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" THE NORTHERN STAR. Jul y 18, 184b
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C1U2.U' PAVER HAXGiXGS.
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MR. O'CONNOR'S SPEECH.
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HERRINGSGATE. Theift>rt7»em Star of tbe ...
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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, JULY 18, 18IC.
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IRELAND.
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Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not, Who wo...
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THE CHARTER. Now that the Whig faction h...
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THE LAND. While the several factious are...
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW. Monday night was t...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" The Northern Star. Jul Y 18, 184b
" THE NORTHERN STAR . Jul y 18 , 184 b
C1u2.U' Paver Haxgixgs.
C 1 U 2 . U' PAVER HAXGiXGS .
Ad00410
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Ad00411
EOMAS COOPER . TKS CHARTIST ' S WOSS & To be had of John Cleave , and all booksellers . { Price One Shilling . ) TWO ORATIONS AOAISST TAKING AWAY HOilAN LIFii , UNDER AST CIRCUMSTANCES . "These orations arc the outpourings of a mind that 1 , " „ - ^„„ j » f ~ H . -cnerous . loving nature ¦ WILL make i tself heard . A free , „• - " « * ,, „ , „„„ „ , .. _ „„„ . w > do not doubt that many a sneaks out in every page . lYeaouo . - " j aneerwill be called forth b . v a peru ^ f this Tvork ; but weask those who sseeb . to « rc « itif they can . » -A 0 ttingham Review . Chapman , Brothers . 121 , Xcwgate-street .
Ad00412
TO TAILORS . Now ready , THE LONDON and PARIS SPRING and SUMMER PASHIONS , for 1846 . By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Prince Albert , " a sp lendidly coloured print , beautifully executed published by BEN * JAJHJf BEAD and Co ., 12 , Hart-Jifarect , Bloomsbury-souare , London ; and < J . Berg « T , Holy well-street . Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all bootsellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with full size Riding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern of tbe new
Ad00413
A GOOD FIT WARR . A . NTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Taiiors . are now making up a complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and tbe very best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or Change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; liveries equally cheap—atthe Great Western Emporium , 2 fos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , Loudon ; the noted house for ^ ood black cloths , and patent made trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour and quality of cloth from tbe largest stock in London . he art of cutting taught .
Ad00414
STAB-BU 8 I - * ' " * * Direct from the mines of the moon-by Jupiter ! "Something in this more than natural . . . find it out "—Shakspeee . " Tfll after cloying the Gazette with cant , The age discovers , , , . . . "—Bibon . Should an article with so brilliant a name , " well known , & c , & c , by Mrs . Harris , ' Bring disappointment to the experimentist , * ' and prove an useless " adjunct to any fifing but bird-cages , the sand from Old Time's Bour-ij lass vrould do as well , ouly we cannot get enough of jt . Gentlemen are advised not to despair of removing their beards , quite clean , and without pain . Jno . Teetoes's Kazob-Stbop of 1845 , and the Diahoxdxdge UNPOLISHED B-AzoKs * are tilings of quite a different character , and will enable any one with care and fikiU to shavepsrfectly clean , andliterally without tbeleast pain . The Razors are all sold in a state to accomplish this ; and the pamphlet , "Myltazor and Shaving Tackle , " Id . By Post 2 d , will teach the novice or inexpert how to keep them sol
Ad00415
LITHOGRAPHIC ESG 11 AT 1 K « S OK THE „ . „ . , DTJNCOMBE TE STIMONIAL MAY still be had at the Office of Messrs . ^ pwAN and Co ., 16 , Great Windmill Sta-eet , Haymaikit . The engravmg is oil a " ?^ d ' Unt (; d m , , an ,, most finished style , is nni- 'J ?'"' nvefimnninf Jnd It-is gives a minute description of the ! 1 estimoinal , and has & . inscription , * - *| . « f & a £ -
Ad00416
ECGBNE SITE'S NEW NOVEL . M ARTIN THE FOUNDLING ; OU THE ADVENTURES OF A A-A 5 . ET-DE . CIIAMBRE , appears regular }) - in Hie PAMILY HERALD . Die most popular Periodical of the day—a successful attempt to blend wis-. dom witlCcheerfuhuss , and utility with entertainment . The Family Herald is a universal parlour favourite , well adapted for leisure moments . Order No . 168 , or Part 39 ; tlie former One Penny , , the latter Sixpence All Booksellers and Hews-agents sell tlie Family Herald .
Ad00417
IMPORTANT TO FEMALE INVALIDS . MRS . MARTIN . ACCOUCHEUR , is at Home for Consultation in all fenialcleomalaints , on Monday , Tuesday , and Thui sday morning ' , at her residence . No . 100 , Long Acre , ' where Classes meet weekly for the Instruction of Ladies iu Anatomy and Physiology . Invalids of the female sex may be accommodated with Board , Lodging , and attention , on moderate terms . Apply ( if by letter , post paid , to Uns . Mabti . v , Long Acre , Loudon .
Mr. O'Connor's Speech.
MR . O'CONNOR'S SPEECH .
A Verbatim Report of Mr . O'Connor ' s speech at the Election at Nottingham , PRICE THREE PENCE , will be published on Saturday next , the 25 th of July . —Agents are requested to send their orders in time .
Herringsgate. Theift>Rt7»Em Star Of Tbe ...
HERRINGSGATE . Theift > rt 7 » em Star of tbe 22 nd August will contain an elaborate engraving of HerringsgatcFarm , with the adjacent country , thus affording to all who are interested in the success of the land plan an opportunity of preserving a fitting memento of the first locality . The NorAern Star of Saturday week will contain a correct list of those who have been ballotted for the second location .
The Northern Star. Saturday, July 18, 18ic.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , JULY 18 , 18 IC .
Ireland.
IRELAND .
Hereditary Bondsmen, Know Ye Not, Who Wo...
Hereditary bondsmen , know ye not , Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ! In these days of progression ; in this age of watchful scrutiny , searching enquiry , jealousy and suspicion—there is something so startling ,, something so astounding and appalling , in the notion of a people calling themselves brave , intelligent and enlightened , being sold without a struggle at the political auction mart , that we know not whether most to wonder at
the boldness of the auctioneer , or the pliancy of the stock . It is now some years since , commenting upon the Reform speeches of Thomas Attwood , and tracing to them the new notions of physical force , which had sprung up iu this country , that we observed , that the period had arrived when a sagacious people would demand from political leaders the real , simple , and substantial , not the figurative and metaphorical , meaning of plain aud simple language .
There was something charming to the English ear in the announcement of the Brummagem chief , that THREE MILLION ARMS would be speedily uplifted as a response to the pulsation of three million English hearts , panting for liberty , and aspiring to its possession . There was something so simple in the mode pointed out by the great bard , by which alone hereditary bondsmen could free themselves , that it required no political glossary to illustrate its meaning to the susceptible minds of the
susceptible Irish people , in a state of incipient revolution for the last seven centuries , and tutored in the national lesson—that ENGLAND'S WEAKNESS WAS IRELAND'S OPPORTUNITY ; taught to believe that the Irish volunteers of ' 82 had achieved more by the TERROR OF THEIR ARMS , and the motto under the touch-hole of their cannon , significantly illustrated by the Liberator placing his forefinger on the tip of his nose , amid the cheers of hereditary bondsmen , than by all the moral force speeches of their predecessors .
There was something figurative in all this—a kind of politico-scriptural language , to suit the devil , whether saint or sinner ; but there was something so plain and simple in the power of redemption vested in TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND FIGHTING MEN ; something so unmistakeable in the boast of the largest amount of PHYSICAL FORCE ever placed at the disposal of conqueror , whether ancient or modern ; something so pertinent to the accomplishment of freedom in the native streams THAT WERE TO BE- CRIMSONED WITH IRISH
BLOOD IN THE IRISH STRUGGLE FOR NATIONALITY ; something so characteristic of physical force in the arm that was yet STRONG ENOUGH AND WILLING TO WIELD THE SWORD IN DEFENCE OF IRISH LIBERTY ; something so speakingly eloquent in the ability of Irishmen to manufacture ONE MILLION PIKES within a week ; something so significant in the relative strength of Irishmen as compared with those of any other country of the world — there was something so plain and simple iu this boasting language , so
boastmgly expressed by Ireland s moral force leader and his head pacificator , that we were not a little astonished at learning that the real meaning of physical force was to be found in three gentlemen coming down from the Nation office , to oppose tbe return of a Government hack for the Repeal borough of Dungarvan , and in the uncontradicted announcement , no doubt intended as a bait for the Repeal trap , that a briefless barrister had accepted a foreign mission from the " BASE , BLOODY , AND BRUTAL WHIGS . "
Howbeit , if we have so far mistaken the meaning of words as to jumble blood and loyalty , pikes and obedience to the ever adorable Providence , five hundred thousand fi ghting men and a peaceful struggle for nationality , the largest amount of physical force ever placed at the disposal of a conqueror and respectful petitions to the Saxon Parliament , we cannot mistake a palpable fact which now stares Ireland and the world in the face , that one of Ireland ' s greatest enemies , a deserter from her ranks , a creature of
faction , a hack , a base , bloody , and brutal Whig , a registered foe of Irish nationality , the traitor of 1833 , has been allowed , unopposed , to achieve the representation of the Repeal borough of Dungarvan Dungarvan , the Irish ground upon which we redeemed the Irish character , and neutralised the Saxon triumph of 1834—Dungarvan , that in 1834 maintained the struggle for Irish Nationality against the odds that are now paraded as a reason for avoiding a contest .
If the Tones had remained in office , and if a general Election had taken place , would Mr . Sheil have been accepted for its representative?—and , if not , to what necessity then , other than Whig expediency , docs Dungarvan owe the dishonour and disgrace of being thus prostituted to patronage . What , let us ask , has been the one distinct and unmistakeable pledge given by the Irsh leaders , if all others were obscure and mysterious ? Was it not that repealers ,
and repealers only , should represent Ireland ? And have we not been taught to believe in the progress that the principle had made , and in the state of readiness in which the several repeal constituencies were , and especially Dungarvan , to redeem the national pledge ? Where , then , are we to look for the progress of the national principle ? Where are we to look for Irish consistency ? Where for the proud honour of her boastful leaders ? Can the grand battle be won if every skirmish is to be lost ? And
Hereditary Bondsmen, Know Ye Not, Who Wo...
why were Wyse , Leader , the Hon . Rob . King , and Jephson , emancjpators . and ' i ; eforiDe 3 S , igitominiously hurled from their seats in 1832 ? -Why were Serjeant Murphy , Daniel Callaghan , Sir William Somerviile , Mr . Bedington , and the ungullable , threatened with expulsion on the- first opportunity , while Dungarvan was to be the scene of so splendid a phantom as the unopposed triumph of the traitor of 1833 , the soup commissioner of 1837 , the antirepealer of all times , and the counterfeit Master of the Mint of the Saxon government , with a salary of
£ 2 , 000 a year . We are told that Dungamn was not prepared for the contest—that there was no money in the exchequer , and that the Devonshire interest would be * opposed to repeal . Let us test the progress of the national principle by these traitorous paltry excuses . Was Dungarvan prepared , or ready , in 1834 ? Was the Devonshire interest then favourable to repeal ? And was the exchequer too poor to forbid a contest , or was the time favourable ? Upon the contrary , it was a struggle for redemption , in the very teeth of a recent defeat . The anticipated death of Lord Burlington strengthened
the Devonshire interest—the repealers had the worst man that could possibly be found , while the Whigs selected Pierce George Barron as the ^ candidate , round whom every fragment of faction would , and did , rally to defeat repeal . Not only was the Devonshire interest , Whig inlMCSt , and the Tory interest opposed to the repeal candidate , but a large amount of Catholic influence , sore at the defeat of Mr . Galway , was also opposed to it ; while Purcell O'Govman , secretary to the Catholic Association , was engaged as counsel for the Whig candidate , and broueht with him a large amount of Catholic
support . The Assessor , to whom all objections were referred , was a Whig , the returning officer was a Whig , the stipendiary magistrate was a Whig , the town was crammed with military and police , all at the ' disposal of the Whig party , then in power . Jacob , the re peal candidate , was a Protestant ; and with these fearful odds we went confidently to the struggle , and ,
without the expense of a guinea , we returned with our trophies to London . Were ever odds equal to these at an election—and has Dungarvan retrogaded under the active management of the national committee ? That triumph was gained without the expenditure of a single farthing . We think it right to state this fact , because Mr . O'Connell has asserted that the contest cost him Five Hundred Pounds .
Now , we call for the account . "We discharged the duties of counsel , committee man , and agitator , for Mr . Jacob , and we received not a fraction . Not a man was bribed , not a man was employed . , ? the committee sat at Mr . Bower ' s house—Mr . Bower entertained the committee . At three o ' clock of the day before the election closed , when Pierce George Barron was greatly at the head of the poll , we were taunted with having lost the election from not having spent money . We instantly dissolved the committee , took all the responsibility , sat up all night , as we had the previous nights , and at the close of the election Mr . Jacob was returned—we think by a majority of 46 .
Now , we ask , and we have right to receive an answer , to . whom the £ 500 or 500 pence was paid . We deny it , wholly and utterly deny it : while , if report is to be believed , the virtuous liberator received ample remuneration for any service that he rendered us through the presence of his son John , which , to say the truth , was not worth the value of a pin's head . The question , however , does not even rest here . The fitness of a repeal candidate did not solely consist in his being a repealer , but the
further qualification of his being a member of Conciliation Hall was indispensable . Shicl was neither the one nor the other . But how it bespeaks the weakness , the duplicity and depravity of the threadbare patriots , when we find at one and the same time , that Dundalk is ready to receive a young O'Connell , while Dungarvan opens its arms to an old apostate . If Dungarvan was doubtful to all others , had the Liberator ' s power so faded as to render it even doubtful to the last and dearest ol
the young Hannibals ? Could not Dundalk have been secured to another , while the return of Daniel Hannibal for Dungarvan would have enabled the great actor to have sustained the repeal farce for y et a little longer . However , Dungarvan is sold , and the Irish people are sold , and while the traffic is going unopposedly forward , it is neither right , or fair or just , that Smith O'Brien , the leader of truth , of justice aud repeal , should shelter himself in
retirement , while his brave and manly subalterns are fighting the battle of Irish nationality against the fearful odds of political jugglery and municipal profligacy . He must fly to the rescue , or he too will be consigned to the catalogue of jugglers . He must not profess to write for Ireland , and rest satisfied with votes of thanks for the very same acts that the braver of his party received censu e and insult for performing .
There is something truly ludicrous in the horror of the old whig beast at the abuse of a gentleman BEHIND HIS BACK , and something so farcical in the Championship of the absent , by that WA 11 M FACED PATRIOT Tom Steel , that , but for the awfulness of the consequences , would lead us to laughter . Ireland is not yet in possession of the following fact : —Mr . O'Connell , before he left London , entered into a definitive treaty with the Whigs , the sum and substance of which was that he would go to Ireland and break up the repeal association .
Has he not honourably fulfilled his mission ? But , Satan like , while he and bis faction reap the reward of their country ' s dishonour , he will contrive to throw the odium of confusion and disturbance upon those who have been bold enough to resist his despotism and adhere to the lessons that he himself has taught them . He has sold Ireland once more and will sell her again , if her sons do not rise as one man
aud for ever trample upon a power that has brought disgrace upon tbe nation and made Ireland a byeword of contempt throughout the civilized world . Had we been aware that Dungarvan was to have been so dishonored , if death , certain death , stared us in tbe face , we would have met the apostate upon tbe hustings and saved Ireland tbe dishonour and Dungarvan the disgrace of so deep and we fear so lasting a wound . "Alas , poor country , Almost afraid to know itself . "
The Charter. Now That The Whig Faction H...
THE CHARTER . Now that the Whig faction has been once more compelled to recruit its scattered forces from tbe political poor-house of Ireland , and the monied ranks of England , —now that the big Beggaraan has once more sold his country for the emoluments of patronage , to be dispensed amongst an army of
profligates , it behoves the noble army of Chartists , who routed the combined forces of Whiggery and Irish treachery before , to marshal themselves for the battle once mare . However Mr . O'Connell may have decried against those supposed obstacles , which stood in the way of what he calls Justice to Ireland—and however he may have cloaked his real meaning in mjstcrioua phraseology , no doubt can remain aa to the party from which he anticipates corruption will receive the greatest obstruction .
Upon Ins return to the auction mart for the sale of Irish liberty , the growing spirit of Chartism haunted his coward soul , and he commenced the arinornre-
The Charter. Now That The Whig Faction H...
meat of his new alliance with Whigjjery , by a repetition of his denunciation of Chartism ; trumping up the oldhugbear ,. ' P . HYSICAL FORCE ; as the-ghost to affright his dupes . The damning report of the repeal committee is replete with denunciation of Chartism , and the alliance is ostensibly formed with the view of once more crushing that combination of the working classes , so much dreaded by him , and so terrible to corruption . The only modicum of justice that Mr . O'Connell was able to offer from the Whigs was , the promise of place to those who desert the ranks of repeal ; and thus , as we have more than once stated , the war-cry of Ireland has been used by the Otfretofathisprey , that he may lire upon the heart ' s-blood of his bleeding country .
Here we find a doafcing old driveller , placing it out ofthenowerofthemost mild or tolerant historian to ascribe other than profligate motives to his ling life of inconsistency . We were taught to believe , that " England ' s { weakness was Ireland ' s opportunity ; " and yet , when she was tottering from very weakness , we find the leader ef the Irish people use the opportunity to prop her , and sustain her power to preserve her sway . Repeal , we are told , is the one , the only panacea for every grievance . We are told
that the O Connor Don is a repealer , and , therefore , qualified for a place in an Administration whose pledge is to resist repeal to the death ; and thus , as in 1834 , so in 1846 , those who were returned upon the repeal pledge by confiding constituencies , many of whom lost their all and were reduced to beggary in consequence of their devotion to the principle , have now been doomed to see those representatives , for whose distinction they struggled so gloriously and incessantly , sold at the Whig auction mart , by the salesman and betrayer of his country .
" Who fears to talk of ' € 8 , Who dares to talk of' 4 C , Who fears to talk and prate , While Gelt and Saxons mix . " From 1834 to 1841 the pledged repealers dwindled from 42 to 12 , while , as we before announced , each successive election will be used by the juggler to fill his own pockets , and provide for his poor relations and dependants at the expense of his country ' s liberty ; and when the question is again ripe in the Irish heart , and when the Irish people once more demand an exhibition of their strength in the Saxon Parliament , the magician ' s wand will wave piouclly over the land , and the . SPLENDID : PII ANTOM of
Irish hope will have vanished before the blaze of Whig patrronage . Then we shall have our Irish Chancellor , our Catholic Judges , our Advocate , Attorney and Solicitor General , our restored Magistrates , our repeal placemen , our recruited police force , our tenant right to go to law before repeal Judges with the landlord ' s statutes in their bands ; we shall hear of the security for the pauper in the tenderness and mercy of the Liberator's official relation ; we shall hear of the boons bestowed and privileges guaranteed to the Catholic aristocracy , from which those of their Protestant brethren cannot be separated ; but we shall hear no more of Ireland for the Irish : we shall hear no
more—Of the harp that once thro' Tara ' s halls ; no more of Tara of the Kings ; no more of the proud assemblage of Irish nobles and Irish commoners meeting in College-green to govern Ireland and to adjust her differences ; we shall hear no more of that arm still ready to wield the sword in defence of its country's liberties ; no more of the blood that ' s ready to flow to regain her rights ; no more of Ireland's restoration from provincial degradation to national independence . But why should we ? Will not Ireland have received as much justice as she is entitled to while her sons are ready to barter their liberty in exchange for the agrandiseruent of her betrayer .
Nor is this the onl y unhallowed combination we have now to meet and subdue . The bloody old Times , as remarkable for its profligacy as is O'Connell for his treachery , has been sold to the Whig party for the agurandisement of its tool . As we announced in our bills of last week , the Times has been purchased by the Whigs , and a portion of the price is a BARONETCY FOR JOHN WALTER . The Times , like O'Conkell , feels ashamed of its own profligacy , and bending beneath the weight of its own treachery , like the Liberator , pledges , in the first instance , but aqualified support to its newprotegces . Who , however , can read the fulsome announcement of
The Triumph of Mr . Macaulay and the smothered exultation at the unopposed return of the members of the Whig Administration , without b ' ushing for the power possessed by prostitutes and jugglers . And yet , undaunted and unsubdued , Chartism will meet this new combination of incongruous elements , and by its own superior strength triumph over the unholy coalition . It wilj be seen that the Executive have , in compliance with
the requests of many constituencies , postponed the meeting of the Convention frcm Wednesday , the 29 th of July , to Monday , the 3 rd of August ; and it will be also seen , that Mr . O ' Connor and the Executive will attend the camp meeting near Rochdale , where the counties of York and Lancaster will assemble , on the 2 nd , there to take counsel with the industrious of thosefe . two important counties as to the best and surest mode of conducting the future agitation for the accomplishment of the People ' s Charter .
We trust that the three questions to be brought most prominently before the Convention , will be the means of securing Chartist representatives at the next General Election ; a national petition , to he signed by at least five millions , to be ready for presentation to the next Parliament ; and the restoration of Frost , Williams and Jones . From intelligence we receive from all parts of the country , wc feel gratified in being able to state that Chartism is
neither dead nor dying , but is prepared once more to take its stand as the leading question of the day . All that is now required is , that the leaders shall faithfully , feai'lessly , and prudently perform their duty , and the people will as faithfully , fearlessly , and prudently discharge theirs . And wlwn the foe that we beat before , with its forces augmented by such an unholy coalition , shall see our power for obstruction , they must cither surrender or court an alliance upon our own terms .
As yet we have observed no notification of those broad principles upon which we were assured Lord John Russell would conduct his government ; wc have heard not a word of the Ten Hours' Bill , nor shall we until he is again at the bleak side of Downing-street . Truo , we have heard that Mr . Hixdleti and others who contended for the whole measure during the Tory Administration , have now consented to offer a compromise for Eleven Hours slavery , but as yet we have not heard a syllable from Russell , O'Cosnkll , or tho Times , calculated to induce ps to lower our flag , or to strike a single word from our motto of NO SURRENDER !
The Land. While The Several Factious Are...
THE LAND . While the several factious are outbidding each other in the market of speculation , respectively basing their pretensions to preference upon tho superiority of their mode of adjusting the commercial interests of the monied classes , those for whose benefit legislation , however mysterious , is said to be conducted , arc meantime setting their hearts upon the possession o the land , by which alone they hope to escape th mysteries of the law , the conundrum of legislation , the eppression of capital and the degradation of
inferiority . The question ofthe land , unlike the state of the criminal law , is no longer a PROBLEM YET TO BE SOLVED . If England was now in the same state of political ignorance as France prior to the revolution , the whole country from north to south , from east to west , yea , to tbe very centre , Would forever abandon tho SPLENDID PHANTOM of all hope of sanatory improvement , educational advance , and amendment of the criminal code , for the more s » lid possession ot that which can alone give man control over health , education , and propensities .
The Land. While The Several Factious Are...
If the French people had rested satisfied with testing the value of a principle , before empires streamed with blood fdr'its " realization , Fiance , as a party in such a struggle , would have established the bounds of her own comfort more real and stable than those assigned to her by the ambition of a military despot . Fortunately for the English people , they are more enlightened , and will not run the chance of gratifying ambitious warriors by a premature or hasty realization of a principle , which , in a brief period , has presented its own substantial value to
the British mind . When Mr . O'Connor first " proposed the land scheme to the working classes , it was treated with that silent contempt with which every project for their improvement is met , but when their approval was likely to lick the giant reform into shape , and mould it into practice , then the indignation of the ignorant , and the wrath of the disappointed , had no bounds ; and now that practical operations are about to be commenced , the skirmishing portion of the press can no longer wilhold its opposition .
The weak point in every undertaking having for its object the amelioration of the working classes hasjbeen a deserved loss of confidence in the managers and directors . If the object was political the leaders were corrupted ; if the object was social improvement and required money for its realization , the dishonesty of its managers has been the invariable rock upon which even chances of success have been shattered . The several objections started against the
land scheme have been so promptly and successfully met and refuted , ' that it now remains for us bo create those remaining obstacles which may present themselves to the mind of the dissatisfied , with the certainty of destroying them . One of two events must occur , either that the first occupants will prosper or fail . If they prosper , their success is at once an answer to all objections , while , should they * fail ] from want of industry , of knowledge , or perseverance , their failure would not bespeak failure of the plan .
The great object , of Mr . O'Cpxwm was to create so large a class of farming labourers as would , in the first instance , furnish a practical example to all of the capability of the soil and the value of free labour when applied to its cultivation , and secondly , to open the free labour market to those who had become a drug , a competitive power , a dangerous reserve in the slave-market . If , then , the first occupants should fail from any of the supposed eauses , the cheering fact remains behind , that there is a new market
opened for labour , which labour never before possessed . Rome iu its infancy was peopled by outcasts , by pickpockets , thieves , and prostitutes from all parts of the continent of Europe . Our most splendid houses , in our most splendid streets , in our most civilised cities , even in our most civilised age , are , in the first instance , dedicated to drunkenness and prostitution , until by degrees flanking morality compels lewdness and dissipation to take shelter iu that obscurity which vice must ever codrt .
So precisely with our splendid cottages , our square allotments , our straight gravel walks , deep wells , and running streams , if they should in the first instance be dedicated to idleness , dissipation , or profligacy , there » s a class of labour always ready and at hand to drive the bad ones from Paradise , and to reinstate themselves in their stead . If ten per cent , or 20 per cent ., or 50 per cent ., should fail to realise our hopes , there will always be a sufficient number of persons of their own class , but of superior condition , to replace them at a higher premium , and thus the plan affords even a fascination for the idle , and a secure investment for the industrious . At tbe pie sent moment we have more than one commission to offer from £ 30 to £ 70 premium for allotments ,
varying from two to tour acres , and in order to test the stability of the project , we assert as follows -. —Suppose that by the rules of the Society , the bouses and land were to be let to the highest bidder , instead of being appropriated to the successful candidates from the members of the association , a premium ol £ 30 , £ 50 , and £ 70 , for two , three , or four acres , over and above the reserved rent charged by the society , would be cheerfully paid for every allotment m less than forty-eight hours after notice . Hence wc show ihat partus who , we must presume , wouiii have ample means even to speculate upon the land , would cheerfully become occupants when the market was once opened , while we further show the excessive premium at which the allotments will alway .-stand .
We state this extreme ease , for the mere purpose of arguing the certainty of success upon the most remote improbability , while we confidently asseri that a single failure out of a thousand must be the result of idleness , dissipation , or neglect . We shall not ascribe it to either weakness or incapacity , a . * the weakest will be sufficiently strong for his work and will gain strength as he progresses , while all chances of incapacity are destroyed by the cheap
knowledge that will surround the most ignorant upoi .-all sides . The week before last we published an account of the operations of a Mr , Sillett upon two ' \ cres of ground , for which we stated that he bad paid the enormous sum of £ 180 , while from the following interesting and highly valuable communication , it will be seen that he paid lhe enormous sum of £ 236 , or at 5 per cent , the yearly rent of £ 1 Is . lGs . for two acres of land , without a house . The followis from Mr . Sillett : —
Sir , —The account yoa have condescended to insert in your valuable paper ( the Northern Star ) of the 4 th inst ., of my little farm , I bet ; to state is perfectly correct with the exception ot" the amount ofpuienase . I gate £ 236 instead of £ 180 as Mr . Garrard stated to you , and that my residence is in Suffolk instead of Norfolk . Ever since I have bten in possession of your valuable work on "Small 1 ' arnis" ( which is now nearly three years ) I have always felt a great desire to acknowledge my most sincere thanks for the benefit I have derived from it , my name having been mode known to you 1 uinbracn the earliest opportunity of presuming to do so , for to that alone I owe all my success in uiy undertaking .
I remain , your most bumble obedient servant . John Sillett . Kelsale , near Saxmundhaun , Suffolk . * Julyl & tlijlSlG , Now , we may fairly ask , even making every al lowance for the taste , the skill , attention , and iu " dustry of the writer , why any other working man with an equal desire to prosper , may not be capable ot achieving the same result ; and under much more flattering circumstances . Mr . O' Cos . nob has pledged
himself to make amends for possible incapacity , by making the dissemination of practical knowledge ol agriculture his life ' s study , after the sevetal occupants have been located ; passing periodic-ally from Paradise to Paradise , encouraging , instructing , and enriching . In tlie outset the certainty of failure and the probability of discomfort , were the two open mouthed charges against the plan , but as it pro * ressts the charge of failure is abandoned , and that of too much comfort has been substituted . Of the numerous
visitors who hare inspected the Hum and the buildings , without one solitary exception , whether Whigs , Tories , Chartists , Socialisls , or Teetotallers , whether men or women , all have admired with astonishment , and expressed their approval without bounds . The Chartists confessing tbat it is practical Chartismtho teetotallers that it is practical teetotalism , as much as it holds out inducement to sobiiety ; and the socialists , that it is the realisation of what they wen led . to anticipate from the experiment at Harmony .
It is not presuming too much to suppose that a question that has taken such deep root in the hearts of tho industrious , and to which they are wedded bj the ties of membership , will shortly be forced upon the notice of candidates upon the hustings , and upon the mind of representatives in parliament , nor can wc for a moment suppose that either or ant faction will be much longer able to govern this country with no better fruits presented to the industrious than the justice iWith which political bookkeepers adjust the monetary affairs of speculating capitalists . We cannot bring ouraelves to believe that the working classes will be satisfied with comparative comfort iu this nation of overgrown luxurv , while their degree is to be measured by the helpless forlorn state of FOUR MILLION DKS TITUTE PAUPERS , OR FIVE I 1 UNDRE 1 THOUSAND NEGLECTED SOULS LIVING
The Land. While The Several Factious Are...
WITHIN THE PRECINCTg OF R OYALTY WITHOUT GOD OR WITHOUT HOPE v we hope better for the improved mind of this conn * try . We hope that the . practical illustration of the value of the . land , so clearly demonstrated by Mr O'Connor , will : lead to such a universal demand for its natural , just , and national appropriation , as no government can long resist , and thus will the land plan have been the most eloquent expounder of Chartism , and thus may its founder truly say , that in this age of activity and profession , when the novelties of yesterday become the antiquities ef today , that even in this age HE HAS PRODUCED A NOVELTY .
Parliamentary Review. Monday Night Was T...
PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Monday night was the actual commencement of the new ministry . On that night they entered into Parliamentary possession and became in every sense a duly constituted Executive . A statement from the Prime Minister as to his general policy , and the leading principles on which he intends to conduct the affairs of the country , was expected as a matter of course on that evening ; but Lord John excused himself by saying that hejwas not prepared . All his colleagues had not had time to be re-elected and get
back to take their seats , but on Thursday he hoped to make the expected statements , and especially with reference to the Sugar question . As it is the fashion in the House , as well as out , to be exceedingly confiding and good humoured just now , and as the di'gans of the Whigs in town and country have in one general chorus asked for " only a fair trial , " the Commons acquiesced in this unusual delay on the part of the Prime Minister , and there the matter dropped for that night . On Tuesday a member of the Protectionist party elicited tbat the precise nature
of the permanent measure with reference to sugar , would not be stated on Thursday , whereupon Mr , Buncombe asked if they were not to be informed , on that day , as to the general principles of the new government aud its general policy . The answer given by Lord Jon . v was , that no such information was deeined necessary , the principles on which he intended to carry on his government were those he had always acted on , and declared in that house . Mr . Duncombe , in rejoinder , promised to ask , what
their principles were ; and there , at the time of our writ ing , the matters rests . We do not presume to anticipate the course which tbe hon . member for Finsbury will adopt to draw the badger from his hole . We hare no fear but tbat on this as on other occasions , he will do his duty faithfully and ably . But the shuffling , equivocation and evasion of the new minister , at his very enh-ance into office , reminds us painfully already that the Whigs are in power . Farewell to all straightforwardness as long as they
remain so ! For the first time in his life , Lord John Russell appears in the character of Prime Minister . It was an imperative duty , no less than a matter of courtesy from one occupying such a situation , to have explained the outline , at least , of that policy which his government intended to carry out , instead of which be talks haughtily and vaguely about its being unnecessary , and the principles on which he has always acted What are they ? Can anybody tell us ? So far as our own recollections go , tho principles on which Lord John has always acted , were the finality of the Reform Bill and an 8 s . fixed duty on corn . Not much hope of progress here , we opine !
The week lias been wasted , so far , in profitless talk about all manner of bills . On Tuesday night the house . ' was counted out , in order to escape a debate and a division on oneof the subjects alluded to by Lord John in his deceptive and catching ad dress to the electors of the Citj- of London . Mr . Ewaut had a motion as to Capital Punishments on the paper . Lord Johx told the electors , that "the treatment of criminals is a problem yet undecided ;" and apparently , so far as he is concerned , " untiecided" it is to remain . The counting out of the house at the early hour of halt-past six on the second
ni ^ ht o ! : the Whig official Parliamentary career , to avoid giving an opinion on this important subject , doe ; not say much for their boldness or their honesty . Especially is such conduct reprehensible , when the debate of the previous evening is recollected , and the excuse then put forward , of " too late fur the session , " Cor getting rid of a wholo shoaJof useful administrative measures ; dome of them far advanced through their several stages of progress . Indeed , tbe weejfr has been principally distinguished for an unsparing massacre of the innocents . The Poor Removal Bill—a part of the " great and
comprehensive scheme of the late Piemier , is to be shelved for the session ; or , at all events , dealt with piecemeal , the most important parts being reserved tor next year . Mr . Duncombs and Mr . Wakley long since expressed their suspicion that this would be the case ; and so it has turned out . But what wonder is there in the fact ? That part of the '' great and comprehen .-ive measure " was almost the only part that bore directly on the condition of the poor man . It gave him a right to relief in the place where he had lived and laboured , and made others rich by tbat toil which brought him only penury , old age ,
and disease . But the wealthy millowner , the speculating capitalist , the holder of bank stock , the merchant prince , whose wealth is acquired by exchanging commodities , secured-their share of the " great and comprehensive measure "first ; and now the labourer may ask for his small part in vain— "It is too late in the session ; next year wc shall enquire , " Miserable mockery ! Till the people sond their own representatives to Parliament , it will never be the time for redressing their grievances . Too late , or too soon , will always be , as tliey always have boon , the ready answer of all party politicians , to genuine , honest , and universal reforms .
lhe Hi ghway Bill is thrown over entirely . This was another part of the " comprehensive measure . " We are promised , next year , an enquiry into the working of the Poor Law as a whole ; in order to keep Peter Borthwiek quiet in the meantime . He has a motion for an enquiry t / ds session , but " it is too late . " So with the enormous evils attendant on the present system of
turning convicted felons by thousands loose in Van Dieman ' s Land , until the criminals largely exceed in number the honest and respectable population , who are ground to the dust in paying taxes for the maintenance of a moral pestilence among them . That , too , is to wait till next session . In the meantime no mure convicts are to be sent for eighteen months . Let the inhabitants of that ill-used colony be thankful for this small mercy .
1 heac arc mere specimens of the slaughter which has commenced among the bills , by way of letting 0 'ir legislative sportsmen off to their slaughter of game among the hills , and dismissing a host of Whig placemen and incapables to the enjoyment of their salary and other official privileges , undisturbed by ugly questions , or untimely debates in Parliament . The aspect of the political horizon , however , llrendy begins to look cloudy . People are
recovering from the stupor into ; which late events have thrown them . Bye-and-bye we shall find all parties -baking themselves once more into definite positions . When that time comes the days of Whiggery are numbered . Jt is at best but a galvanized corpse , aid merely acts at the present moment by the force if external agencies . It has no vitality in itself , and the moment that the extraneous causes , which now -cem to impart life to it , are withdrawn , it will Irop into the grave , never , we trust , to be resuscitated .
lhe only portion of the works proceedings up to the time of our writing , on which we can congratulate he country , was the debute on Monday night , as to Ue conduct of the Poor Law Commissioner . It was ndeed most gratifying to find that so outrageous has heir conduct been , that they have disgusted Brown i . cad Joseph himself , and that actually thatemineftt lultkubiiui economist and poor law advocate , movud ' . mt their salaries should ba disallowed . This wouWi . 1 fact , knock the Commissioners on the head , thoug h Jr . Home did not intend it in that light ; but me ** *
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 18, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_18071846/page/4/
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