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SOW ORSEVEESOW A2«D FOR EVER!
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TO THE CHARTISTS. M y fBlEfDS, Let me im...
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] ' * ..'STlUMhte. .• .._ AND NATIONAI, ...
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»__ "¦ — ——— ¦_—__^. ¦ - :—l . , , . ———...
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ME. O'CONNOR'S TOUR. It was my intention...
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" Barnard's Inn, London, " 17th December...
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If England with her proper power at home...
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TO TBE WOKKING CLASSES. My Fuiends, -. T...
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'¦ Ah""but" it is answered by the-Frce T...
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AN O T HE R " RAV EN."
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RICHARD OASTLER.OX FREE-TRADE. LETTER II...
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TAILORS MD " SWEATERS." A very numerous ...
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Awful Catastrophe and Loss of Life.—The ...
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• ¦I
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Sow Orseveesow A2«D For Ever!
SOW ORSEVEESOW A 2 « D FOR EVER !
To The Chartists. M Y Fblefds, Let Me Im...
TO THE CHARTISTS . M y fBlEfDS , Let me implore of you to "be tip and . . rely upon its if flip coming struggle h ! tff 1 en landlord and money-lord is allowed to ^ s ettled wlrile you are not parties in the acton yoa -will he worse off than ever . ferred to hecies
I have re you my prop in ] 1841 ^ thd 1 w & now call your attention to another prop hecy , which is also printed . On * e 3 rd of December , 1831 , there was a Tgrcre meeting of the aristocracy of the county and city of Cork , held in the Count y Courthouse , for the purpose of aiding the English R eformers . When the great men appointed to s peak had concluded their orations , it was presumed the meeting had terminated , hut having come thirty miles I was determined not to remain silent
I rose in the gallery , and made -what all called the speech of the evening ; and mark my concluding sentence , published in the Cork S outhern Reporter , on the 6 th of December . I said : — "I advocate Parliamentary Reform with " all my heart , hut I tell you , Irishmen , that " it will be the very worst measure passed for " tout country , "if not accompanied with a " iffiTEM . of the tjnion ; oecause the first act " of the first Reformed Parliament will he to
" pass some Gagging Bill , to suppress the " expression of public opinion in this " country . Itfow , my n ^ d % . ^ t \ was . j ^|^ pi ^ y ^ j | a | Pecemher , 1831 , andj ' asfl ¦ predicted ; , tfie very first act of the Eeformed Parliament was to pass the most Woody and atrocious Coercion Bill that ever was placed upon the Statute Book ; suDstituting Cflu ^ -Marfial for Trial by Jury , and , in fact ; placing the people under a complete military despotism . . * "Well , Chartists , let me now tell you , in 1850 , that unless . you hav , e tree trade in labour , yon will derive as little henefit from Free Trade as vou " and the Irish have derived
from Parliamentary Reform . Your opponents would now base national prosperity upon the large surplus of money now in this country ; hut was there ever a greater anomaly than idle land , idle labour , a » d idle money , with bastiles full of UNWILLING IDLE PAUPERS ? There is now a strong agitation springing up inLondon , while I regret to say that the bees in the Northern Hive do not even huzz , as they are satisfied with their-temporary activity ; and they may rely upon it that some tinkering legislative measure wfll he hased upon their satisfaction .
I have often told you , that I would never resist any movement that was calculated to confer any henefit upon you , and , therefore , I have cordially co-operated with the Parlia mentary Reform Association . Meantime , if I do undertake the task of giving you public instruction—and if in that capacity I should fail to discharge my duly faithfully—you would naturally look upon me with contempt . For this reason , then , I beg to call your critical attention to Mr . Scholeeield ' s anticipated hope from the Freehold Land system , at a meeting held at St . Paacras , on Tuesday night , and I will give you hut a very few extracts . He said : —
He had obtained votes for five or sis counties by means of fi-eehoia land societies , and he - would use them in voting for persons -who would even go beyond ihe plan at the head of which Sir J . Walmsley stood . ( Cheers . ) He spoke for himself only ; others , of course , were at liberty to use the franchise in a diffeaant way . He considered the freehold land movement to be the most immediately practical means of effecting a reform of the Reform BEL Now , the thing to prove was , how this Iree ? hold system would enable Mr . Scholefield and his party to go farther than Sir Joshua
"Walmsley and his party ; and of what use would his votes , in five or six counties , he to the working classes ? Do you suppose they would he given for a Chartist , against a . Whig ? Not a hit of it . They would he held as the balance of power between Whig and Tory . And then mark , if these freeholders constituted the balance of power , they would —and small blame to them—sell their rotes as the best produce of their freeholds , to the highest bidder .
Again , see what a sluggish , crawling , sneaking system this is admitted to be . He says : — If they were able to do so much in the three or four counues he had named in the course of two years , what might they not effect in other places where a much less effort was required , and where the majority against the liberal candidates had been only 109 or 150 ? JSovr , only think of such a blood run . Think
of such a steam power as this . " The chance , not the certainty , © f acquiring a balance of power in three or four counties , in the space of two years . Is not this " Live horse and you'll get grass ? " But , then , as the real ohjects and probable prospects are better defined in resolu tions than in speeches , let me now submit to you the two resolutions unanimously adopted at the Si . Pancras meeting : —
That the first duty of the state is io endeavour to elevate the working man , and to make him feel an interest in the well-being of the country ; that the procuring for him the elective franchise is the first step to raise him in his own estimation and in the social scale ; and this meeting determines never to relax in its exertions till all men rated to the support of their poorer brethren are in possession of that important privilege . That it is highly derogatory for freemen to repeatedly beg thelegislatore to grant that which they possess an independent power to obtain , viz ., the elective franchise ; that it has been proved that freehold land societies present the ready and certain means of placing men in that honourable position , and as such deserves the support of this meeting
Now , Chartists , what think you of those resolutions ? The first says fliat the procuring for man the elective franchise is to raise him in his own estimation , and in the social scale . Well , in my opinion , nothing can so conduce to elevate man in his own est imation , and in the social scale , as the admission that mind , not land , should he the test of the franchise .
Well , then , what do you think of this admission heing followed by the following declaration , which appears in the second resolution i ~ " That it is highly derogatory for freemen ;?' to repeatedly beg the legislature to grant "that which they possess an independent V power to obtain , viz ., the elective fran-. Vchise . " *! Now , if the most critical philosopher can reconcile those two resolutions , I shall hemost happy to he led out of the road of error into the path of truth .
I say , enfranchise the mind , and the Land wfll he speedily emancipated ; hut the power of the wealth y is solely based upon the disunion and antagonism of the poor . Here you have Communists reprobating all legislation ; Teetotallers showing how all may be enfranchised , and opposing those who cannot ; and Freehold Land advocates endeavouring to enfranchise a sufficient number to secure the ascendancy of a class ; and all opposed to
Chartism , which would very speedily lead to individuality of possession , and co-operation of labour—would make drunkenness a crime , and place every man as an independent freeholder upon his own land ; and , therefore , what we require is such a co-operation of sound and intellectual mind as will lead to the legitimate developeraent of the national resources of the country , instead of—as now—heing cultivated ° y the standard of class-speculation .
^ ir Jonx Tybell— a violent Tory—and others of lug class , are now discussing the question of Universal Suffrage , in the hope , no doubt , of bidding for popular support at the next general election . The Irish people are opposed to a return to Protection ; so am I , hacause I am opposed to all retrograde movements . But in order to give you a still further instance of the growth of mind in that country , let me submit to you the following resolution , passed in the county of Cork , at a meetipg held on Sunday last , with Dr . Poweb , one of
To The Chartists. M Y Fblefds, Let Me Im...
the Members of the County , in the chair . Here it is : — That the foundation of agricultural prosperity is security of tenure by tenautright or longleases , which would enable the tenast to dispose « f his farm to the highest bidder ; and a rent regulated by the reduction in the value of corn , JL-c That the present cry for protection is got up for selfish purposes , firstly , to divert the minds of the people from the just demand for tenant right and reasonable rents ; and , secondly , to enable the Conservatives to get into the representation of the country , to oust the popular party , and to check the inarch of enli ghtened legislation , and hence we denounce the Trotectiomstst meetings as a mockery , a delusion , and a snare . Now mark that , and bear in mind that I represented the same county in 1834 , and could not get a single member to second a similar motion .
; , Chartists , I have done , with this one single admonition . If youSre apathetic in the manufacturing districts , in consequence of temporaryprosperity , you will be handed over , neck and crop , from the grasp of the landlord , to the gripe of the money-lord , and when trade if ^ fi ^ capRf ^^ lD 0 AT * mt ^ e trap again . Tour faithful and uncompromising advocate , Feargus O'Connor .
] ' * ..'Stlumhte. .• .._ And Nationai, ...
. _ AND NATIONAI , TRADES' JOURNAL . 1
»__ "¦ — ——— ¦_—__^. ¦ - :—L . , , . ———...
»__ "¦ — ——— ¦_—__^ . ¦ - : —l . , , . ————IgLjH . HO . 6397 ~ 1 QJ 0 H , SATIIRDAIIMM 19 , 1850 . * . „ *^ lr £ ™™«\^
Me. O'Connor's Tour. It Was My Intention...
ME . O'CONNOR'S TOUR . It was my intention to have made a tour throughout the country before the meeting of Parliament , but , as I have resolved never to travel a mile , nor eat a meal , at the expense of any party , and as the injustice of the millions has disabled me from making such an expensive tour , I must forego the pleasure ; for Mr . Macnamara ' s action , my own expenses therein , and to save prisoners from oakum picking , I have paid nearly £ 500 , and to prove the honour of the millions , I have received hack about £ 70 ; while the receipts announced from the middle classes , upon a platform , from a very few of them , amounted to £ 1 , 500 . At foot of this letter , I give you one received from the Solicitor who defended Mr . Vernon ,
and you will discover what he threatens me with . I shall be in Leeds on Monday next , hecause I rejoice to meet men amongst whom I have lived for seven years , and from whom I have ever experienced affection , gratitude , and support ^ Feargus O'Connor .
" Barnard's Inn, London, " 17th December...
" Barnard's Inn , London , " 17 th December , 1849 . " Sir , —I think neither yourself , nor the million of Chartists whom you represent , can now complain of any want of patience on my part , in waiting for the Bill for Vernon ' s defence !!! How correctly does your correspondent , 'J . Oldfteld , of Huddersfield , ' in his letter to you of the 10 th ult ., appear to appreciate the character of the body of Chartists , when he Tery properl y observes
that' I think it was the duty of the Chartists to have paid the debt long ago , before it came to a trial . I am ashamed to own the Chartists as a body , for their supineness and apathy in those affairs ; as I am confident , if each were to pay a trifle , they might raise funds for anything , and gain a glorious moral victory over all their enemies . " Now , Sir , in July , 1848 , 1 defended Mr . Vebnox , one of your Chartist leaders . My bill—about £ 180—up to the present time remains undischarged , much to the discredit of your Chartist constituency ; and although I have been urged by many to adopt legal
proceedings against you personally , I have , hitherto refrained . Not so , Mr . Macnajiara . Hethoughsinore closely connected to you ( as appeared on the trial ) by friendship than myself—not getting paid , brought his action , obtained a verdict against you , and , this term , has had that verdict confirmed . Let me ask you , is it commonly decent for a large body of people like the Chartists to allow such proceedings against you ? But what course has the professional man to adopt if he advances his own money and cannot get paid ? Is he to work like
myself , for nothing ? Is he to sue a Committee not worth a groat—now in oblivion—and to increase his expenditure ; or is he so mercifully to deal with his client , the imprisoned Chart ist , as to sue him at the termination of his two years' incarceration ? Thus am I placed . Who can I look to for payment but yourself , the fountain-head and representative of the Chartists—a body amounting to a million of people ? If you are not legally hound to pay , yon are morally . And I do not hesitate in saying , it is a perfect disgrace to them that they permit you for one moment to be placed
in such an unenviable position . How many times have I addressed you on this subject , and how often have you appealed to the great body of Chartists—but in what manner have they responded ? Not 51 . has been subscribed towards payment of my Bill , although 1 have not brought any action against you . But it must come , for patience is getting exhausted . Had anything been omitted on the trial of Mr . Vernon—had not every possible exertion of counsel , myself , and my clerks , heen used in that great trial , I might , perhaps , have said there was reason
for my not being paid , on account of negligence ; but this was not so : you , as well as all others who knew how Mr . Vernon ' s defence was got up , were pleased to publicly say it was well and properly conducted—but , as I have said before , an angel from Heaven would not have procured any other verdict than 1 Guilty , ' in the then prejudiced minds of the judges and juries . But why am I to be punished ?—why am I to remain unpaid for professional services to you and the body of Chartists , done for your and their benefit , and thus publicly acknowledged ? Shame upon
the body , tcallow either you or myself to be thus situated 3 Shame and discredit be upon them all , I say , that will allow their leader to be their target , to cover their dishonour , whilst they cringe behind the covering , because they won't subscribe a penny or a halfpenny each to his rescue ! Well may Mr . Oldfield exclaim , 'that Mr . Macnasiara ' s action ought not to have gone trial , and that he ( Mr . Oldfield ) is ashamed to own them as a body , when a trifle from each mi g ht raise funds for anything , and gain them a glorious victory over all then * enemies .
" Before , therefore , adopting any legal proceedings against you , to recover my just demand , I once more afford the chance of your calling the attention of the Chartist body to the subject . Let them adopt the course already pointed out by yourself , and in last week's Northern Star by their friend Mr . Otjxfieijx Let us see if they will allow another trial to take place , similar to Mr . Macnamara ' s , which I shall only bring when all your exhortations to them , and when I consider all other
chances of your being saved from this obloquy , have failed . If such your appeals fail , why then allow me to congratulate you upon the high and distinguished honour you possess , in beingtherepresentative of such abody—whilst , on the other hand , great I know , would he your satisfaction , and , in fact , that of thousands of the Chartists , in having such a Leader , when he could proudly exclaim : ' Poor as many of ye are , still ye have subscribed your mite , and all just demands are discharged . ' " When I took up the defence of VERNONand which * I did not until I was assured from
" Barnard's Inn, London, " 17th December...
you that my bill would be paid—I came in contact with another solicitor , who said :. ' If you go on with the defence without . 200 / . or 300 / . in advance , you will never be paid . ' I would not think as he did , but advanced my own money on the strength of your word- ^ -the Leader of the Chartist body . What ; has been the result ? Exactly what my professional brother prognosticated—I am unpaid to the present moment . " In conclusion , therefore , I once more rer peat , I am exceedingly loath to adopt legal
proceedings against you ; but I have no alternative if I am not forthwith paid , and I trust that you ' will take such steps to prevent this most unpleasant proceeding to me , as you think the exigency of the case requires . It is now a year and a half back that I defended Mr . Vernon ; no one can , therefore , say I have trespassed on you , or been troublesome ; but all say what . a disgraceful thing it is that my account has not been long ago discharged . " I am , Sir , your vjjry obedient Servant , : ^ "J . E . Nixon .
" ToFeargus 0 Connor , Esq ., M . P ., ' " 24 , Notting-hill Terrace . " " P . S .-=-I have not received the Northern Star for the last three or four weeks . "J . E . N . "
If England With Her Proper Power At Home...
If England with her proper power at home , Cannot defend her own door from the dog , Letus be worried ; and our nation lose The name of hardihood and policy . —Shakspeabe .
To Tbe Wokking Classes. My Fuiends, -. T...
TO TBE WOKKING CLASSES . My Fuiends , -. To prove to you that " the . folly of to day may toe the wisdom o . fto morrow , " let me call your attention to the-following' extracts from my letters addressed to the Irish landlords , from my dungeon , in July , 1841 , now going upon ten years ; and when you read them , ask yourselves , whether or not , every one of my prophecies with respect to the effect of Free Trade , if not accompanied T > y timely and prudent concession , have not heen realised as regards that country . And now , in the year 1850 , I tell you that , you will very shortly witness the same results as regards England , if the landlords do not come to their senses , and measure the value of their property by State necessity and national requirements , instead of by political patronage , Your faithful Friend and Representative ,
Fbargus O'Connor . My lords and gentlemen , having said so much with a view to free your mind from any prejudice which a conviction for what is called libel might have created , allow me to tell you that , however the meshes of the law may have caught me , my real crime consists in an endeavour to preserve your estates from the grasp of the English manufacturers . That is' the head and front of my offending ; ' but do not mistake me—I claim no crcditTor thanks , inasmuch as my motives were of a far higher nature than a desire to uphold unjust powers in your hands for . the preservation of a very foolish , and a very destructive monopoly . My motive was to give you the opportunity of reforming before others compelled you to transfer . My lords and gentlemen , such is precisely your present position . You have now the option , whether you will forego monopoly and commence reform , or preserve monopoly and see your estates transferred to other hands .
Lord Morpeth ' s Representation Sill , so fortunately defeated , would have increased the practice to on extent frightful to be contemplated ; and , judging from the past , must either have depopulated a great portion of Ireland , or must have paralysed the hand of industry , and have limited the expenditure of capital , by depriving the occupying tenants of all tenure beyond your will in their farms , and , consequently , all inducements and heart to improve their holdings . You have now the option whether you will reform your , own abuses , or allow those abuses to remain as a mark for the most powerful ( because the most wealthy and centralised ) party in the stale , against which to direct the full current of popular indignation , ministerial experiment and commercial speculation assault , with the view of transferring your estates to their own pockets .
The church , in its turn , must have known that when it became a party to the appropriation of the trust property of the poor , that its turn would one day come ; and the landlords must have been aware , thatwhen they became a parly to the appropriation of church property to their own uses that their day would come ; and those who now appropriate your estates to their own uses , under the specious pretext of feeding the poor , may rest assured that their day will also come . My lords and gentlemen , I mention these things to warn you of your danger , to alarm you of the thiefs approach , to rouse you to action , in order that , profitting by the portrayal of your own folly and the folly of others , you may take the means of doing gratuitously for yourselves that which , if left undone by you , will be done by rougher hands ; fordone , believe me , it will be , and that right
speedily . My lords and gentleman , pray , pray , pray , keep that one feature full in view , —THAT DOSE IT MUST BE ; and therefore the question is , who sham , do it ? If you come forward in your political strength , and reduce expenditure , debt , wages of public servants , and all the cost of government , to that standard to which a repeal of the Cora Laws would assuredly reduce your estates , you will but nominally suffer ; your rentals will be reduced , but your burdens will be correspondingly lessened ; your incomes will be virtually smaller , but actually more valuable , because more secure ; your position in society will not be theleast altered . The most wealthy will still be the most wealthy ; the several classes measured by the same graduating scale , will see no . perceptible change in their social or monetary arrangements . This change you can
accomplish by a vigorous and timely exercise of your political functions . However , should you still cling to high rents and expensive government , and a false pre-eminence from which a sudden shock may hurl you , you must , in such case , make timely use of your power as landlords ; you must bring your estates into the retail market , to suit the habits , customs , capabilities , and wants of your own people ; while you will open for the English manufacturers a trade , a home trade , a sure trade , larger and more remunerative tlian all their quackery would produce . Thus , my lords and gentlemen , you have it in your power to act as a breakwater to the rushing rapid , while you are erecting your new building ; and , if youproceed with judgment , you may strike your centres at any given moment , without fearof damage from the flood ; bu £ oppose the current , and your all will be hurried down the stream .
Does not each day ' s novelty furnish you with the one single object , however wide it may be of theTmark ; and that that object is to reduce the working people , made surplus population bymachinoy , to the necessity of working at wages regulated by the mere existence point , or of emigrating to some foreign land , or of dying . of hunger , or of revolting against the unnatural state of things . My lords and gentlemen , let me , in concluding this , my first letter , warn you that , at once , either the corn laws must be repealed , or ycu must render their immediate repeal unnecessary , or put yourselves in a condition to meet the new order of things created T ) y repeal , or defend your
estates by force of aims . Again , I teu you , my lords and gentlemen , we tan rob you all in less than six weeks , though you had the Court , the Lords , and the Commons with you ; and , having done so , then you would be thrown into revolution with the fundholder , the parson , the mortgagee , the simple contract creditor , your mothers , your brothers , your sisters , and your dependants , who , believe me , will be loth to give up their grasp upon their monopoly , as you have been to surrender yours . Judce then , in which situation you can best arbitrate , whether before or after TRANSFER . We are called destructives , while we have borne oppression , rather than change the warfare to
our oppressors camp
II . Have you ever known a working man in Ireland , with certain employment at 8 d . a day , and paid , to be charged with an act of dishonesty , violence , or outrage ? I have not ; and my experience goes far in that respect . I have heard scores ot magistrates admit the same . Do you not tlieu , in the uncultivated state of your laud , and in the unemployed state of the people , discover all the errors of society , and see just cause for self-reproach ? Take class legislation and GUNPOWDER for your dividend , and political economy for your divisor , and the result in your quotient wiU be a surplus of fictitious money ; a huge surplus of manufactured goods ; a large surplus population rendered useless by machinery ; a large surplus of non-consuming unregulated producing power ; a large amiv : a lame navv : a large church establishment ; a
large law establishment ; a large police establishment ; a large regal establishment ; a large poor law establishment ; a large oligarchical establishment ; a small centralised , gorged slaveowners establishment ; social ruin ; an empty exchequer ; little trase ; discontent , crime , insecurity of property , gaols full of political offenders ; starvation and revolution . As a superabundance of fictitious money presses hard upon , and reduces the value of real capital , so does fictitious labour press hard upon , and reduces the value of real labour , And as the bankrupt , fails in tho midst of surplus wealth , so does the operative starve in the midst of abundance , neither having the means of acquiring the dni '' . Thus you see merchants failing in the midst miust ot
of affluence , and the people starving in the plenty . . My lords and gentlemen , political economy has no finality , and , believe me . that the political economists will never rest satisfied till they make you tenants in your own houses , stewards to your own estates , and beggars fiom the Pole , the Turk , the Russian , the Prussian , and the American , upon your land . They wish to place you upon the shopboard , making breeches and coats , which the forei gner may , or not , purchase , according to convenience ; while they would make you dependent upon the foreigner for that which you must have three times a day , or starve , or do that which , Ian quite sun you " < w catita 6 riit <; yoursehesto , as you have transported thousands upon thousands for the same—STEAL . ¦¦
-HI . & ow , my lords and gentlemen , it is my intention , as assessor , faitlifully to discharge my duty between you , a « rivals for power . In the first place , then , the manufacturers hold out something to the people , although it is a
To Tbe Wokking Classes. My Fuiends, -. T...
demsiotot ; while . you , * sturdy and obstinate , in your newly acquired poweiyihave . not even yet , in the eleventh hour , offered anything / substantial asaset off against the manufacturers shadow . You'hope toward off their encroach--ments by Parliamentary majorities , while thoy expect to assailyour granaries , with a legion-of . starving besiegers , whose passiahs . vhythe stoppage , of the mills , they hope to inflame to an extent unassailable . by the voice of reason , unoontrolabfe-b y the influence -. of their ^ leaders ; - and' irirmcible from ' . their . numerical strength , and their masters implied coiisefit , to see all law set " at defiance'to a certain ' point , thatpbjntbeirigthe ' exnet one where their own 6 b . JPCt shall haye been neljioveoV . To these inducements , for . revenge , add the hope oftimpunity , and theheavy . state , of , Jifoanddeath ; an ' dweigh themagainst your ' politicalhia- ; jorltieR , nnd ^ yourscale will kick thebeam ! . '•• '' : ' : ;• J , What mu ' st'be myfate hvhen M : feel . convinced thai that state of things ^ - , at which I have previously hinted , -will : be . sure to comci / arid when in' the bustle arid turmoil , all that I have dorie > or ' endeavoured " to do , will be made to ' appear to the sfJucvihg jj ' eople ^ by . their . hard , but . commanding taskmasters , ' as ^ he immediate cause . of their . pressing wants . ¦ : . " , i- ; rfe : - . Wv ' . v : ¦' . / : ¦ - ; ^ ^ ¦' , ' __' . . ;•' - ¦ >; - ; : My lordsi a ^ genttcmen ; there is ' atiother anomaly ; which never strikes ^ yipuiA ' ilt is that agricultural ' li : elandsnould ' have for jijIJMvie ^ oiva ^ geiierali i akind . ' ; of . ' mili ! tai' 3 r . jctaief- '" tain ; a ^|| mfij ^ fii » M |^ 5 MWd ^ Mb ; e § ffiife !® S ^ a in lliii j tTnTimlil ^ nirrtiiluil ^ whose whole time is taken up in the adjusfment of parl y squabbles , political disagreements ,: consideration of military , police , and magisterial iilliiirs , and clmngcd , too , with each administration . ''He is a mere political tool , and in nine cases out of ten , : » most ugrcg ' rious ; fool ! either a military fopfflying about the country in peacocks leathers ,: courting his party , or a quiet old gentleman , fearful of doing : right , lejst he may be suspected of doing wrong ; and in his endeavour *) please every body , pleasing nobody ;' and losing his character into , the bargain . . Such is your political chieftain ; while the greatest recommendation which your agents can have Is a steeled heart . That man only , is fitted for the collection of rack rents , who can look upon the legal act of taking the bed from under the sick woman , and the last cow from the little children , as divested of all moral turpitude . My lords and gentlemen , you may consider it a ' great bore' to be compelled to make an } such arrangements , as will suit the present times , but the question is , whether you will put up with' a choice of , evils—whether you will undertake the ' bore' of collecting more rent from a greater number—or be ' bored' by going without any rent .
• My lords and gentlemen , once more , I caution you against the foolish notion , when an English political question cannot affest Irish property . I tell you that poverty , like water , will find its level ; and I also tell you that the most rising and powerful political interest is that of the English manufacturers , whom you will find to your cost to be excellent engineers , and which you will admit , when they have reduced you , after payments of debts and mortgages , to the ver y same condition that the hand-loom weavers are now in , > VK In the first place , then , labour is the foundation of all wealth . _ That is indisputable . The barren surface of your soil , until made available by the poor man ' s labour , has no more value than the shapeless block of marble , rough from the quarry , before it receives value from the sculptors hands , who puts the . stamp upon it ; and even its value is but ideal : or rather it must be regulated by the price of
the produce of the land . ' So with every luxury that you use in this world from the gorgeous feast , the gaudy happings of your persons , the sumptuous furniture of your mansions , and the splendour of your carriages , down to the mere necessaries of life—all , all are regulated by the price of labour ; and having deteriorated the value of labour by your law of primogeniture settlement , and retail as also by your whimsical mode of leasing ground for terms of years , at fixed rents , without reference to annual produce or price , and also by bad tenure and destructive conditions annexed to occupation ; having by these complicated errors deteriorated the value of labour , you have drugged the world with its cheap produce , while you have smothered the bees in the midst of their own honey , not allowing them the very meanest subsistence after all ; and you now vainly hope to limit suffering to those very producers never
reflecting that all other properties of every description , and however guaranteed , whether they be fixed income salaries , or fluctuating incomes , and whether insured by rents , acts of parliament , custom , or contract , must sooner or latter catch the infection , and take the disorder , which is—poverty . I shall now proceed to lay before you the five measures which I proposed forimmediate relief in 1831 and 1885 . To move for leave to bring in a bill to compel Irish landlords to give leases for ever at a corn rent ; and in all cases where lands are now held upon lease or accepted proposal , and are considered too dear to give . to the tenants of such lands the right of appealing to a jury wha shall establish the value in like manner as the value of private property is now ascertained when required by the Crown , or legally authorised corporations , or individuals for national
purposes . . t ' : For leave to bring in a-bul to make a legal provision for the poor of Ireland . , ' . ' Potvleave to -bring in a bill to consolidate the several Stamp Acts now in force in Ireland .. . »^ , y .,. ^ j ; i ? M ; -j . ' ,-.:. ; •; , ; For leaVe-tf tbjangin a " bill , f 6 r ? thfl \ blBtter r 2 glfad 6 Kof Quarter Session ' s Courts in Ireland , ' with a view of making those courts cheap courts of equity , as well as courts of law , whereby cheap justice might bo brought home to the door of every poor man . To move a resolution of the House , that it is desirable , as well for the ends of justice as for the tranquillity of Ireland , that all clerymen being magistrates , should be deprived of the commission of the peace .
I now allude to the holding ofa sacred month as it was called , when from the 12 th of August , till the 12 th of September , 1839 , the working people of this empire were invited by a set of merchants to fast and pray , and be shot at , to carry a point for the said merchants . In that I saw the seeds of a revolution for which the conspirators were well prepared ; and I thank God , at the risk of popularity and of even life itself , 1 slipped in and stopped , what in my conscience upon mature reflection , I believe to have been a deep conspiracy hatched by a set of as great cowards as ever lived , to experimentalise upon the excitability of a nation of brave and oppressed people , condemned for a month , without stores , provision , orammunition , to sustain an equal conflict against an organised military force , and a well-supplied and thoroughly-armed community , united without distinction of sect , creed , or politics , so long as the campaign lasted .
Yes , my lords and gentlemen , it is now two o clock m the morning , and destructive as I am I lay down my pen , and with uplifted hands , return grateful thanks to Alnrghty God , that I was made the humble instrument to stop the effusion of human blood , and the great " weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth , " which must have followed so hellish a conspiracy , had the experiment been tried . My lords and gentlemen , I will show you , that you cannot deal with , check , or mould the manufacturing interests of this country to national purposes , otherwise than through the agency of a free labour market , established
by the small farm system . I defy you to deal with it by law . YOU DAVE WADE RESISTANCE WORTH A EEVOLOTIOJf . But suppose you could effect It , . vhat tnen ? You would but have sharpened both edges of the sword for the destruction of labour . Firstly , the manufacturer having worked the very flesh from the bones , would see through the ti ansparent skin of the slave , before he would allow himself , with his class power , to be mulct to the amount of a penny in the pound , as his share of the impost ; nay , he would make a profit of the tax , while he complained of its injustice . Secondly , you would leave all those grievances to which your monopolies expose the labourer unredressed .
However , as the rays of knowledge begin to shine through my prison bars , and as they are sure to spread their benigu influence abroad over the whole face of the earth , I am nothing daunted ; and shall therefore , despite the political econonomist the-farthing-sliding patriot , and the dreadshower statesman , proceed at once to my purpose , which is to apply details to your principle of reclaiming waste land . Of that land you have in Great Britain , and Ireland more than fifteen millions of acres , capable of reclamation . It at all events can scarcely be called ' your own , and is therefore out of the Newcastle principle of doing what you please with it . liy its proper appropriation , you not only do not suffer damage , but , on the contrary ,. ! propose to do for you what you cannot do for yourselves : to make It valuable . I estimate that land at a rent of ls . 4 d , per acre . I calculate that each acre in the outset , taking the tenant ' s house and stock , and means of subsistence , till the lane'isbrought ' to bear , into account , would require somewhere ebout £ 1 per acre , or a capital of about j £ 100 for every fifteen acres ., The fifteen million acres allotted in farms of fifteen acres to one miUion heads of families , would thus require a capital of one hundred millions of pounds sterling to aid the working communities in thenwork of reclamation .
The value of those fifteen millions of acre * , at twenty years' purchase , at a rent of Is . 4 d per acre , would cost Government £ 50 , 000 , 000 . A ' ow njint i propose is , that Government shall purchase the lauds from you , say at that rate , and , thcn under proper official management , at the head' of which should be a Cabinet Minister , to be called the Minister of Agriculture , lease those lands at Is . 4 d . per acre , in lots of fifteen acres , with a capital of £ 100 advanced to each tenant , subjecting the tenant to a rent of £ 5 per annum for the land , and the interest of £ 100 at four cent ., that is £ 1 for land and £ i forintcrest . This sum of jfil 20 , 000 , 0001 propose to consolidate into one national fund , which shall stand as a mortgage upon the fifteen millions of acres , and over which the Parliament alone shall have control ; and that it should not be a transferable stock , or a stock allowed to be made the mtdium of exchange , barter , or traffic in the Jew ' s temple ; but that the Government shall merely be ' agent for the fund-holder and fund-payer—receiving from-the one and paying to the other .
I propose that after the first eleven years the tenant shall yearly pay ' ten pounds in liquidation of his debt ; thereby liquidating the whole amount at the end of the next ten years , or with the twenty-first year of his tenancy ; at the close of which period—twenty-one years—I propose that the tenant shall pay no more than the original chief rent ; of Is . i . per acre , and all local taxes : or a pound per annum for his holding for e ver and ever , and amen—until some future generation , in its wisdom , shall see the State necessity of making the then occupiers—themselves being partics—pay something more as their quota of any national requirement . Now , those who are in love with a national debt as a bond of union , have it here in the flesh and the spirit ; those who so loudly call out for the cultivation of our waste lands have here the only chance by which their desire
which is improvement and the bettering of the poor man ' s condition , can be simultaneously effected ; those who " fear that population presses too hardly upon the means of subsistence" have here the means of obviating that disaster ; those of the school of political economy have here the practical illustration of one of their daring principles—that " when circumstances close up one channel of speculation and industry , other sircumstauces open another channel ;" those who would gladly find a resting place for the '' surplus population , " made such by the substitution of artificial for natural labour , have here the harbour open for them those who would add to our now , as they say , " too scanty surface of wheat producing land , " have here an extension offered to them ; while , although I would much prefer the more improved field for the establishment of a free labour standard of value , I have no objection , provided he gets the
To Tbe Wokking Classes. My Fuiends, -. T...
means ,. to allow any : clierit to work out Ids own salvation in the more barren field .. , ; ¦ , ¦ . .-. ?¦/ Here we have a means of immediately providing for seven millions of peoplff-V . and in less than ten yearsot providing for fifteen millions ' of people and ; at the expiration of twenty-one years , theorigiual ; farms of fifteen acres , each would be capable " of being siibdiyided for . the families ; ilito farms of five acres each , Jf ^ iieftessai'y . v Tlius would our present ; waj { e ;; lands , ' New England ^ Ireland , ' and Scotland , of tliemselvesj ; supportonitliexspot ^ tweutyronemaiiohs'in . affluence , cbnifertj . and' splendour , . atthe end of twenty-one years and roreveitf' ^ . ' f ^ t- ^ -VK- " ' '¦ . ' - ' ; j . -The lawntn i > ffp / if . ' thisnnim ' riSfl need not oflftiinv more than
a folio sheet ; -While ' . the difference , between ;^ Thvee-and-ahalt . pcr . Cent . at whichGoveriiment ' couldTeasily raise the , mP » ey > and fdi ^ r'Per \ Cent , cheei'fully . ' paid by ^ he labourer , wouldiriore than ; coverJ' ^ ftho expenses ^ of adding ^ a' new and necessary ; departmqn ' t ' td the state ^ machinery . / -Biit it istoo visionary Ij . 'tis complicated ! , because , the Interesiof 'the poor mania , concerned ; . while if two hundred millions pf-ppunds were required fori speculation to build a floating bnd ge across theAtlantic ,. - or to make a . tunnel from JJovei'tp Calais ; . if the subjugation of labour , or the importation of foreign troops / was the ' object , every angle in a fascinating drawihg by : some happy draftsman would be scannedsandfaUiEQ . OLISH ^
* " liliiiliiilr Ih ' ' iiiiiptlifnriillMff land and water . " ' ¦¦ " - ¦ ¦ . ;;* f ^ ' « .
'¦ Ah""But" It Is Answered By The-Frce T...
* .. 'STlUMhte . . .
An O T He R " Rav En."
AN O T HE R " RAV EN . "
THE LAND . I expect that the question of Registration of the Land Company will he argued in a very few days . The Attorney-General ' told me on Saturday last that that was h . is opinion ; and on Wednesday I paid £ 25 to fee Counsel in the case , so that we shall shortl y hear the result . I also received a summons from a member to appear in the County Court of Worcester , on Friday , but i got a certiorari , and put a kick in his gallop . And now , to show you the manner in which this Company
has been dealt with , let me call your attention to the following letter received ¦ from Mi \ Doyle , this ( Thursday ) morning , to prove that there is another " Raven' "—a Government " Raven "—fluttering about the estates . In compliance with the very wise resolutions passed throughout the whole couutry , I have handed over my grateful children at Minster Lovelto the tender morcy of the Mortgagees , and they have every one been served with ejectments , so that I am curious to know whether they will consider me or the Mortgagees the best landlord . Here is Mr . Doyle s letter . Feakgus O'Connor .
Snigs End , January 16 th , 1850 . Dear Sir , —There is a gentleman down here , and has been since last Monday , in search of information from the allottees , as to . their physical and social condition . I also understand that he asks each man whether he is an original allottee , or whether he purchased his allotment , and if the latter , how much money did he give for it ? I have made every endeavour ( short of questioning this gentleman , ) to ascertain who he is , who sent him , and what is his object here ; but I have hitherto failed . Mr . Shopland asked him what was his motive for seeking him , and putting questions to him , and he could get no satisfactory answer from him . Ho has , however , invited Mr . Cullingham to call upon him
this evening , at the Swan Inn ; and Mr . Cullingham says , ere he replies to his questions , he must know for what purpose he desires to ask them . There are many rumours afloat as to who he is , and what he is . Some say he has been sent by the Attorney-General , to glean all the information possible against you , so that a strong caso may be made out against registering the Company , while others state he is the " Morning Chronicle ' s Commissioner . " In fact , all sorts of stories are abroad about him , but I know not which to believe . It is certain , however , his objeet is to make . public the information he has received , and I suppose not in favour
of the principles and objects of the Land Plan ; as I never knew any person of the character ( a doubtful otic ) of the gentleman now here , who ever gave a fair and impartiarreport . He has been to Lowbands , and held conversations with O'Brien , Howe , and several others . He has also been with Dewhurst , for at least two hours , and you may depend that that bad man said everything calculated to prejudice his mind against yourself . It will cost me a fall , or I'll find out who he is . I will write to you again to-morrow . In the mean time , believe mc , dear sir , Yours respectfully , C . Dotle .
Richard Oastler.Ox Free-Trade. Letter Ii...
RICHARD OASTLER . OX FREE-TRADE . LETTER II . Broadstairs , Kent , Dec . 18 , 1 S 49 Dear Sir , —I have to thank you for the first three numbers of your Bakers' Gazette , . ind for your having therein noticed our meetings in Lancashire for the protection of the Ten Hours Act , as well as for your kind letter accompanying the same . I have often thought of writing tp you on the subject of the Bill for the Protection of the Journeymen Bakers , but I seemed to have no hope to inspire me . ' The working classes , as well as the middle classes , are so much in love with Cobden's hoax , called Free Trade , and your bill being in direct contravention of the principles of Free Trade , it appeared to me waste of time to trouble you with my thoughts on the subject . .
But Now , as I find the sad discoveries of the miserable condition of the working classes , that have recently been made through the Morning ChvonitU , instead of leading to some grand scheme for their amelioration , are likely to have no result , save that of inducing the rich and benevolent to chime in with the cruel views of the Economists , by raising a fund to transport the poor to the colonies , instead of adopting such plans of social regulation as would find profitable employment for all here , I can no longer refrain from writing to you on a subject that is , I know , so dear , so sacred to you . Perhaps my views may very widely differ from yours . Tou will , however , I am sure , give me credit for sincerely wishing success to the Journeymen Bakers' Protection Bill ; you know , also , I have had some experience in such matters .
The -fact , that any interference with labour and capital is contrary to the present national feeling , cannot bo denied . In the case of the Factories' Regulation Bill , we contended ( after a struggle of more than thirty years ) successfully against that prejudice , because the objects of our solicitude were children and women , who , even some Free Traders allowed , were not free agents . Now , the Bill for the Protection of . the Journeymen Bakers must be defended on the fact , that those journeymen are not free agents . True , you and Iknow
that they are not ; but according to the popular , the received , the ruling opinion , they are perfectly free to fix their own liours of labour- ; and until that delusion is removed , 1 think it will be impossible that you can persuade the legislature to pass that bill . ' Nor can I see how you can remove that delusion without being able to disprove the whole theory of free action called Free Trade , and to prove that the state is bound so to interfere as to prevent its members from injuring themselves and others by excessive and unnatural labour .
In striving to do so ( and I am convinced that must be done before you can obtain an act to limit the hours of labour for journeymen bakers ) , most probably I should have to overcome your prejudices ; for aught I know , you may be a Free Trader , although seeking for protection in the case of journeymen bakers , I am sure I should have to contend against the prejudices of many , very many working men—nay , perhaps to subject myself to their scorn , insult , and abuse . Still , rather than lose the Bakers' Protection Bill , I would submit to somo persecution ; and believing that every attempt to obtain that most excellent regulation must be vain , until the public and the Parliament are convinced of the falseness of the theory of Free Trade , I should be glad to be useful in removing the prejudices that now becloud the public mind , and
benumb every effort to obtain justice for all , or any of tho busy bees that throng our national hive . Most likely those , very bees would bo tho first to sting me , so fondly do our English working men hug the chains of slavery and poverty , under the charmed word—freedom of action , Free Trade ; failing to pvece-ivo , that without regulation— Protection—' there can be no freedom or liberty . It would bo no difficult task to prove , if the working men would listen , that there can be no true liberty under tho operation of tho principles of free action—that , under that system , '' the weakest must always go to the wall . " If , instead of regulating our national affairs on sound principles , so as to consume our own productions , wo displace them by the productions ot other countries , it cannot be difficult to prove , that those persons , who «« re employed in our own productions , must bo thrown out of work and be maintained at the charge of 6 be public .
Richard Oastler.Ox Free-Trade. Letter Ii...
' ¦ Ah " , " but , " it is answered by the-Frce Traders , " they will soon find other employments ; they will SOOn be absorded in other industnal branches . " It is very easy to say so , my friend *; but in that expression , what is the amount of loss and misery involved ? What mental and physical agonj must be undergone : . - .,- ' , „ ,, - . Look at the , poor weavers of ^ pitajfields , how many years have , they been m " absordmg into other branches ? " Tiy , it - you cah , to measure their losses—their soirows and Anguish-rthoir deprivation of . every comfort—and , at ia $ > t , the sad and sickening penury in which the remnant exists J Trace , if you can , tho broken up homes , the broken hearts , and count the graves , tihat .,, point out the dreadful track to " absorption , " the <¦ iv -Vim * " if . ia nnswevfid hv tho « Frn (» TrmWa .
Then maik tho effects on " other branches' *— ' ¦ absorbed" ones have been compelled to throw themselves , as competitois , to those employe . d in other trades—to offer their services at loweiv wages ; thus is every branch reduced to the lowest : possible pittance , wretchedness and penury becoming the constant handmaids to : industry . The . T . npurs of labour are thus , also increased—showing a ! 3 ' in" your trade—the necessity of legislative , interference with adult labour ; and strange . as ; it may . appear ^ " the benevolent" are . thereby : ' , persuaded , ' that profitable employment can . no longer be found itr England , " and are induced , " in charity , " - ; to spend' their capital in removingthe sons and daughters of toil , to" far distant countries—nay , uro urged to dp . so , as . " a thank offering to Godfor . the . rcmoval > of . the cholera ! "' -. '¦ = ; - '•• . ' : ' ¦ ::- ' . ¦ ¦¦ ¦• ¦ . ^ vi ^ ¦ t 3 . -: . "
¦¦ -I have said nothing about % the loss of co ital in fchig ^ . Ub 8 orption ^ in .. other , ; , ^ ruined ¦< merchants , ^ . manufacture ^ because ^! am writing just novv ,. more-for . theear of the ' working men ; ; else , I coiildlicllyou ; of losses by tens of . thousands' of pounds , of . breaking up of splendid establishments ;' ' .: and " of ^ many ' brbkehhcartwdeath & toaused ^ solely ^ by-- ' .- * they -will soon S jfi l Mflj ^^ i ^ l ^ l ¦^ l { fI ) I ^ IMvQRBBHc 8 ^ 717 vtu ^^ u ^ uueJ ^^^ ' ^^ u poor , is . inevitable , and the constantly returning consequences of freedom of suction . But still , " It is so delightful to buy . cheap , " cries the working man ; " 1 am a consumer , and when ' things are cheap , I can procure more ^ . Forgetful of the fact , that ; every thing ^ ie ^ bffys , is the pr ^ uciion' ^ f'laiovir , ^ hd that if . ^ tfre ^ f tW-falls , so , eventually , must the wages , anatliat mostdmrtdltt , the working classes must be losers by universal cheapness , oeeause they -must always produce -more than they consume ; else , no one would or could give them employment .. It may seem very strange , Sut it is true—cheapness paves the path from the uottago to tho workhouse , the prison , and the liulk !
The fact is , my dear Sir , the Free Trade plot is icither more or less than a gigantic juggle—a na-; ional hoax , practised upon the people and government of this country by a few selfish , tyrannical , gnorant , but energetic and parsorvering " Manjnester men !" It was carried by- intimidation , delusion , ' and fraud !—its very propounders do not believe in the loctrine they have so successfully preached ! Jsot i man of them acts upon the principles he professes , when dealing with his serviints and dependmts . Enter their establishments—their millsthere you will see tyranny in its most rampant form—slavery in its most degraded attitude . Do you think the working men would patiently listen to the proof of all these facts ? If not , I am persuaded , it is labour in vain to strive for a bill to protect the journey man bakers ! Before that bill ean be obtained , the middle classes , the constituency , must be convinced of their error in demanding Free Trade . Not anything is more certain than this , so long as the constituency favour Free Trade , the House of Commons must resist all protective measures for adult males . 1 think that is evident from the reports , in your journal , of the reason why your bill was thrown out . * # sfc * i
Think calmly on this subject , and say—Will you md your order aid in restoring the reign of truth rhus , you will secure the passing of your bill for ihe protection of Adults . I shall rejoice to . assist in that struggle . —And so , I conclude , remaining , tear sir , yours truly , Ricii . viiD Oastlpu . To Mr . George Read , Secretary to the Bakers ' Association , 14 , Cromer-street , Brunswicksquare , London .
Tailors Md " Sweaters." A Very Numerous ...
TAILORS MD " SWEATERS . " A very numerous meeting of journeymen , and others engaged in the abovo trade , was held on Thursday night at Exeter-hall , " for the purpose of exposing the evils of the slop , sweating , and middleman systems , and also the injurious effects of the government contracts and prison labour ; and to petition Parliament to make it compulsory on the masters to have their work done on their own premises . " The large hall in which the meeting took p lace was crowded to excess , every available space m the body of the hall , the galleries , and the
platform ( where there were several master tailors ) , being fully occupied . There were , probably , not fewer than 6 , 000 persons present . Mr . Thomas Reynolds presided . The meeting was addressed by Messrs . ' Ellnrd , J . Goodfellow , Bryant , Talbot , and C . Goodfellow ; and the following resolutions were adopted : — - | ' That this meeting deplores tho wide-spread evils of destitution , misery , and crime , engendered by the slop , sweating , and middleman system in the tailoring trade—a system which was at the same tinifi destructive to the interests of tho workmen .
ruinous to the honest tradesmen , and which , if not held in check , was calculated to convey disease and death amongst , the highest and noblest families in the empire , and ultimately to affect the well-being of the community at large . " " That this meeting is convinced that the only way of dealing with an evil of such magnitude as the slop , sweating , and middlemen system is by a law making it compulsory on all employers to have their work done on their own premises , including government contract clothing . " A petition embodying the views of the meeting was also adopted , which it was resolved should be entrusted to the Duke of Cambridge to present to the Lords , and to Lord Ashley to present to the Commons .
A vote of thanks to Mr . II . Mayhew , tho special correspondent of tho Morning Cfoonicle , followed , and , after the usual acknowledgment to the chairman of the evening , the meeting separated .
Awful Catastrophe And Loss Of Life.—The ...
Awful Catastrophe and Loss of Life . —The Cork Examiner of Thursday contains the folio wins account of an awful disaster in liillarney , by which " a workhouse has been destroyed by fire , and twentyseven girls and two women killed : — " Our local reporter has furnished us with some of the pav ' ticu « lavs connected with the burning of one' branch workhouse , formerly the College ; and the fail of a loft in another , called the Brewery , which occurred in Kilkenny on Monday night . Tho consequences were indeed frightful , and have plunged the whole district into gloom . The fire burst out about eleven o ' clock , when the cries of tho wretched inmates from the windows , for assistance to save them from tho most terrible . of all deaths , were truly appalling . After ladders had been procured , tho work of rescue commenced most nobly . Every
man vied with his neighbour in his efforts to save life ; Protestant and Catholic clergymen , magistrates , physicians , police , and people , all did their duty . But the result was a reported loss of three lives . The most dreadful part of the business , however , remains to be told . The cry of ' fire , ' and the livid glare of the Barnes , which ' forced its way into the Brewery ( branch house ) awoke' the sleepirie children , Alarm for parents , friends , . and relations , in the other house , made distraction and confusion . Thoy beheld the burnin g pile from the the windows . In their eagerness to go forth they rushed madly to the doors and windows , but they were locked or fastened . They then sought an unused loft for the purpose of egress , but the rotten place gave way—twenty-eight persons wero , instantly killed , and as many more frightfully mutilated . "
Puffino fou a Premium . —Kohl , in-his "Russia , " mentions tho following curious anecdote ;— The emperor wished to illuminate the Alexander Column in ) a grand style ; the size of the round lamps was indicated , and the glasses bespoken at the manufactory , where the workmen exerted themselves in vain , and almost blew the breath out of their bodies in tho endeavour to obtain tho desired magnitu de . The commission must be executed , that was sclfevident , but how ? A great premium was offered to whoever should solve this problem . Again the human bellows toiled and puflbd , their object seemed unattainable ; when at last , a Ions-boarded Russian stopped forward and declared , that ho could do it ; he had strong and sound lungs , he would only rince his mouth first with a little cold water to refresh them . He . applied his mouth to
the pipe and puffed to such purpose , that the vitreous ball swelled and swelled nearly to tho required dimensions , up to it , beyond it . " Hold , hold , " cried the lookers on , " you are doing too much , and how did you do it at all ? " " The matter is simple enough , ' " answered the long \ beard : " but first . ¦ where is my premium ? " And when he had clutched tho promised bounty ho explained . Ho had retained some of the water in his mouth , which had passed thenco into the glowing ball , ' there becoming steam , and rendered him this good service . M . PnounnoN , though still a . prisoner m the prison of St . P 61 agie , has just entered . into the bonds of matrimony with a Madame Pi 6 gard . The youni ; wife has taken a small apartment in front of the prison , and visits her husband as often as the regulations of tho prison permit . ¦
... The Wkatiibr in Tuscasi . — A letter from Florence , of the oth , says : — " For tho last forty years the cold has not been felt so severely , here as it w now . All the hills near the city are covered with snow . "
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 19, 1850, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_19011850/page/1/
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