping out of length —and having embarked in the cause of Democracy , and having abandoned family connexion , relatives and friends , it was likel y that I also should be subject to a like annoyance .
As you are aware , I have always courted the most strict and ri gid investigation into my every act ; and you are also aware that I have gone through many trials , and come out of all unblemished , and without surrendering a particle of my principles , or iu any vise sullying your cause . Of late 1 have received many letters , assuring me that a Republican party was doing much damage to the cause of Chartism , and I considered it my duty to warn the Chartists against the trap that was being laid for them .
Myposition as connected with the "Northern , Star , " has been most curious as regards my editors . The first I employed , I paid him the usuiil salary paid to editors of provincial papers— £ 101 a year ; and I never had a more diligent or a better servant . I doubled his salary—I raised it to £ 208 a year—audi never had a worse servant ; being elevated in his own estimation , he resolved upon becoming master . .
The next editor I had I raised his salary from £ 104 to £ 312 a year , and he looked upon the Northern Star" as his property , and upon me . as his servant . He endeavoured to make it the organ of Socialism , and to merge the question of Chartism in that of Socialism . At present I have three editors , and write all tho leading articles myself . They have all been working men , which gives me great p leasure ; and I have never from the day they entered my service to tho present moment , said an angry or unkind word to one of them ; and recently I have discovered that the principal editor has become strongly imbued with foreign politics , to the ail-but exclusion of all other matter . _ ' .
JSTow tliis I do not object to , becjaiso I think every man has a perfect right to the free exercise of Ms own genius , and to she fi'ee expression of his own opinion . But now I will g ive you a taste o-f editorial irresponsibility , and the proprietor ' s responsibility . Upon one occasion my first , editor published a most flagrant libel upon a clergyman ; . thc clergyman wrote to him , assuring him c £ his error , and asking him to retract , but editorial dignity forbid such a compromise , an & I paid over four hundred pounds for his majesty .
My second editor published , two libels—the one I knew was not only a libel but a , falsehood , and I wrote a retractation for publication in the » Star" but editorial dignity was roused , a && MY MASTER qualified tho retractation , in such a W 5 » y that Chie & Justice Wilbe told the jury that the qualification was rather aa aggravationihan a palliation of the oftenee ,. and those lib ? fe cost me nearly £ 300 . "L'Aaai du Peuplo ?* published ju libel upon Mr . EomER , which : cost me over £ 100 . ISow , so much-for editorial spirit and proprietors ' responsibility . It has often stswk me that the editor of a Ssswspaper critically represents : tho unmarried sister of a married woman , and for whom she
keeps house ; the unmarried , lady is considered kind , indulgent , and generous , because she . deals with her sister ' s property . Miss SoPHY is a great deal better than Mistress ; but the very moment that Miss Sophy gets married herself , and takes her unmarried sister Dolly as a housekeeper , Sophy becomes more penurious and careful , and Dolly , in turn , receives the affection and gratitude of the domestics . Now , such is precisely the position of the irresponsible editor to the responsible proprietor no wonder , therefore , that the Republicans of the Tower Hamlets , in addressing the editor , should say— " YOUR FAFER . " . ( Continued to the Fifth Page , )
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_17031849/page/1/
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