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March 17,1849. ¦ THE NORTHERN STAR, 5
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LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES. - XXXVII...
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Tha^iJh ~!i u P° n at,,TO S^ Pro duces u...
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"QTJ& INDIAN EMPIRE." • 'IS 6 ^^ te ^ df...
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<£f)atU$t BmUirtence.
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Promul gation or a Nbw Constitutioh.—Dib...
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FORM OF GOVERNMENT. KEPUESENTATIVE SYSTE...
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THE NATIONAL REGISTRATION AND ELECTION C...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
: - : , _ TO THE CHAETISTS . ( Concluded from the First Page . ) "When the " Northern Star" was a provincial paper , I had correspondents in nearl y every large town-m- . England , who were also agents for tho sale of the « Star , * ' and who received from fifteen to -twenty-five shillings aweek for communicating libels and rubbish . The great majority—or nearl y all—of those gentlemen ran in my debt from 5 / . to 30 / . each , and when the account was sent in , the answer was , that it was incurred to uphold my dignity , and to support the Chartist movement in its
proper position . So much for editorial magniloquence and irresponsibility—for agents' dignity and my responsibility . And now to a more important part of the subject . As you are perfectly aware I have always set my face against mixing up any other question with that of the Charter , and from the letters that I publish—and especially from that of « L'Ami du Peuple "—you will at once discover that—gloss it over as
they may—a m 0 st insidious attempt has been made to mix up the questions of Republicanism and Forei gn Policy with that of the Charter , and , therefore , it is not an adopted principle of mine , but one that I have systematically persevered in to prevent either interested , rash , or enthusiastic parties from damaging THE QUESTION by encumbering it with other question s .
I know , and no man knows better , from dear bought experience , how difficult it is to keep a large political party together , unless the leader ofthat -Rarty is prepared with some temporary juggle * to fascinate the otherwise flagging njind of the movement party , and that is the chief / Hue only / credit to which I lay claim , I have kept t ^ ie ' one subject clearly and distinctl y before you—unmixed ^ unmuti lated , and wliliout compromise ,
Now , let me remind you . of the position-of other leaders' of large and influential parties . There breathes not a more holiest , it hlOl'G zealous , devoted , or energetic advocate of his own principles than Roiiert Owen . He is a man of whom posterity "will write without prejudice or jealousy . He has bearded an amount of prejudice that few men would have had the courage to contend against ; and yet when the idleness of some , the rapacit y of others , and the hope of gain of others caused the failure of his social p lan at Harmony , ho was not , like Acteon , devoured by his own dogs , but , like
many a good man , he was banished by the growling of bloodhounds , wishing to make merchandise of his system , from the land of his birth . But , thanks to sound English opinion , when the power of his tormentors perished , through their own iniquity , he returned to his native shores . Although a great admirer of the indomitable courage and persevering energy of this great and good man , I never would allow the Chartist party to blend the question of Socialism with Chartism , because the Socialists themselves had mixed the social with the religious question , and I feared
that the adoption of the one might taint our cause with the prejudice of the other . M y courage in advocating Chartist principles is as nothing compared with the courage of ROBERT Owen . He was before his time ; I was of my time , and Hunt and others had partially cleared the road for me : while he was his own p ioneer and the herald , at least to tho English mind , of Ms own repugnant doctrines . I shall now turn for a moment to the past , and to a proud reminiscence and reconsideration of my association with the English labourers ; and I ask them—not the poor gentlemen , but the veritable workers—to point out a
sentence , line , or word , in my letter of the 3 rd of March which is repugnant to or at variance with any sentiment I have ever expressed , or any opinion I have ever published . And I ask them to reflect upon the difficulties—nay , the dangers , against which I had to contend , from the Convention of 1839 to the present moment ; and then to point out one single act of inconsistency , notwithstanding the manifold inducements operating upon public men . When I say from 1839 , I would not confine criticism , -within that period , I would extend it to the whole of life , but as that embraces the period within all men ' s recollection I mention it .
I have often told you how easy it was to tickle the fervid imagination of brave and suffering millions with exciting appeals , which may drive the feeling , the enthusiastic , and bravo to face death in any shape , while the exciter may shelter himself under the mantle of irresponsibility , and smile at the woe that he has created . What would you say of me even you—you brave Republicans of
Nottingham—if I appeared before an enthusiastic and excited audience in a garb descriptive of nationality and valour , and said , " When you see me next I will come to proclaim the Charter , or this national badge shall be saturated with the blood of the martyr . " And what would you say if I did not make my appearance before the same audience , although the Charter was not proclaimed- —although blood was not shed in the struggle to achieve it .
What would you say to me now , if , in 1839 , I had appeared before you with the Cap of Liberty , and declared that I was read y to tuck up my sleeyos and go at it , and if , when the struggle came , I was non est inventus ? What would you say , if , during the Lancaster trials , when rampant Toryism and Whiggism looked for a large Chartist sacrifice , I had turned a puling spooney , with my face bathed in tears , lest I should suffer the penalt y consequent upon my struggle for freedom ?
What would you say , if , upon the 9 th of April—when I was assured by scores that I was to be shot upon the 10 th , —I had called a secret meeting of delegates , and if I had proposed to that meeting that the meeting on Kenniugton Common should not take place ? Oh , in such a case , how poor and pitiful are the strictures now written by enthusiastic Democrats , compared to what their denunciation , their just reviling , and reproach would then have been . The fact is , Chartists ,
" Ahttle learning IS a . dangerous thing ;" but a good understanding , with unshaken confidence , is a powerful auxiliary . I have never deceived you , I never will deceive you . The sufferingsof myfamily are a guarantee for my honour , if seventeen years' experience , of close watching , and malicious and interested criticism , are not sufficient . Aud now , mark me the mild man wedded to principle is like the lion when roused , while the exciting writer is like the timid hare when called into action , to which his own foll may drive an enthusiastic people .
There never lived a man who has suffered so much in the advocacy of a popular cause as I have . I have done so because it is my own cause . You consi gned Henry Hunt to a premature grave byyouringratitude ; yonnever shall inflict the same punishment upon me ; because though all should desert the standard of Chartism , I will steadfastl y adhere to its principles . My Nottingham friends threaten me with giving up the * ' Staf' if so much foreign matter is excludedfrom it . Myanswerto thispaltrythreat is , GIVE UP THE " STAB" as I would
rather that tho "Star" published and proclaimed my own opinions with onl y one reader , than that its circulation should be a million , if it depended upon my sycophancy and their servility . It has been my pride that for some yearsithe " Star" has been free from all squabbles ; it is my determination that it shall remain go . La the House of Commons I voted that the prisoner , instead of the Crown , should have the last word . You have now had my accusers' indictments—not one , butthree--yoB have had the prisoner ' s defence , and there the matter shall end , beseeching of you not even to
My Fme>T>S, I Always Have, And Always Sh...
discuss any question which may lead to local irritation and national dissent . In conclusion , I implore of you to read tho one striking extract which I have selected from the Tower Hamlets' indictment , and also Mr . Buncombe ' s letter , and then read my notions of the proper form of Government , which follows this letter ; and ask yourselves , without prejudice , whether I have been , and still am , a consistent advocate of your principles , or whether I am likely to be guilty of
TllUGULENCY TO THE BRITISH MINISTER , Veritable Chartists ! Watch me—judge me —displace me—and appoint a leader more congenial to your feelings , if you are dissatisfied with me ; but neither threat , insolence , nor ingratitude shall ever compel or induce mo to surrender my own princip les to the caprice of others . I am , and while life continues will remain , Your faithful , true , and uncompromising Friend and Representative , Feargus O'Connor .
P . S . —Considering the length that this letter has run to , and the amount of business that I have been obliged to perform this week , it must furnish a sufficient apology for the absence of Leaders in tho present number Next week I Avill make up for it . —F . O'C .
March 17,1849. ¦ The Northern Star, 5
March 17 , 1849 . ¦ THE NORTHERN STAR , 5
Letters To The Working Classes. - Xxxvii...
LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . - XXXVIII .
Tha^Ijh ~!I U P° N At,,To S^ Pro Duces U...
Tha ^ iJh ~! i u P ° n at ,, TO S ^ Pro duces uS ^ ^* s ^^ mius , perhaps millions uuuh- BIROS .
"Qtj& Indian Empire." • 'Is 6 ^^ Te ^ Df...
" QTJ & INDIAN EMPIRE . " 'IS ^^ ^ dfe 18 * S lA a » a «&? , to advance the wealth , and luxury of the great ; and the v are called musters ofthe world , wlule they have not a foot of ground in their possession . "—Tibewcs Gracchus . Brother Proletarians , The three columns of " guns and drums , " gore and glory , which occupied one half of the second page of last Saturday ' s Northern Star , was but an abridgment of the revolting particulars supplied by the writers of official
despatches , the Indian newspapers , and the correspondents of the London daily journals . But although an abridgment , the Northern Star ' s account "was probabl y quite sufficient to satisf y the curiosity of its readers —a curiosity which , of course , would he stimulated by the rumours noised abroad of the new dangers which threatened " oar Indian Empire . " I think I understand the anxiety my brother Proletarians must have felt when they heard that " our Indian Empire" was in danger !! <
" Oar Indian Empire " is reported to contain upwards of six hundred and thirty thousand SQUIRE miles of land , and thereon a population of ninety-five millions ! This includes the presidencies of Bengal and Agra , Madras , and Bombay ; the province of Seinde ; ihe provinces conquered from the Burmese Empire — including Assam , Arracau , & c . ; Ceylon and other islands . When I say that " our Indian Empire" contains the above named quantity of land and population , I speak only of the British Paramount Possessions . I do not include the Tributary States containing land amounting : to nearl y four hundred and ninety thousand sqwre miles , and a population of upwards of thirty-two millions . If I include these tributary states , " Q « r Iuuiail Empire " contains about ONE MILLION ONE HUNDRED
AXB TWESTY thotjsaxd SQ . TjAItE MILES , and a population ( atleast } of ONEHUNDBEDAND twenty-seven milhons !!! Certainly this is rather a large bit of ground , and " our" subjects do make a pretty big figure . Mind , this js exclusive ofthe Punjaub , and those lion-like fellows , the Sikhs . Why we should meddle vith them and their country is not easy to exp lain . Believe the Times , the fault is none
of ours . We have , according to that veracious Journal been "the mildest , meekest men , " an our intercourse with the Sikhs , who , according to the same authorit y , have repaid us with the blackest ingratitude . Ah ! my friends , if the human devils who coin lies b y the column in the Times , received their pay from Shere Sin g or Chuttur Sing , there would be another and a very different story told in the pages of that triply infamous journal .
As I have already said , exclusive ofthe Punjaub , aiul the tributary states , " Our Indian Empire" contains more than six hundred and thirty thousand s-jiutre miles of land . Tou may form some idea of this extent of territory , by mentally comparing it with the United Kingdom , which ( including the adj acent isles ) , contains about one hundred and sixteen thousand square miles . That is to say " Our Indian Empire , " ( exclusive of the tributary states , the Punjaub , and Hong Kong ) , considerably exceeds fee times the extent of England , Scotland , Ireland , and the adjacent isles combined ! Jlcthinks I hear some aristocrat , or aristocrat ' s lickspittle , aski ng if this Indian Empire is not a possession worth defending ?—worth living for and dying for ? It may be to those who directly or indirectly gorjje the plunder of that empire . But to
you , brother Proletarians , it is a matter of perfect indifference whether Briton or Hindoo , Russian or { jikh , rule the roast . So far as you are concerned , " Our Indian Empire" is an enormous lie . Granted that that empire has been won and preserved by the blood of your class ; the winners and preservers Lave not enjoyed the fruits of their conquest . Disinterested conquerors ' You have plundered nations only to lay your spoils at the feet cf your masters You have seized on hundreds of thousands of square miles of territory , yet you possess not a foot of soil either in England or India , that you can call your © wn ! You lave conquered millions upon millions offar distant tribes , only to extend the " glorious " T-ofee under -trhicli you sweat and starve , whilst melodiously chaunting "Britons never shall be slaves !"
It " were lousr to ten" and sad to trace the progress of " our conquests in India . Some day I may narrate the hideous tale , too little known to your class . From the beginning even to the present hour , Fraud and Force have been the instruments of " our" proirress to supremacy over the native peoples of India . In 1773 a Select Committee ofthe House of Commons having been appointed to enquire into the state of East Indian . ASairs , and the conduct of the several Governors of Bengal , General Bckgotxe , en presenting the Committee ' s report to the House , observed "That the report couiained accounts of crimes shocking to human nature ; that tlic most infamous designs had leen crried into execution by perfidy and murder . " He went on to show the horrible oppression which had
Leen practised by Lord Cuvu and others ; and charged his said lordship with taking bribes and extorting " donations" (" over and above the enormous sums he might , with some appearance of justice , lay claim to , " ) to the amount , in English nioucy , of two hundred and thirty-four thousand ywoi'h ' . General Bcbcotxe showed the wretched situation of the East Indian princes , who held their dignities on tbe precarious condition of being tlic highest bribers . A bribe of five thousand pounds sterling was traced to a certain noble Duke , and one of double that amount was said to have been pocketed by that most pious of kings— George HL Ik-iwcen 175 ( 1 aud 17 < j 3 , CuvEaudhis co-brigands gorged themselves with plunder to the amount of ile . * irlv Six Muiioxs Stehixyg !
Pubhc opinion forced even the Directors to make a clean breast of the villanous misdeeds of their " servants , " although they took care to conceal their own . In a public document issued by that precious fraternity , they acknowledged the " corruption , " " rapacity , " and "universal depravity " of their agents ; and added : — " "We think the vast fortunes acquired IB the inland trade have been obtained by the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct that was ever known in any age or country . " If the princes were oppressed beyond endurance , you may form some faint idea of the wrongs of the people . Under English rule almost every article of . "Usteuancc was monopolised bv the Company .
Rice , almost the sole food ofthe poor , at one time was raised six hundred per cent . The consequence was , that ihe unhappy natives perished by famine to tlic number of thousands I Such famines have repeatedly occurred since the foundations of " our Indian Empire " were laid . One occurred only ten years 350 , in 1833-39 . The Company ' s salt monopoly , existing to the present dav , is an atrocity which cannot be too severely denounced , but which I have not space to more than allude to . The grinding land tax is another frig htful evil , and the principal cause ofthe MroTession of agriculture . Other monopolies and exactions combine to crush the natives to the dust ,
and make tucm curse the very name of Englishman India possesses immense , perhaps unequalled natural advantages : a soil of wondrous fertility , producing sometimes three , and even four crops in the year fmighty rivers ; rich mines ; a land producing almost every necessary and every luxury that could be named . Tet in such a country , under . British Cliriaion rule , the inhabitants have perished to the number of thousands , and tens of thousands , by famine , and pestilence engendered by famine . ^ The English found India covered with temples , tanks , and aqueducts , and rich to overflowing in aecumulated wealth , and the choicest manufactures in gold , steel , ivory , ninslin < fcc ., & c . Under British
, rule one-third of tbe country , formerly cultivated , has become a jungle , the home of prowling tigers . Tne tanks and aqueducts are fallen to decay . If the temples still retain the shadow of their former magnificence , it is because the priests—like their ' caste nearer home—look sharp afterr . sribcrone . Ihe manufacturing worimien of India have been ruined and starved to death by the competition of the ^ nanufaeturing slaves of this country . How can an E nglishman repl y to the taunt of Michelei : — what have you done with India , one of fiie finest «»» pircs the sun has seen ? It has withered in your h 1 —™ - «¦« . mus occu ; n , nits BitMww . ** - ^ ——
-« an < ls . You remain exterior to it ; you are a para ge body that will he cast off to-morrow . Tou found " » t marvellous country provided with commerce ^ aamcnlture . Yet what now remains to be ex-P ° « ed , except opium ?" flm ep ^ oletariansjwhat have you gained by we conquests , the plunderings , the famines , the ^ sacres , Wbicb make up the history of " Our « jhan Empire V Alas , that I should have to write t ^ T **? k * / » v ' You are more unfortunate ^ % helots of Sparta , the serfs . of Poland , and ^ Pariahs of ( ancient ) India . In those counts } ° lra ' **** nobler class was permitted mtM ^ ^ P k defence of , or for the acgrandiseut the state . If « hetois , serfs , and pariato ,
"Qtj& Indian Empire." • 'Is 6 ^^ Te ^ Df...
were not permitted to share the rewards of fi ghting , they were at any rate spared the hard knocks of war . But you , from your own . ranks , man the armies and navies of the British Empire to gather spoil for others . In conquering and plundering other nations you share the infamy of your masters , but that is all your share . I beg pardon , I had almost forgot one benefit you derive from wars of aggression—increased taxation . You never win " laurels , " but you have to pay dear for them . Take my advice , and for tie future ( unless you take up arm s for instead of against the oppressed , ) eschew laurels , and stick to the cultivation of cabbages '
Tbe almost ceaseless wars carried on in India are got up to satisfy the ambitious and avaricious lus ' ts of English aristocrats and adventurers . The war in Afghanistan was . utterly unprovoked by the people of that country . An able and popular ruler was torn from his throne , and for some years kept a prisoner in the hands of the British , who imposed upon the Af ghans a human lump of infamy under the pretext that he was "legitimate ; " but the object really sought was the division and demoralisation of the Afghans , with the view of founding on their weakness a further extension of " Our Indian Empire . " For a time Shah Soojah was kept on his throne by British bayonets . His profligacy , his unpopukirity , and the fact that he was
kept on bis throne only by British force , was confessed by that " good old" «« Church and King " paper , the Standard of September 9 th , 1810 , as follows : —• ' The profligate old puppet who , by the mere force of British bayonets , now occupies the throne of Cabooh daily grows more unpopular . " But this came to an end , British brutality and insolence put the finishing stroke to the patience of the Affghans . They rose , against their oppressors . They slew the wretched tool who had been imposed upon them as ruler and tyrant of their country . They made as little ceremony with " Her Majesty ' s ( most haughty ) representative . " They drove the British from their capital , and as the retreating army fled , the red risrht arm of vengeance followed
on their track , sweeping them to destruction , until there was scarcely one left to tell the horrid tale . The subsequent invasion of Aff g hanistan was undertaken to " avenge the insult inflicted on the flag of England . " The British took their revenge not merely by combatting and slaying men in arms , but also by butchering the unarmed and defenceless , not excepting wornon and ehildreii . Blazing cities , aud fertile fields turned to desolation , attested the triumphs of the British " avengers . " The plunder tbey were unable to carry away they ruthlessly committed to the flames . Brother Proletarians , that is the kind of " glory" you share , as sujyyosed participators in the ownership of " Oar Indian Empire . "
"When the first war with tbe Sikhs took place our "best possible instructors , " of course , threw all the blame upon " the enemy . " But -when were the weakest in the ri ght ? I will not recount the hideous tales of battle and slaughter which ended in the merciless destruction ofthe Sikhs by British artillery , when beaten and flying they were attempting to recross the Sutlej . It was formerly an English boast that "Britons only conquered to save ; " and that the moment an enemy was beaten he was sure of the mercy of his magnanimous English victor . The waters of the Sutlej turned crimson with the blood , and choked in their course with the mangled bodies of the slaughtered Sikhs , told another sort of tale !
How the war winch is now raging came about it is unnecessary for me to attempt to explain . Set down anything you may see in the Times or other daily papers respecting tbe " perfidy of the Sikhs " as so much bosh . The Enghsh have no right to be in the Punjaub ; the natives naturally regard them as oppressors ; and it has ever been understood that a nation contending against oppression is justified in employing craft ( commonly called " policy" ) as well as force . The short and the long ofthe story of how and why the present war commenced is , that the Sikhs hate " us , and are determined to drive " us" back again over the Sutlej , if they can . Hitherto the war has progressed doubtfully . It is true the city of Jlooltan has been captured by " our victorious arms . " Here are a few ofthe glorious items connected with the siege of that city : —
On the 30 th of December the grandest occurrence of the siege took place—the blowing up of the principal magazine in Slooltan . The explosion was terrific . Extract from a letter written on JJew Year ' s Day , nine a . m . —Several beautiful shots have been fired . Eleven am . Our guns are telling splendidly upon the fort Two p . m . The firj in the granaries is still raging ; the mosques and tombs are falling beneath our fire . Five p . m . Our breach is fast increasing . The officers are working like horses . 300 men were killed by the explosion of the magazine . Jan . 3 rd This morning the plunder is beiag collected . A writer describing the state of Mooltan after the capture ofthe to ^ n , says : — The frightful spectacles presented by the piles of dead scattered about through the town — the shivered limbs and mangled bodies which our shens had occasioned , and the ghastly wounds of some still surviving—were awful to behold . " Glorious , " is it not ?
" Think how die joys of rea < Ung a gazette , Are purchased by all agonies and eiimes ; And if these do not move you , don't forget Such doom map he pour oion in after times . " So much for " g lory . " On the other hand , there has been something like- " monkey ' s allowance " gained by " our gallant troops" on the banks of the Jhelum—of course the British claimed the * ' victory . " But , " it is the universal opinion , " says the Bombay Telegraph , " that two more such victories would be virtual ruin . "
And no wonder that such is the " universal opinion" when tbe facts ofthe fight are taken into account . The British confess to the loss of nearly a hundred officers and two thousand five hundred men killed and wounded ; four guns , and six regimental colours . At the close of the battle the Sikhs fired a salute as though claiming the victory ; and their claim appears to have been well-founded , seeing that the British fell back four miles front the scene of slaughter , leaving a number of their wounded on the field of battle , and the few Sikh guns which they had spiked but could not retain possession of . "Worse still for " the honour of our arms" ; in the midst of the fight a Bengal cavalry regiment , and two British corps of Dragoons , turned their backs and fled from " the enemy . " Like the Russians at the siege of Ismail : — " They ran away much rather than go through Distraction ' s jaws into the devil ' s den . "
Small blame to them . The Enghsh dragoons were probably not thinking of Tibeiuus Gracchus , when they turned tail , but it is not unlikely that at that moment the melancholy truth he enunciated , and which I have placed at the head of this letter , flashed upon their minds , and had something to do with inspiring their resolve to " advance backwards . " The Bengal cavalry I suppose to be composed of natives of India . Four-fifths of the entire Anglo-Indian army consist of Sepoys , that is native troops , hired and trained to fight against their own jcountrymen , or neighbouring peoples who share , more or less , their ancient customs , institutions , Ac . Just as in this country Englishmen are trained and paid
" That daily shilling which makes warriors tough , " to kill , if ordered , their own parents , brothers , and friends , and the people of neighbouring states , who , separated mtrely by a big ditch , Mature proclaims our lrePiren ( mnch more our brethren than many who are our countrymen ) . If the sepoys are not utterly devoid of common sense , they must sometimes ask themselves why they should cut the throats of Sikhs , Aflghans , Burmese , & c ., for the benefit only of their own conquerors—the English oppressors of India . That is not all . The sepoys are physically not a match for such hard-hitting fellows as the Sikhs , and , therefore , often come off " second best , " a matter of no joke where those who fall seldom rise asain . heine usually " deaf to time . " The
matter for wonder is not that they sometimes retreat , bnt that they ever advance to fight for their not " very worthy and approved good masters . " But if black and white horsemen fled , the infantry stood their ground , and , the newspapers say , won "imperishable laurels . " Of the 24 th regiment [ Imperial English Infantry ) there were 11 European officers , 4 sergeants , 1 drummer , 188 rank and file , 2 horses killed ; 10 European officers , 8 sergeants , 2 drummers , 350 rank and file , wounded ; 38 rank and file , missing . Total , killed , wounded , and missing : —518 . One regiment only ! But the horribly slain ( to say nothing of the frighfully wounded ) have won " imperishable laurels 1 " " Vain sophistry ! Tn them behold the tools , —
The broken tools—that tyrants cast away !" A few more words . Sir Charles Uapibb has been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Indian forces ; the Government , the Parliament , and the Press combining to represent him as the best-fitted of all " our" fighting men to finish the war . According to the Times the terror of his name ( think of that i ) is one of his chief quahfications . Yet these veritable "terrorists" cry " Down with the bonnet rouge ; it it an emblem of terror ! " I see . " Terror is terrible if employed against the people s enemies ; but "terror * ' isglorious , if employed by our Chris tian lords and masters to -uphold and extend " our
Indian Empire . O , Brima ! Why tarry the wheels of thy chariot ? When will thy tenth " Avatar" come ? I could wish to write much more on this subject , hut for the present I conclude . The foreign news of the weekis ' very important , but want of aoace compels me to defer comment until next week . I will merely direct your special attention to the trial of the [ Republican chiefs at Bourges . Babbes and his broth er-heroes are at this moment doing , daring , and suffering for mankind , that which entitles them to your gratitude , and commands the hearthomage of L'AMI DU PEUPLE . March loft , X 819 ,
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< £ f ) atU $ t BmUirtence .
^ atioxal Ch arter Association . —The Executive Committee met at 144 , High Holborn , on Friday evening , March 9 th . Mr . Dixon in the chair . Present—Messrs . Stalhvood , Dixon , Clark , and M'Grath . Several letters were read , giving a pleasin g account of Mr . Kydd ' s tour in the Manchester district . —Mr . James Grassby was , by a unanimous vote , added to the Executive Committee , and Mr . mlliam Dixon , at the request of the men of Ashford , llent , was deputed to go down to that town tO deliver two lectures , in support of the Charter .
Revival of the Metropolitan Council— On the motion of Messrs . M'Grath and Clark , it was resolved : — " That the Executive Committee consider that the organisation of the Metropolitan Delegate Council would tend to the [ advancement of the Democratic cause , the committee therefore request the metropolitan localities forthwith to elect two delegates to form the council , and that the first meeting should take place at the Executive rooms , on Monday evening , March 19 th , at eight o ' clock precisely . " Mr . Clark reported the petition for the " People ' s Charter , " which was
ordered to appear in the Northern Star of the 17 th hist ., and which it is hoped will be adopted by every parish , hamlet , township , borough , and county in the united kingdom . The Secretary stated that in an interview with Mr , George Thompson , the member for the Tower Hamlets , that gentleman had promised to present their petition , adopted at Johnstreet for separation of Church and State , and to support its prayer . It was resolved to hold a series of meetings at the South London Hall , in furtherance of the Chartist cause , and the committee adjourned .
Westminster . —Mr . M'Grath delivered a very interesting lecture , illustrated by diagrams , on the science of astronomy , on Sunday evening last , at the room , 17 , Eyder ' s-court , Leicester-square , which gave general satisfaction . At the conclusion it was announced that Mr . T . Clark would lecture on the 18 th inst ., on the Life of Mary Queen of Scots , and on the following Sunday on the Life and Times of Charles the First . Sheffield . —The members held their quarterly meeting in the Democratic Reading Room , 33 ,
Queen-street , on Tuesday evening , when the quarterly accounts were read and passed , and the following officers nominated fpr the next tlll'CC months : S . Jackson , Geo . HolmsfldW , "W . Caviil , W . Dvson , J . Tayler , J . Mitchel , P . Golden , C . Booker , W . Buckley , H . Taylor , Financial Secretary ; G . Caviil , Corresponding Secretary . Persons wishing to correspond with the Sheffield Chartists , must direct to G . Caviil , as above . It was also resolved that Mr . Thomas Cooper be invited to visit Sheffield , and deliver a lecture on behalf of the victims .
LECTURE AT THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE . ( From the Manchester Spectator . ) On Tuesday week Mr . S . Kydd delivered a lecture at the People ' s Institute , Mr . Wheeler in the chair , on " Labour and Commerce , Supply and Demand , the Ten Hours Bill—its principle and results . " The lecturer began by observing that the history and progress ofthe working classes of this country , during the last generation or two , was one of the most important in the annals ofthe world . We heard now a-days of countries being revolutionised hastil y and unexpectedly ; and many writers and speakers , as well as the press , seemed to suppose that England had remained stationary while these countries had changed . But a brief review of the history of this country during the last sixty vears , would show tbat we also had been
revolutionised , and not less immediately affected than any other people on the face of tbe globe . Seventy years ago England was chiefly dependant on agricultural resources . It is true her manufactures were considerable , and , perhaps , of as valuable a kind as those of 1849 ; but looking at England as it was then and as it is now , and remembering that seventy years ago she exported corn and imported foreign manufactures to a considerable extent , and now knowing that , as a nation , wc pride and plume ourselves on the success of the arts and sciences , and on the high state of our manufacturing skill , we cannot help coming to the conclusion that we , as a people , have been effectually and materially revolutionised . At the first mentioned period the manufactures of England were spread over the length and breadth of the land . Evidence of this was seen in
all the old agricultural towns ; and tho extent of the agricultural and manufacturing operations of each county bore some relation to their individual wants . Machinery has changed all that . The spinning and weaving frame , the self-acting mule , and the steam-engine have completely revolutionised the old system of domestic manufactures , which have become centralised in a number of towns and districts . Manchester being the most important of these towns , and Lancashire and Yorkshire of these districts . This aggregation , of masses of individuals had called the attention ofthe legislature to these districts , the wealth of which had rapidly
increased . The revolution in the manufacturing operations of the country having separated them from the agricultural districts , the former had increased in population rapidly , and this population had been concentrated within a comparatively limited space ; while the agricultural districts continued thinly populated , and their population was scattered over a larger surface . The lecturer read the advertisement inserted in a Macclesfield paper in 1825 , wanting 5 , 000 persons from seven to twenty years of age , to enable the silk manufacturers to conduct tfieir Operations . This letter was referred to by Mr . Huskission in his speech in the House of Commons . This was one of those facts which were
valuable ; as affordingus the means of understanding what we had to complain of , and what was sometimes called "surplus population . " Between 1811 and 1841 , the commercial and manufacturing population had increased 49 J per cent ., while , during the same time , the number of men employed in agriculture had decreased 287 , 000 . The statements in Mr . Huskisson ' s speech were indicative ofthe very year in which we now live . It shows that the regular system ofthe manufacturing system was to draft off the people from the agricultural districts . These same years have also changed the internal relationship as between the agricultural and manufacturing population , in nearly all the states of Europe , as well as in the 2 * orth American states . English machinery goes into all those states , and English workmen with that machinery . That revolution
had given an undue influence to capital overlabour , while the competition of foreign markets had increased , the result of which was that the foreign manufacturers , like tho English , wore desirous of keeping the market by cheapening labour . This , of course , was the reason why they preferred long hours in factories , and also the labour of women and young persons to that of male adults . The struggles on the part of the manufacturing population for the Ten Hours Bill , were only a declaration on the part of the factory operatives , that they were slaves , bound body and soul ; they called on the legislature to protect their wives and children from the growing tyranny ofthe capitalist . The employment of women ana children in factories was a disturbance of the relation between father and
child . The reports of the factory inspectors show that the whole theory and practice of the system of employing women and children was to reduce the value of adult labour , by bringing against it that cheaper labour . Mr . J . G . Marshall , manufacturer of Leeds , had admitted the fact before a committee of the House of Commons . The lecturer then showed the comparatively small number of adult males employed in mills , as compared with women and children in England and Scotland . The obvious tendency of the " cheapening " theory was to centralise all the work into tbe hands of a few large capitalists , out ofthe hands of the small capitalists . In 1837 , the declared value ofthe cotton goods exported was only one-third of what it was in 1814 ; 80
that it took three times the quantity to bring the same amount of money . The difference of price between the two values was 36 J millions sterling ; and we virtually made a present of that sum to foreign countries . It was this state of things which induced factory operatives to demand the Ten Hours Bill . Because , as they say , " We are worked to death in the good trade time , and then we arc starved to death in the bad trade time . " ( Hear , hear . ) And it was natural that some protection should he afforded to the children , if they were to have any comfort or happiness . The factory operatives did not expect to have wealth or even to make a competency , by shorter time ; but he did expect to be able to realise somewhat more ofthe social influences , and to cultivate the domestic ties . And
if the young ought to be protected , whynot the adults as well ? ( Hear . ) Because , said the Morning Chronicle , the adults can protect themselves , while -the children cannot . But a calm examination ofthe condition of the factory operative would show that he was in the same condition as the children . It was an admirable thing to tell the working classes , that they should be free and independent-free to work , or to be idle , just as they pleased . But they all knew that a mah could not five without work ; and that , in an artificial state of society , a man had no alternative but to work for the supply of his and his family ' s wants . After descanting upon some other topics , Mr . Ky dd concluded amidst tbe cheers of his audience . A vote of thanks was g iven to the lecturer , and shortly afterwards the meeting broke up .
Promul Gation Or A Nbw Constitutioh.—Dib...
Promul gation or a Nbw Constitutioh . —Dib « solution of ths Kremsibr Diet . —The Austrian Emperor has imitated the King of Prussia . On the 7 th inst , decrees were published at Vienna , announcing ft new constitution , and the dissolution of tbe National Assembly at Kremsier . The new conititution , nominally ' liberal , ' will be found to be 'a mockery , * deluiion , and a anaie . Several mem . ber g of tbeltte AsiefflW ; bare been arrested . Terror still reigns in Vienna .
Form Of Government. Kepuesentative Syste...
FORM OF GOVERNMENT . KEPUESENTATIVE SYSTEM . Every man , of twenty-one years of age , of sane mind , and untainted with . ' ? crime , to have a vote . The kingdon j . tobo divided into not more than four hundred ^ leetoral districts ' , each district to elect one representative . Two representatives , returned by the same district , may even , with tbe protection of the ballot , cause an injurious coalition , while the election of one would represent the majority of the people . Voting to bo by ballot . Elections 5 b ' ibe , ; a * n ' nual . The representatives to sit by { Jay . No canvass of any kind to be allowed previous to" an cAec , t \ oiii The elections to bo taken hv 6 i \< s diiy in places sufficiently convenient for the voters to go to , Yote ,. ; and , return , in two hours . The . . candidates
to send their written intentions , of offering themselves ' for election to the electoral district returning officer , ten clear days , at the least , before the day of nomination , and no candidate to address the electrol except on the day of nomination , and anyproved canvass ofthe electors , to disoualify a candidate from offering himself . That all candidates musthave attained the age of twenty-five years , which shall be their only qualification . That the members shall be paid for their services . This , in our language , I will call the House of Commons , consisting of members of not less than twenty-five years of age , and elected by a majority of the voters iu each district . The next branch o * f the Legislature is the TJppor House , which I will call the
HOUSE OF ELDERS , or the Senate , if you please , The Senate to consist of not more than one hundred and fifty members , and , in the first instance , to be elected by tho House of Commons by delegation from their constituents , who , at the election for representatives to the House of Commons , should also vote in the first instance for Senators . The one hundred and fifty having the greatest number of votes to constitute that assembly . Every Senator to have attained his thirtieth year , and that to be his only qualification . One-third of the Senators—those who have the lowest number of votes—to retire each- year , thus adding new blood to the Senate , no Senator being allowed to sit for more than three years , and the third being elected annually—the retiring Senators to be eligible to re-election .
TUB EXECUTIVE . The Executive to consist of a council of five . All persons of thirty years of age to bo eligible . The Executive Council to Ikj elected by the whole people . Tho President of tho Council to be elected for life , subject to removal by the people . The Councillor having the greatest number of votes to bo the President . The Vice-President to be elected for seven years , but removable by the people for cause . The Vice-president , in case of the death of tho President , to hold the office of President nntil the next meeting of the Commons , when the members , by delegation from their constituents , shall elect a President . The other three Councillors to bo elected
for three years , but removable by the people for cauec . Those three members of tho Executive Council to be eligible to bo re-elected , and their election to be made by the Housg of Commons , by delegation from the voters . The appointment of judges and all officers of State to be left to the Executive Council , with responsibility to the people , and removable by the House of Commons . The magistrates to be appointed by the people in their several districts within the electoral districts , and , at the same time that the election for representatives takes place , _ and due notice of the intention to oppose tho election of any magistrate , or to propose substitutes , must be made in writing to the district officer fourteen days , at least , before the
election
LOCAL GOVERNMENT . Each Electoral District to appoint twelve Justices of the Peace who shall constitute a local board for the due performance of all local business , thus destroying that system of centralisation which has grown up in this and other countries , and leaving the assessment and levying of local taxation as well as the enforcement of education , of instruction , trade , and labour regulations , to bo legislated upon by this local board of twelve magistrates . And one half of this tribunal , added to six persons annually appointed , to constitute the legal tribunal before which offenders charged with the following offences should be summarily tried : —Theft , willing idleness . drunkenness , and riotous conduct or fraud .
NOW , SUCh is a brio ? outline of my notion of a constitution ; and there are two points which require some explanation , —the one is—the appointment of the President for life , —and the other isthe ' conferring upon the Executive Council the power of appointing Judges and State officers . M y reason for appointing the President of the Executive Council for life is twofold . Firstly . To avoid those sad demoralising and injurious contests which now lead to faction fights and popular disorders in America , where the President is elected for four years—two years of which arc wasted in canvass , which loads to the formation of factions and parties merely bound together by some ignorant cry or foolish predilection , while the subseqnent two years are spent in faction fights and party squabbles between the partisans of the successful and unsuccessful candidates , and thus do we find every day in the year devoted to these useless
purposes . And , in my conscience , I believe that this injudicious method " of electing an American President will in the end lead to a National Debt—a standing army—a moneyocracy—an oligarchy and class-legislation . I would , therefore , make the President free by electing him for life , but removable on cause ; thus unfettering lum from all party obligations and fears , and allowing him to devclopc his mind , his talent , and his feelings , unshackled by any party consideration , while the ambition of the Yice-President and Councillors to fill his place upon fair opportunity , would lead to . honourable emulation and ambition in the discharge of their duties , while his tenancy for life would secure | him against their intrigues , and cause perfect harmony to reign , as a shrewd people would never tolerate those party squabbles or allow them to affect the deliberations of their Executive Council .
The other point which you may suppose to require some explanation , is the appointment of Judges and State officers by the Executive Council . The very same reason operates upon my mind in this respect which induces me to oppose the present system of electing the American President . The appointment of those officers by the Council may be looked upon as patronage , but it is more safe , as both the officers , and the party appointing them , are responsible to the people , and removable by the people , thau . if the people themselves were seduced intcparty squabbles upon subjects on which they could not possibly be as good ' or competent judges as those to whom I submit tlic choice . Such is my notion of a perfect Constitution—of
course , capable of improvement in the varied details of perfect local government—but I merel y propound the system that would lead to it . The Ministers of the people should be elected by the House of Commons . They should sit in the House and propound and advocate their meascres ; but neither they , nor any official receiving other wages than the salary of a representative , should vote upon any question . There should be no standing army but a National Militia ; every man should be armed , and every district should have its arsenal ; every man , from eighteen to thirty , should be drilled half a day in every week ; and every man , from thirty to fifty , should be drilled half a day in every month ; and there should be anElectoralDistrictinspectiouupon one day in every year .
Religion should be free , mere should bp no State Church establishment ; and no country should possess or hold dominion over any foreign country or in any colony separated from tho territory by prescribed or natural boundary . Every three years I would have a Convocation of States , where the President of each Republic should meet in Convention , for the purpose of discussing international laws , of harmonising nations , and of reciprocall y conferring mutual benefits tho one upon the other , and I would have some one universal langvage which all people in all States should leam . Trade should be free as the air . Tho Land should be subdivided to meet the wants of the people ; the wages ofthe artificial labourer would be then regulated by the standard established in a f ree labour market ; the manacles should be struck off the
Form Of Government. Kepuesentative Syste...
limbs of every slave ; the liberty of tho press ,, the - liberty of speech , tho freedom of opinion , and freedom of labour , should be proclaimed ; every nation should govern itself ; your fleets would be turned into carrying vessels , to convev tho necessaries of one country , 'and to bring back tho luxuries of another ; _ those who discharged their publicduties faithfull y , should be paid honourably ; gaols , and bnstilcs , and prisons , should be turned into schools , colleges ; and hospitals ; : trades should be taught without apprenticeship 7 agriculture should be taught b y practice ; educationshould be received in schools and colleges upon the self-sustaining principle ; the arts and sciences would flourish ; the country would bo a Paradise ; society would be harmonised ; happiness , contentment , and plentv would reign ; tlic throne of
supremacy wotdd be based upon popular affection ; the cottage would be a sentry-box ; manufactures would flourish ; trade would be prosperous ; commercewould thrive ; no National Debt should be contracted ; the medium of exchange should bo simple- ; : plentv , comfort , and luxury would bo within the reach of every industrious man , and the willing idler should be whipped as a criminal . 2 v o money bartering , no Stock Exchage , no profitmongermg , except upon honourable competition , and recognised speculation ; and then , if the tocsin sounded to . arms , the freeman would fly to the cry of "My castle is in danger . " The voice of Knowledge would silence the cannon ' s roar ; bigotry and intolerancewould flee the land ; all the best qualities of mam would be nurtured into virtuous habits , instead of , as now , being thwarted into vices . Such is a sys ^ torn worth living for , and worth dying foiv
The National Registration And Election C...
THE NATIONAL REGISTRATION AND ELECTION COMMITTEE , TO THE ELECTORS AND NON-ELECTORS OF THE "UNITED KINGDOM *
Fiuknds , —When -we take a retrospective glance at the startling , and eventful scenes that have taken place since we last addressed youj , we find , on looking abroad , that thrones ,. mitres , and crowns lUW 6 CrumblOu . mid . disappeared , - that Icings , tyrants , and despots have tottered and fallen ; and that the rights of man have been recognised—as Universal , or rather Manhood , Suffrage is now the law in several of the continental states . But when wo look at home we ask , . '' What has been
done to advance tho great cause of universal liberty and the happiness of the human family ? " Certainly , during the S pring and Summer of last year , we had much froth y excitement ; more talk than discretion ; much noise , but no apparent progress : on the contrary , the results have been Gagging Bills-Whig prosecutions—good and bravo patriots doomed by rampant tyranny to . dungeons and to exile—tho toiling masses sunk into death-like torpidity—the chain that binds them more closely rivetted , and the dominant factions seated more firmly in power .
That the above is merel y a faint outline of the present deplorable position of this great and mighty empire is , alas I too true , and the question arises , "How can this monstrous system bo changed and the accumulation ox wrong and injustice be removed ; will noise , clamour , confusion , and boasting avail ? " We emphaticall y answer "No . " The object , therefore , we have in view , in now addressing ; you , is to recommend to your serious attention what we consider to be tho onl y practical , legitimate , and effective mode to ameliorate the condition and effect the regeneration of the body politic .
Every one must be cognisant of the fact ,, that the House of Commons , as at present constituted , is a most corrupt assembl y , and , consequentl y , that 110 good can be expected from it until it is reformed . We , therefore , recommend you to elect and send into that House some forty or fifty consistent , discreet , incorruptible , and high-minded men , who , banded together , will , with untiring assiduit y , undaunted energy , and indomitable spirit , expose tho wrongs , and demand the rights of the oppressed and despised classes .
To you , the trading class , the distributors of wealth , you who form the great majority of the electoral bod y , we appeal , to aid in this important enterprise , because ill your hands arc placed the destinies of millions 5 because you have the power to destroy the present iniquitous system , and establish one on a just and secure basis . Wc are aware that many of you despise and treat with contempt the industrious classes , and that you cling to the aristocracy . To such , we say , be wise ill time , for rest assured , that unless you assist in casting off this incubus , this common enemy , they ( the
aristocracy ) will crush you . There are others among you , who , we are convinced , sympathise with and deplore the miseries of their poorer brethren ; and that there are many who through bad trade , high rents , heavy rates and taxes , have just cause to complain ofthe burthens that are pressing them down ; we are aware that many of you sec ruin to bo inevitable ; you see that by youT vote and imlnence you arc supporting a state of society with pomp , splendour , and extravagance on the one hand , and squalid misery and starvation on the other . You must
be disgusted with the nefarious system , and feel ashamed that you have allowed yourselves so long to be the subservient tools ofthe aristocracy and the blind devotees of what is called Rank ; and yet you have not had the manl y courage , the firm determination , to say such a state of things shall no longer continue . "We now call on you to come boldl y forward and provo your sincerity . If you desire to save yourselves from that destruction which awaits you—if you wisli to see your fellow men
better fed and clothed , we implore you to exercise the power yen possess for the good of . your common country . A general Election may soon arrive , and we beg to state that this Committee are resolved ( if supported with funds ) to seek out such men as above described , and , where there is any prospect of success , to bring them forward and claim your suffrages in their behalf ; and , further , " we shall be obliged to those friends who will correspond with the Secretary , stating where such prospects may exist .
I To you , the rate-payers , tho compound householders , and lodgers , who rent premises of the clear annual value of ten pounds , wc say , send in your claims ; get the franchise , get political power , that mighty lever , whereby you can undermine and uproot the tottering citadel of corruption . Let there be no delay in this great work . Now is the time to send in claims , and , as the obnoxious provisions in the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act are ' now
modified , the time for paying rates being extended from April to October you cannot urge this as a barrier . The last day to send in claims to the overseers , is July 20 th . Should any of you feel disinclined to get the necessary forms , fill them up , & c , if you will send full particulars , that is , name and address , the nature of qualification , and the name and address of the overseer , to Mr , James Grassby ( the secretary to this committee ) , 8 , Noah ' s Ark-court , Stangate , Lambeth ( pre-paid with stamp enclosed ) , he will attend to the same , and , if possible , get you on the register .
To you , the unenfranchised millions , we say , do not for one moment imagine that you cannot assist in this work , as , on the contrary , you can render great and efficient service by supporting those ^—and only those—who will stand by and see that justice is done to yourorder , and also by collecting funds from those friends who will help to carry out this laudable undertaking , and forwarding the same tothe secretary . In conclusion , we say , let there be a cordial unanimity of sentiment , a oneness of purpose and action in this great work , and success will be the result . Claims can be procured and friends registered , at the various localities in town an $
country . Signed on behali of the committee , Thos . S . Buncombe , M . P ., President Thos . Wabxet , M . P ., Vice-President . Jas . Grassby , Secretary .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_17031849/page/5/
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