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, THE NORTHERN STAR. _ _________ Septemb...
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NEW EVENING LONDON PAPER.
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POLAND'S REGENERATION. Now ready, Price ...
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THE NOETHERN STAR SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1816.
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"THE NATION" AND "THE CHARTER." " If'e h...
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THE PAST, THE PRESENT, AND THE FUTURE. I...
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«• THE WORLD" AND "THE STAR." Wo are ove...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
, The Northern Star. _ _________ Septemb...
, THE NORTHERN STAR . _ _________ September 19 , 184 ( 3 * * ; . _ -, ¦ ¦ » ¦ -Tn-ii in ¦¦ ' — ———^ z ii i i ~ " i—m — »
New Evening London Paper.
NEW EVENING LONDON PAPER .
Ad00410
_ - _ -v . _ _ JA _ VA' __<_ __| I __» l ^_' Wy THE EXPRESS . TH E TRIUMPHANT SUCCESS of tbe "Daily News" has led to numerous Inquiries , whether it might not be prnvticnWe tojniWish an JEveuing Edition , containing Resorts of J ' riees and Proceedings in the different Markets on m day of publication . The Proprietors of the " Dau . * News" have resolved to comply with the wish ot the Publish but . toprevent confusion , the paper will appear under a different name—that of TUB EXPRESS . The EXPRESS will contain , in addition to the news in theMorniu » Paper , a SUMMARY of the HOME and FOREIGN INTELLIGEN CE which may arrive on the day of publication . THE EXPRESS will hare the advantage Of Foreign Expresses Correspondence , and other costly characteristics of a Jfoniiiig Journal . But the full and carefully prepared REPO RTS of the MONEY , RAILWAY , PRODUCE , CORN , CATTLE , and other MARKETS will be the marking C ftture . As , ho werer , the interest in such a paper must necessarily be limited to a Class , or a Locality , the Proprietors canmot hope that either Hie sale or the advertisements will he s » extensive or remunerative as those of a Morning Paper . They propose , therefore , that THREEPENCE shall be the price to the pubUc of THE EXPRESS .
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New ready , Price One Shining . THE SECOND EDITION OF MY LIFE , OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Part I . a Poem , bvERXEST JONES , Barrister at Law . t Wc hope the author will be encouraged by tbe public to continue his memoirs . —Literary Gazette , An unequivocally strange and eventful history—Ossianic | q its quality . —Morning Herald , Lady Caerleon and her Lord are portraits true as any that Lawrence ever painted . Beautiful in description , tender , pathetic a » d glowing in the affections of the heart , the author ' s pen is not without a turn for satire . — Haval and Military Gazette . It bears forcibly and pugnently on the existing state of society , IU vices , its follies , and its crimes . —Court Journal , In every page before us may be discovered some fresh , vigorous and poetical conception . The fearful breaking down of the dykes is beautifully brought into the mind ' s eye . —MornUig . Post .
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THE TAILORS ; the Histobt and the Rights and PaivitEGEs of their Trade . Being the commencement of a Sesies of Articles on the yabiobs Tbades . Every Saturday in DOUGLAS JERROLD'S WEEKLY BEWSPAPER , containing also XCMEUOUS OKIGIXAL ARTICLES aud All the News of the week . Order of any Newsmen .
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LITHOGRAPHIC ENGRAVINGS OF THE DTTXCOMBE TESTIMONIAL . T | . r AY still be had at the Office of Messrs . M'Gowan Jl and Co .. 16 , Great WindmiR Street , Haymarket , London ; through any respectable bookseller in town or country "; orat any of tlie agents of the northern Star . The " engraviuj is on a large scale , is executed in the most finished style , is finely printed on tinted paper , and g ives a minute description of the Testimonial , and has the Inscription , & c , & c . engraved upon it . PR 1 CEFOURPENCE .
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lMfOBTAJiT . TO VODSO ASD HEALTH * MEN . -UNITED PATRIARCHS BENEFIT SOCIETY . Patron : T . S . Dcscombe , Esq . ., M . P . London Society House : —Round Table Tavern , St . Martin ' s Court , Leicester Square . Jons Calf , Treasurer . London Office : —13 , Tottenham Court , New Road , St . Pancras . Daxiez Wiiimm Rvm , General Secretary . An opportunity is offered for a short time to Healthy Hen , under Forty-Five years of age , to become members of this institution . It is Enrolled , aud empowered by Act ef Parliament to have Agents , Medical Attendants , Branches , and Branch Committees , with other important privileges , and to extend over the United Kingdom .
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This Testimony to the Itules was given by T . S . Dcscosibe , Esq ., M P ., who honoured the Society by taking the chair at its first anniversary , on Monday , July G-M , ISlBz—The CnAiauAV . —The next sentiment I have to submit to you is the toast of the evening— " The United Patriots ' and Patriarchs'Benefit Societies : and prosperity to the branches . " I assure you it is a subject in which "I feel a deep interest , having introduced a BiU into the Eo-ise to remedy certain defects in the existing laws ; and I feel a peculiar interest in your so . iety , for on turning
Ad00416
TO TAILORS . LONDON and PARIS FASHIONS FOR AUTUMN AND WINTER , 1816-47 . By READ and Co ., 12 , Hart- « rect , Bloomsbury square , Loudon ; And < 5 . Berjjer , Holywell-street , Strand ; May be had of aU booksellers , wheresoever residing . sow KEADT , By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria , and bis Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendid print , richly coloured aud exquisitely executed View of Hyde Park Gardens , as seen from Hyde Park , London . With this beautiful Print will be sent Dress , Frock , and Hiding Coat Patterns , the n west style Chesterfield , and the New Fashionable Double-breasted Waistcoat , with Skirts . The method of reducing and increasing them , for all sizesi explained in the most simple manner , with Four extra Plates , and can be easily performed by any person . Manner of making up , and a full description of the Uniforms , as aow to be worn in tbe Royal Kavy , and other information , —Price 10 s . , or post-free lis .
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IMPORTANT TO PABEHTS OF LIMITED INCOME . ALCOTT HOUSE ACADEMY , Hah Common , neas Richmond , Sdebet . A Boarding School for the Industrious Class . ' It has long been an unratified desire amongst the successful and thoughtful part of the parents in the working community that they could send their children to a suitable school , where their sons and daughters could find a genial sphere for their health , their under-
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making up n complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and . the very best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 2-U . ; Liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Nos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London . ; the noted house for yood black cloths , and patent made trousers . Gentlemen tan choose the colour and quality of cloth from the largest stock inLonden . The a , t of cutting taught .
Ad00419
DAGUERREOTYPE PORTRAITS , HALF PRICE , at 148 , Fleet-street , opposite the late "League " office . —Mr . EGERTOJT begs to inform the public , that from the great improvements ho has made ia the art , he is now able to furnish exquisitely finished portraits at half the usual price . Minature likenesses for broaches , rings , lockets , & cn and the requisite gold mountings , furnished by Mr . E . equally low . —Pictures anydescrip-Son copied . — *«* The improved German and French Lenses , Apparatus Chemicals , Plates , Cases , and all other requisites for the art to he had , as usual , at his depot , 1 . Temple-street , Whitefiiars . A complete book of instruction of this art , 7 s . 6 d . —Descriptive price lists sent gr ; itis . —The art completely taught for £ 3 .
Poland's Regeneration. Now Ready, Price ...
POLAND'S REGENERATION . Now ready , Price One Penny . The second Monthly ltcport of Occurrences in Poland , containing furthot accounts of the Massacres in Gjulicia . the intrigues and cruelties of the Russian Ttbast jSicholas . An account of the Russian Secret Police , the torture by the Knout , and other REVELATION'S OF RUSSIA . Also an Address from the Polish Democrats , < fcc :, & c . Published by the Democratic Committee for Poland ' s Regeneration . To be had of Julian Harney , "Northern Star" Office ; Mr . T . M . Wheeler , 83 , Dean Street , SoUo ; of the members of the Chartist Executive Committee , and through all news-agents in the United Kingdom . * s For two postage stamps sent to G . J . Harney , or T . Si . Wheeler , a copy will be sent through the post , free .
The Noethern Star Saturday, September 19, 1816.
THE NOETHERN STAR SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 19 , 1816 .
"The Nation" And "The Charter." " If'e H...
" THE NATION" AND " THE CHARTER . " " If ' e have received a printed address from the Chartists of England to the Irish people , with a request that we should insert it in the " Nation . " We desire no fraternisation between the Irish people and the Chartists—not on . account of the bugbear of - ' physical force , " hut simply because some of their five points are to us an abomination , and the whole spirit and tone of their proceedmys , though xcell enough for England , are so essentially English that their adoption in Ireland would neither be probable nor at all desirable . Between us and them there ii a gulf fixed ; we desire not to bridge it over , hut to make it wider and deeper . "
m me *• nation of Aug . to , 10 * 0 . ABOMINATION NO . III . —VOTE BY BALLOT . Perhaps of all the senseless " cries" assumed by faction as the type of liberality , that of the Ballot , to secure a class constituency from popular vigilance in the discharge of a trust , was the most insolent ; and yet it was a bait with which popular confidence would have been caught , had not a timely exposure blown the bubble and exposed the trick . In all other exciting questions , the cause of the unrepresented was cunningly interwoven with class interest , until faction , flushed with its many triumphs over popular confidence , at length ventured upon a bit of policy so selfish that its life was as short as its exposure was complete .
Did we require grounds upon which to establish the expediency of extended suffrage , we could rest the claim upon this self-accusation of corruption , weakness , and fraud , against the whole electoral body ; and if ita demand by a more dependent class requires any apology or justification , it will be found in the fact , that those farther removed from temptation , intimidation , and aristocratic influence , sought it as THEIR protection .
The People ' s Charter must now be accepted as one great whole , with the advantage and charm , however , that it not only secures right for all , but enables all to alter and amend it , when any of those causes which now render any of its points indispensable , shall have ceased to exist . We shall , therefore , treat the Ballot as a necessary protection against undue interference with the exercise of a right , until time , and a new and a better system , shall have convinced man of the value of the suffrage , and when society shall be prepared to
protect him in its open and undisguised use . Indeed , if the necessity of harmony and kindly feeling in the lower as well as in the higher circles , is concededwhich , we presume , few will deny—we may draw our conclusions of the value of the Ballot to the poor Parliamentary voter , from the fact , that in all elections for admission to Clubs , and all elections for officers , those who set a just value upon fellowship and unbroken harmony , have recourse to this mode of voting as a guarantee against dissension and afterfeud .
We have always made the proper distinction between the accomplishment of a measure and the first working of the measure . We know that inten tions and principles are violated and altered to suit the change to factions knuckle , if the strictest and most jealous scrutiny is not observed ; and we feel confident lhat a parliament , elected even by universal suffrage , under the present system , and without the protection of the ballot being extended to the poor and dependent voter , would very speedily so damage the principle in its first working as to strip it of its anticipated charm . Wealth has too much influence
over poverty to safely entrust our measure in the hands of those who would bribe , bully , coerce and intimidate to the extent that self-interest prompted , while it is equally true that a new-born constituency would require much caution and some protection in the exercise of a newly-acquired right . Capital would seize the soft moment , would profess obedience to the new measure and the popular will , and thus lure labour into the amiable weakness of confidence , precisely as the tyrant coal kings , upon the eve of a re-engagement , hold jubilees and play the equal , the pot-companion and patron , instead of the tyrant , the oppressor , and the eheat ; but the moment the bond
"The Nation" And "The Charter." " If'e H...
is signed and the stare ' s dress is assumed , then does conviviality , condescension and " patronage throw off its disguise , and a new and more imperious rigour is assumed . We can well imagine the masters in . a polling district agreeing upon a candidate , and entering into a compact to march in a b ody to the polling booth , each the commander of his legion of slaves , and the refractory , upon voting for the man of his own choice receiving , in return , a license to starve for his PRESUMPTION . Mr . O'Connor well designated the ballot without the vote as the ladle without the soup , and the ballot with the vote as a necessary protection for the fearless exercise of aright .
The ballot would prevent all bribery and corruption and excitement before an election , as few would be found hardy enough to purchase a basket of BLIND NUTS , while it would effectually prevent all the subsequent heartburnings which now require so much time to allay . Much would depend upon the machinery by which the principle was carried out . If secrecy is the object , it should be made complete , so that no breast but tbe voter should be cognizant of his act . Many imagine that the complication of the machinery would stand in the way of its fair working , but to our
mind nothing can be more simple . The Parish Register , with the names of all above 21 years of age , alphabetically arranged , occupies an enclosed place , into which the voters enter by twelves , by twenties , or by hundreds , commencing with A , and so proceeding . To each voter he gives a ball representing the colour under which each candidate chooses to poll , supposing the colours to be black , white , scarlet , and green . The voters thus possessed of the balls , go singly through another passage , where four strangers appointed to act as poll clerks for the respective candidates preside , and with them the voter deposits the
balls which he does not mean to use ; or , if this method would not secure secrecy , each may receive a small linen bag , in which he may deposit tlie rejected balls , and hand it to the poll clerks ; he -then proceeds to the ballot box , which we will suppose to resemble a letter box at a post office , and there , unnoticed and uninterfered with , he deposits his ball or balls as the case may be , two if there are two candidates and he wishes to vote for both—and one , If there is only one . The room in which the ballot box that receives the balls is placed , is locked ; the several candidates having appointed an officer each to stand
at the door . When tho time arrives for closing the election , the parish officer appointed for the purpose enters the room in the presence of the several poll clerks , counts the balls for each candidate , and then counts those which have not been used , and upon the following day at twelve o ' clock , the Sheriff or returning officer attends at a place appointed to receive the returns from the several parish officers , and makes his declaration accordingly . All voters should poll in their own parish , and in two places if the parish is inconveniently large , and all the operations should be conducted by perfect strangers . We know of no more
simple , expeditious , or satisfactory process than this and we have merely propounded the plan as an answer to tbe ridiculous charge of complication and inconvenience . By these means the largest county could complete an election in two hours . We could furnish instances without number of the necessity of the ballot in our several municipal elections , which candidates secure more by bribery and corruption , than by popular regard or fitness . Unfortunately popular disregard of privileges easy of acquirement , is hut too well founded a charge , as we make little doubt that , even without the ballot , the
democratic party , if unintimidated , could secure a majority of popular candidates at all municipal elections ; another convincing proof that it would be requisite to secure the purity of parliamentary elections ; and yet , strange to say , the very parties who call so loudly for the ballot as a protection for parliamentary electors , never have mooted the question as a protection for municipal electors . No ; they ask for protection for themselves which they would not extend to others . And , although the ballot has beenmade the subject of great excitement and the last test of liberality , yet few can doubt that the middle-class ' electors would much prefer the Charter without the ballot , to the Charter with the ballot , as a choice of evils . For these reasons , then , wo look
upon the ballot ' as a necessary part of the great dove-tailed whole , as necessary to secure dependent poverty from the terror and coercion of interested wealth , lest our Charter may be damaged , as the Reform Bill was , in its first working : as a means of preventing bribery , corruption and speculation ; as a means of preventing those social and family feuds now so unfortunately engendered and so unhappily perpetrated by the heat , the anger and excitement of elections ; and as the means of securing the unbiassed exercise of a trust . The ballot with a limited suffrage would be an unfair protection against popular scrutiny ; the ballot with the suffrage would be a requisite protection against unjust interference with the exercise of a right .
The Past, The Present, And The Future. I...
THE PAST , THE PRESENT , AND THE FUTURE . It is impossible to read Mr . O'Connor ' s Review of the past Thirteen Years and a-Half of our History , and which will be found in our first page , without being struck with awe at the perils we have escaped , and with wonder at the progress that a principle contending against such frightful odds , has made . Political incidents , when taken singly , make but slight impression at tbe moment , and especially those
incidents which occur in exciting times ; while , taken as a whole , and bound up as one volume , they constitute a record not more curious and startling , than they are instructive and valuable . Authority , and especially that weak and doubtful authority eonsequent upon the change , the whim , tho caprice , or nervousness of sectional opinion , is always undecided and hesitating—is ever jealous of popular regard , and is rather averse , than otherwise , to provoke popular resistance , or awaken popular suspicion .
Authority is but the type of party ascendancy for the time being , and is but permitted to exercise its delegated power for the benefit of those from whom it emanates ; and that power , whether limited or extensive , must be taken as the generally accepted representation of the country . The very existence of an authority , thus delegated , is of itself proof of its fitness to rule ; and whether England be governed by a Tory administration , or a Whig administration , or a Free Trade administration , its very existence is , prima facie , proof of popular approval ; and for this simple reasoif , because the complaining class
have it in their power , at any given moment , to wrest authority from the hands of the satisfied few , with scarcely the appearance of struggle , as the union of the masses would render sectional resistance inoperative , ridiculous , and futile . The most ignorant must arrive at this conclusion , from the facts adduced by Mr . O'Connor , in his analysis of the Charlisl movement , wherein he traces failure and defeat to their proper causes—the struggle of leaders to live without labour , and the consequent necessity
of promoting unnatural and dangerous enthusiasm , and the cunning device of professing liberals , to divide the popular strength , when it becomes too powerful for open resistance . Hence we find the popular cause suffering for the last thirteen years and a half , more from the treachery of O'Connell , the folly ofAU \ r < k ; d , the imbecility of Sturge , the necessities of the idle , and the seasonable liberality of the professing liberals , than from popular apathy .
Nothing can be more natural , reasonablo , or pardonable than that amiable simplicity by which sections Of tho weak-minded and confiding are lured by the promise ef more speedy redress than they have reason to anticipate from the realization of their own principles ; nor can we marvel at the Starving artizan or famishing operative preferring the large loaf within easy reach , to the Charter in the distant perspective . " If , however , we may reasonably entertain fresh hopes and suffer ourselves to he
The Past, The Present, And The Future. I...
inspired with fresh courage , it is as much from the signal iki ' ure of all promised blessings , as from the cheering conviction , that the spit WITH THE LEG OF MUTTON upon it , will be a more successful recruiting serjeantthan the bare spit , warmed by the glowing fire of a fervid imagination . Moreover , the failure of prophecy and the consequent dia " appointment oi the masses , in short , the total inadequacy of all the promised measures of relief , SO long as rampant capital rules the labour market without law , and the mental market with coercion , gives fresh hope in Chartist courage and . Chartist wisdom .
Our enemies , though not in the ascendant , hare had the advantage of middle class toleration and favour and of Parliamentary representation , while the popular party has been compelled to struggle on without either and opposed by both . What we require , then , is an accession of strength in these two departments , Parliament and the middle class—not that sympathy , strength , and co-operation , which is charitably extended to weakness , but that
adhesion which is surrendered to expediency and increasing power , a co-operation which will be cheerfully offered , when Chartist favour and support lead to Parliamentary honour and distinction . There is now an easy and virtuous road opened for the Chartist party . If England , Scotland , and Wales , will but exercise their legitimate power over their trustees they cannot fail in securing twelve trustworthy Parliamentary representatives at the next general election : and if this is not worth the nation's
consideration , the government delegated by the middle classes is perfectly justified in ruling for their especial benefit . In a former article , we called attention to the great influence possessed by the non-electors—the legitimate right of spending their money with those only , who in return would protect their labour . The error of the Chartist movement , howevcr , has been , that action comes too late ; the powerful weapon EXCLUSIVE DEALING is resorted to after , instead of
before the struggle ; whereas , if the Chartist party in their several districts would divide themselves into classes , and deal with none save those who would pledge themselves in writing to supporta Chartist candidate OF THE CHARTIST CHOICE , at the next election , the power of the non-elective influence would be cheerfully recognized and anxiously courted , while its influence in the House of Commons would tend to soften the asperity of the suspicious , and to dispel the misconception of the ignorant .
Much as Mr . Duncombe has done , great and comprehensive as is his grasping mind , and willing as his service , yet it is impossible for any one individual te discharge the onerous duty of , at the same time illustrating a principle , and defending its supporters from ministerial fabrication , party fraud , class insolence , and united opposition . We can scarcely picture to our own imagination the instantaneous and astounding effect that even twelve real Chartist representatives would have upon the deliberations of the collective wisdom ; twelve men , selected for their knowledge of the labour question , and their devotion to labour's
accepted principle—the People ' s Charter . The great demand upon onr space this week compels us to withhold for the present much that we desired to say upon this subject ; however , as it should now be the all absorbing thought with the Chartist party , we shall renew it again and again , as a record of the past in future times , to be used in commendation or censure of present action , or present apathy . The thing is easy , most easy of accomplishment ; let the nation , therefore , secure one FIFTY-FIFTH part of national representation , and the nation's hope is realized .
«• The World" And "The Star." Wo Are Ove...
«• THE WORLD" AND "THE STAR . " Wo are overwhelmed with remorse at the PHYSICAL FORGE declaration to which our MORAL FORCE article has driven our contemporary , with whom we had fondly hoped to live " in the same EARTH , " upon terms of perfect equality and unbroken harmony . We meant our reply to the World ' s notice ef our insertion of Mr . Oastier's letter , without editoriai comment , as TIIE RETORT COURTEOUS , and we are met with the CUT DIRECT . It has always s ' . ruck us , that as long as a combatant has the best of the fight , he will not abandon the field of contest , and yet we ahull not crow at being left in peaceful , though contemptible , possession of the ring .
Our very able contemporary is angered to exasperation and threat of recourse to arms , upon no greater provocation than the exercise of that right to which Uc lays such bold claim himself . Surely we arc not to bo hold responsible for the several tetters and matters of communication published in our journal ; such a liability would go far to limit the usefulness , and narrow the efficiency of the press . Knowledge is not confined to class , and we had always
understood tho chief duty of the press to bo the fearless circulation of that valuable commodity . Indeed , the principal cause of complaint against the press generally is , that it circumscribes the field of knowledge within the narrow limits of party expediency , puWishin ^ uHf ' riend ' yversionsofitsownpecuIiarpolicy and rejecting all adverse doctrines , and denying even the right , or at least the means , of stricture or re " monstrance . The World
says—The Northern Star has , however , been an exception to the cordial understanding which subsists between the generality of newspaper writers and ourselves , and has , of late , displayed a disposition for tilting with us , as if it had resolved our sword should not rest iu its peaceful scabbard . Now , we beg to assure our cotemporary , that we entertain no feeling of danger or contempt , while we are at a loss to discover any sufficient provocation to induce him to DRAW HIS SWORD FROM THE PEACEFUL SCABBARD . Our correspondence commenced with a flattering notice of our friend's ability , which in all sincerity we beg to assure him was not intended as CENSURE IN DISGUISE .
However , we had much preferred an answer to our observations to a stricture upon our natural philosophy , or a taunt for having contributed our mite to the R peal movement , not with the intent of testifying our approval of the policy of the Liberator , but for tho purpose of exposing his delinquency , which none but members have the power to do , and which confirms the prudent policy of rejecting all who are likely . Our cotemporary labours hard to convince us of his devotion to the cause of Ireland , and especially to the Repeal of the Legislative Union , while he is compelled to admit the only disqualification , which the Liberator prescribed as the test by which repealers were to be judged , whether members of Parliament , Protestants , Catholics , professing friends ,
or open . HE WHO IS NOT FOR US , IS AGAINST US , QUOTH THE LIBERATOR , AND NONE ARE FOR US , EXCEPT THOSE WHO ARE MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATION . Now then , rejecting all the common-place , vulgar distinctions and badges , by which political adherence is ascertainable , we ask our cotemporary how he will get over gthe want of the Liberator ' s own prescribed qualification ? For be says ,
"We have NOT ENROLLED OURSELVES AS MEMBERS OF CONCILIATION HALL , and during the year 1843 it will NOW be admitted ,, we were excusable in NOT having done so . " We have no wish to strip our cotemporary of tho power of prophecy , laid claim to in tho shove ; and as he quarrels with ouv parallel of the Badger and the Fox we shall conclude with a moie > apt and more senti mental one . The other day we asked a great admirer of the Land plan , why he had not become a memkr while in good employment ? He replied , I am a member , Sir . How much have you paid ? Oh , NOTHING , I have not joined yet .
Moral . —We were not aware , that the Liberator recruits for sentimental support for Repeal—wo were under , the erroneous imprcasion that his type was brass . We close with our cotemporary ' s heading -, « ALL IN THE WRONG . "
«• The World" And "The Star." Wo Are Ove...
PROGRESS OF FREE TKAUfl . " HIGH WAGES ANDPLENTY TO DO . " When in the prosecution ef their fraudulent de , signs , the League oratora demanded popular support under the pretext that Corn Law Repeal would be a national blessing , the working men ' s share of which would be " cheap bread , high waees , and plenty to do , " we constantly warned tlie people that even supposing bread would be cheapened by " Repeal , " so long as a surplus of labour was to be found in the market , as provisions fell in price , would the wages of labour be beaten down by irresponsible and tyrannical capitalists . That under present arrangements * there will always be a surplus of labour is certain . Any increase of trade , no matter how extensive will be more than met by an increase of machinery .
So long as labour is dependent only and wholly for existence upon the " slavery of wages , " this state of things must continue . As the New York Tribune has well said "the remedy for the evils afflicting the English working class is not free trade , but a FREE SOIL ;" to which may he added the principle of " CO-OPERATION" applied to the uniting of skill , labour , and capital by the workmen for themselves ; a thing as practicable as the formation of any mere * ' Benefit Society , " if the working men only will it . " The Chartist Co operative Land Society" will lead the people to the obtainment of a Free Soil ; and the " United Trades Association for the Employment of Labour , " will organize the people for the establishment of their own workshops , independent of master tyranny .
There are two other associations commanding the suffrages of the working classes , namely , the " Asso ciation of United Trades for the Protection of Industry , " and the "National Charter Association . " If the combers and weavers ot Keighly had been members of the first of these associations , they would have had a power at their back , which would have made the millocrats of that town pause in their tyranny , or , if rushing headlong to destruction they had insolently presumed to dare that power , they would have been assured the punishment of defeat . While the present state of things last , until such time as " the people ' s own land , " and the " workmen ' s own shops , " can offer a refuge to all the
oppressed , the United Trades Association isagre & t necessity for the protection of the slaves of wages against the tyrants of capital . If the National Charter Association was established in its full strength , the return of the TWELVE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE demanded by Mr . O'Consor , would be an easy task , and with those twelve supporting a Duncombe , what tyrant would dare to trample on his fellow men , or what tyranny could be perpetrated that would not be proclaimed in the senate , and echoed over Europe ? If the "National Charter Association" was supported by tbe people , theCharter itself would be won , and a FREE SOIL and FREE LABOUR , not slowly and sectionally , but imniediatelj and nationally , would be its fruits .
It is not our purpose to dilate upon the several subjects mooted above , we intend these remarks merely as an introduction to the article below . The revelations contained therein of the doings of the Keighly millocracy , presents a picture of the entire class—a class of greedy hypocrites and insolent tyrants . We wish the Keighley men success , and if in their strugglethey require help , we trust that that help , prompt and efficient , will be rendered by the country at large .
FREE TRADE DOINGS IN KEIGHLEY . From our Correspondent . " The manufacturers of Keighley are realizing the prophecies of the Chartists to tbe very letter , by their rabid efforts to swallow un the small remains of the labourer ' s wages . Scarcely had the alteration in the Corn and Provision Laws taken place before they began their game of plunder . The first direct attempt was made by a fellow at Bingley , of the name of Sharp , who boldly told his combers and weavers that " as ! they would be able by and by to live upon ht do with
rather less , they mig rather less wages ;" he holding , no doubt , that the benefit of all alterations should be swallowed up by himself and brother manufacturers . Being a man of extraordinary face he commenced operations by attempting a reduction of about ninepence per week from his combers , and a shilling per week from his weavers , although it was admitted he was previously something under his neighbour ' s . The result was a turnout of the majority of his hands , who , after a seven weeks struggle , succeeded in binding him down to wages something like those given by others .
No sooner was this affair settled than a firm in Keighley , of the name of Craven , commenced the same game- This firm , though not quite so brazenfaced as the man of Bingley , was nevertheless equally bent upon attaining the same object . Being rather extensive manufacturers , and making a great quantity of different kinds of goods , they took their weavers seriatim , and clipped and cut them down in sections , till they had gone through the whole department , then beginning over again with a further reduction . They had carried on this process so effectually , and had 'puzzled their weavers so thoroughly , that their wages , like the colour of the camelion , were umlefinable , being scarcely two weeks
together alike . One thing they knew , that they were seriously diminishing , and that , although thev were making finer goods than others , and " should have been averaging higher wages , they were in reality making less than those working at coarser work . After nibbling down their wages in this manner , till in some cases there was scarcely any thing left , they issued an order for the general reduction of nearly all kinds , which exasperated the weavers so far as to cause a strike of tho whole body , amounting to betwixt 500 and 600 . After a struggle of about a week . this affair was also terminated by an agreement to give a rate of wages the same as given a month previous , and to pay them for certain over lengths .
f he weavers , however , soon found after returning to work that manufacturers promises are only made to be broken , and they now find themselves in nearly " the same condition as they were in before the strike . Another turn out of the weavers of Mr . G . Hittersley took place immediately after , through that employer giving still Jess than others , which also ended in about a week by a promise that they should receive at the rate of others . In both cases the promises have been partly broken , and some of the weavers turned off through "having taken an active part in the affair . While these matters were passing in rapid succession amongst the power-loom weavers , the woolcombers , who constitute by far the largest bodv of
workmen in this part of the country , had been complaining severely about their miserably low waees . These poor fellows , who number many hundreds if not some thousands , have been gradually reduced till they can now scarcely realise 10 s . per week , by working fifteen hours per day . Thev verv naturally made bold to ask for a small advance " , thinking , that as markets were improving , and the Corn Laws in process of repeal , it could not be well refused . The manufacturers have frequently told them , when complaining , that they knew their condition was very bad , and that they earned vastly too little , that however it was as much as the trade would afford , but should they be fortunate enough to gain the alteration in the Corn Laws , they might expect a very considerable rise in their wages . The combers
innocently thinking that these promises were made in sincerity , applied to them about seven wcek & ago , but were informed that they were rather too soon They again waited upon them about four weeks since with a request that they would advance their wa » es one halfpenny per pound upon all wool under fourpence , and to three farthings upon all wool betwfctt fourpenceand sixpence . Threeof themanafacturera agreed to advance their wages a farthing upon tho first description , and a halfpenny upon the second , with a promise , that they might give a still further advance if the remainderof the manufacturers would follow the example they were then setting . The other manufactureis refused to give them any advance at all , even the solitary farthing given by the others , which would only amount to about sinepence per week .
The combers saw they should lose eyes the little they had got from the three aaless they used some kind of means to make tha others comply . They accordingly drew out the men working for Mr . Robert Clough , of Groves Mil ) , numbering about 120 with the intention of supporting them from tho funds of the * ' society till they gave the advance . Scarcely had they taken this step before the remainder of the manufacturers , big and little , Came tft the resolution of turning off the whale of their combers , for the double purpose of breaking up the union , and of preventing them from conta-ibuting towards the relief of combers
Clough ' s -who were depending upon them for support . 'This dastardly and mean combination to lay the , poor fellows prostrate at their feet , was carried into effect by each manufacturer ordering his combers to carry in their combs when they had wrought up tho wool they had on hand This act of petty tyranny , which has seldom been equalled , so lar from intimidating the men wrr obeyed with the greatest cheerfulness . They in . deed , appeared gratified at the opportunity of show ing their independence , tf , u-d S ^ . Y . SS ^
«• The World" And "The Star." Wo Are Ove...
longer deserving their labour , and the declaration of war against their liberty and means of existence was met in a manly and becoming spirit . To show the manufacturers that they were quite alive to their reasons for advocating a repeal of tho Corn Laws , " and paying so handsomely into the League Fund , the combers and others who supported their cause , to the number of some thousands , walked in procession , headed by a band of music . In the procession was a cart , containing the representation of a working man with a wife and four children surrounding a large pole , with that insignia ^ of Free Trade , " a large loaf , " tied at the top of it . A great deal of merriment was caused by the efforts of the man to climb the pole and secure the loaf , but without
effect . After each attempt , the man regaled his starving family on raw turnips , and then , as if thinking that fortune might he more favourable , be continued to try again with the same want of success . On arriving at the market-place , this laughable and true representation of the working man ' s share of the Free Trade loaf was terminated by the father and mother cutting the nolo in two and devouring the loaf amongst themselves and family . A number of the working men then addressed the meeting , showing up the conduct of the employers in their first attempt to carry out the principles of Free Trade in bread and wages . Since then the combers have met almost daily , to publish their wrongs , and devise plans for their Mure conduct .
The manufacturers have thus turned off about fifteen hundred men , who have been the principal means of making them what they are , with the barefaced intention of breaking up a nnion which was their only protection from actnal starvation , and of preventing a paltry advance of nine-pence per week in their wages . The conduct of the manufacturers has had the effect of making the men equally determined that they shall not succeed in their bare attempt . For this purpose many of them are searching for employment in other quarters , while hundreds are getting their names enrolled in the parish books , and the manufacturers ivill thus have the pleasure of
paying an advance in rates , if they will not pay one in wages ! ' ¦ ' The conduct of the manufacturers has had tbe effect of opening the eyes of the public to their real character ; they now begin to view them not as the honourable employers of Britain , devoting capital to tbe commerce and prosperity of the country , but as a band of money-hunting fellows , combining together for the purpose of accumulating fortunes by the oppression of their work-people . This disposition is now so grossly apparent , that the workmen will be driven , through necessity , into a NATIONAL UNION for the , protection of oheir labour , havine for its object the combination of labour and capital for their own benefit .
To give tbe public another instance of the manufacturing and Free Trade spirit in this neighbourhood , we shall conclude with the following : fact , which occurred last week : —The firm of Mr . Robert Clough , of Groves Mill , in consequence of the stoppage of the woolcombers , began to run short of tops to spin into yarn for the weavers . To meet this deficiency he commenced running his factory three days per week instead of six . To make this alteration as disagreeable as possible to his power loom weavers—amounting to nearly two hundred—he decreed that they should commence work at six o ' clock —the usual time—each mornins , and finish at twelve at noon ; and so on , through every day of the week . The weavers justly complained , that , as they had only three days work in the week , it would answer the same end , and be mu' -h more convenient , if
he would either allow them to work three full days successively , or otherwise let them work durin » the afternoon , as many of them had to come from a ° con . siderable distance , and thought it hard to get up by five o'clock in the morning to perform half-a-day'a work . But as the inconvenience , and not the convenience , of his workpeople , was the object of this great man ; he insisted upon them appearing at six o ' clock in the morning , and subjecting them to the usual oains and penalties , " in that case made and provided , " for coming too late . On finding that he was equally deaf to reason , common sense , and humanity , the weavers came to the determination of applying their last argument—namely , that of leaving the factory altogether . They accordingly turned out . and the factories , combing shops , and concern at large , are now as silent as they are during church time on a Sunday .
_ Whether the manufacturers of Keighley are a specimen of the class throughout the kingdom , or not we cannot tell . One thing we know , that tbey have nearly all sprung from the ranks of the labouring class ; that they have accumulated a very considerable portion of capital by that class , and now appear determined to employ it for the accumulation of more , and the grinding down of all who may be unfortunately within their grasp . " We may append to this " show up , " of League rascality and milloerat rapacity tho following quotation from our contemporary the Sussex A gricultural Exp-ess : —
" In the last week ' s Manchester Courier we read that the master roller-turners of that town and the neighbourhood have given their workpeople a fortnight ' s notice that they will reduce their wages five per cent . ! Said we not that the reduction of wages . not the importing of cheap bread to the working man was the end and aim of League agitation 1 Poor weavers of Lancashire and Yorkshire behold your gods ! Several other branches of mill-workers are also threatened with a reduction , and the workmen are reported to be forming themselves into unions to resist the oppression of their employers . When their people remonstrated against this injustice , the masters insultingly answered that since the repeal of the Corn Laws , "food is now much cheaoer . and vou
can therefore afford to work for less . " We know not from personal knowledge whether food is cheaper or not at Manchester and Salford , but the reports of the market acquaint us with the fact that it is not cheaper in London . Perhaps these masters , makin ^ "haste to be rich "—a haste which Solomon has pronounced to be incompatible with innocence judged of the reduction of food from the fall of prices of British grown corn in Mark Lane ; but their workpeople have to deal with the baker who keeps up his price of bread , and net with the farmer who lias been compelled to reduce his price of wheat . But have the masters who promised to sell so cheap ,
if the Corn Laws were abolished , reduced their own profits as well as their men ' s wages ? Knowing the spirit of a Manchester manufacturer as we do , we should blush did we personally propound such a question to any of our readers . Not they , we , the consumers , the wearers of cotton and wool , have to pay as high as ever . Down with the wages , up with the profits , is the Manufacturing Leaguer ' s cry . This per cent , of which these hard-hearted worshippers of Mammoni purpose to mulct their poor serfs , will add probably ten per cent , to their own profits , for the public will not get their goods a farthing iu the pound cheaper .
Wages constitute the value of the ooat upon a gentleman ' s back , and swell the price he has to pay for his wife ' s gown , be its fabric silk muslin , or calico . The value of the material is originally trifling ; what constitutes the value ultimately to be paid for it by the purchaser is the accumulation of wages from the primary raw material to the putting on of the apparel , The masters , we could , if we pleased , publish their names , but that in the present state of the law of libel might subject ourselves to inconvenience without helping ouv argument , —the pinching masters who have been most forward in proposing this reduction of wages are among those who were the most active partisans of the League , a clear demonstration , revealed almost sooner than we , with all our belief in the effrontery of Manchester impudence expected , that the cheap loaf which they osteatatiouslv orol
mised meant really ; low wages and high profits , and nothing else . The poor tailing men , by the sweat of whose brows the manufacturers are ctoilied in splen * dour and fare sumptuously every day , have now , or shortly will , lose * Bve . per cent , of their earnings ; that i * , if ft journeyman gained 20 s . a week , he will bepresently reducedi to 19 s . ; but on the other hand , if the master ' s profits were before 25 per cent , they are now advanced t » 35 percent . ; whereas , if the agricultural consumer paid before a shilling per vard for Manchester goods , he must pay a shilling still—there is no five per cent , reduction for him . Is it fair that the master manufacturers should reduce their wa ^ es and still keep up their prices to the public * Is ° it fair that tha iarmer and his labourers should be > ruined , wMsi gram factors , nv , IIm , aad bakers keep up their pnee of bread , as high as it ever was ? PROGRESS OF THE WAR IN KEIGHLEY
ENGLAND TO THE RESCUE ! Sines- 4 he above arliel & was put ' ni » . type , wo have received : the following additional communication from our well-informed and indefaiigable correspondeak The detail o 5 the atrocious acts of these ruffianly Free Traders of KeigMey will make our senders' blood boilih their veins . The mere indignation which all sBustfeel wiU , however , not suffice , 'i'he millocrats , Have entered into an infernal league to starve their-unhappy slaves into submission . This must not be . We appeal to the working men of HuddersfieW , Bradford , Halifax , and the other
towns whssrethe delegates now are soliciting aid , to give thai aid immediately and bountifull y . We trust , too , that sympathy for our ' brethren will not be confined to Yorkshire , but that England will to tho rescue . One thing wcjrejoice to learn , that , at tho conclusion of this struggle , the Keighley combers will unite wlh the grand army of the United Traces . Let them do so , and they will be invincible : — " In reporting the progress of the combination of , the Free Traders of Keighley , we have to state that I the combers appear moro firm and determined than ever , while the manufacterers are resorting to every trick and contrivance to starve them into submit
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 19, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_19091846/page/4/
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