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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
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BARNSLEY WEAVERS. MESSRS. rlGOTT AND NEW...
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THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY. '...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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1 Miles From Isabel, The Advanced Guard ...
leathern tliougs , over which is a blanket with a hole in the centre large enough to allow the head to be thurst out , aud which falls not ungracefully over their shoulders , leaving ample room for the play of their arms . Add to this a broad straw sombrero , and the lasso hanging ready for useinbissirdle , and you have the Rancliero as he appears in the time of peace . Join to this a long lance with a sharp spear head , and his belt plentifully supp lied with pistols and knives , aud you have the Hanchero as a member of a troop of banditti , or as a soldier in a body of cavalry . Their power of enduring fatigue is almost inexhaustible , and a scanty meal per diem of jerked bee and plantain suffices them during months . T *> cse * the men who comprise ib « j great hodjoftbe * ^ cavalry , and they are to the armies of that nation the Cossacks are to the Hussians-cvcr < m « M' ^ never to be surprised , and untiring m the pursu foe , when plunder , no matter how tnfluv . » to be oh . tained . ' . _
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Imperial Parliament.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT .
(Amlimied Froniourlstpjge.) Were Continu...
( amlimied froniourlstpjge . ) were continual references made to measures of this JSjSS thfa being the seventeenth or eighteenth aUofthe samecharacter . . There never was . pcriaps . at . me when the social condition of Ireland was in so unsatisfactory a state . It was admitted bv both aides of the house that the social condition of that country was anvthing hut pleasing ;; but that state ot ihin ° s arose from the struggle which prevailed between the necessity of existence and the rights of property . ( Dear , hear . ) Were they , when Ireland was m such a state , to be called on , instead of bet tering their condition , to take protection under what was well designated by an hon . member , the vulgar expedient of coercion . ( Hear , hear . ) It might be to its fullest extentthat
true , and he would admit it , outrages and crimes were great in Ireland . But the question was , were they only to look to the crimes of the people without at all sympathising with them in their misery and distress ? ( Hear , hear . ) Even the immortal Burke described the whole policy towards Ireland to be such as to make them as poor and as Ignorant as possible—that to that people was never granted the rights of citizenship ; and the Devon Commission described the condition ofthe Irish peasantry to be as badly fed , badly housed , badly clothed , but that under all these privations they manifested a patience under suffering nnknown to any other people . ( Hear , hear . ) They were sodestitute of the rights of subsistence on their native soil—the necessities of their landlords so aggravated their
• Wretchedness , that 150 , 000 poor wretches , by the clearance system , were swept out of their habitations and left to pine away in ditches . ( Hear , hear . ) Being firmly persuaded that no temporary measure could meet a permament disease he would vote against the Bill . Mr . Coixjohocx said , that if at the close of the debate he should vote for the second reading ot this Bill , he should not do so upon the grounds urged by Sir R . Inglis . He could not throw off his own shoulders the responsibility for this measure , and repose it entirely on those of the ministry ; neither could he , like Lord G . Benlinck , refuse to grant unconstitutional powers to it , because he did not place the most unreserved confidence in its members . If Lord J . Russell had asked for the powers of this Bill ,-he thould say , " first prove your case , and then
press your bill as quickly as possible through Parliament ; " and he should use the same language to Sir K . Peel . Now he frankly admitted that ministers had made out an impregnable case , and that the proofs which had convinced the House of Lords were sufficient to convince the House of Commons . He thought , however , that there had been too much delay in passing the measure * and he feared from some passages in Sir R . Peel ' s speech of Friday night that he was making loopholes to escape from the ; most stringent and most necessary clauses in committee . If these were abandoned , the Bill would not be worth the paper it was written upon . He called on Sir J . Graham to speak out on this head . '¦ If he declared that the Government would maintain these clauses , he ( Mr . Colquhoun ) would give it his strenuous
support , lie then discussed at considerable length the question , whether the Conservative party would be in a better situation by supporting Sir R . Peclas minister , or by expelling him from power and placing Lord J . Russell in his place- He said that he and those with whom he acted considered it advisable , to ¦ withhold their support from her Majesty ' s Government , but that it was . not because they possessed any greater confidence in the Noble Lord ( Lord John Hussell } opposite , and his party , as he believed that when they got into power again they would act in a similar manner to what they had done on former occasions ; and was confirmed in that opinion from the report he had read in the newspapers of a recent meeting held at the Noble Lord ' s residence in Chesham-place , wherein he saw it mentioned that the hon . members for Cork ( Mr . O'Connell ) , Finsbury
( Mr . Buncombe ) Montrose ( Mr . Hume ) , Coventry ( Mr . Williams ) , and Sheffield ( Mr . Ward ) were tlie ^ NoL- le Lord ' s councillors on the occasion , all of which Ion . gentlemen boasted of belon « ins to what was termed the radical party ; and if the Noble Lord had Intended to drive that team , however skilful he might be , he would have to cut down many slices of the Constitution to satisfy that party . - The question then he had to consider was , whether they were better off in having the right hon . baronet ( Sir R . Peel ) or the noble lord ( Lord J . llussell ) at the head of the Government . He ultimately decided the question by declaring that it would be better for the Conservative party to have Lord J / liifssell in office , whose projects " they could defeat by meeting them with their forces undivided , than Sir R . Feel , who by creating division in their ranks , was enabled to carry out all the schemes of their opponents .
Colonel Sibthokpe said , tkat . even if he were to receive such a pledse as Mr . Colquhoun required from the government , he should place no confidence in it , and therefore his vote would not depend on the answer of Sir J . Graham . He should vote against this Bill because it was a truckling measure , emenating from a truckling Government , and because he hoped by defeating it to get rid ofa perfidious and detestable administration . Lord J . llvssHLh declared that he could not concur in the doctrine of Sir R . Inglis , that the house ought to pass an act of restriction without examination , merely because it was introduced on the responsibility of the executive Government . In commencing an examination of this Bill , he was almost tempted to take the same cumse which a Minister of the
Crown sometimes took in proposing a measure of importance , and to propose that that paragraph of the-Queen's speech should be read on which the present measure wa < founded . Now , giving ministers every-crcdit for their wish to secure property and life , he must say that the delay of five months after such an announcement could not have been of any advantage to them in securing confidence to the measure which they had brought forward , either on the gronnds on which they proposed it , or on the details which they had included within it . In reply to the argumentithat ministers had been prevented from bringing dhisaneasure forward soouer by the state of public-business , he observed that two courses had l > een open io them- One would have been , seeing life was in danger and that lamine was impending
-over the country , to introduce a temporary measure ibr the . . preservation of life and a temporary measure lor the supply of food , and to have left the great permanent measure for the adjustnientof the corn laws for subsequent consideration ; but it was clear tha s , as soon as they attempted to unite a temporary measure . of restriction with apennan nt system of corn laws , they must excite -a formidable opposition Another course-srould have been to advise her Majesty = notito have alluded to the subject of Irish outrages and murders iu her speech ; to have passed the -corahwsand the custom laws , and then tohaveconsi-4 ered whether they would introduce such a measure as that which was then before the house . Referring io the question < Lok $ Lincoln had asked him , nanielv , ^ ritv he , ' who had-voted in mvosr of a similar
measure in 3 S 25 , refused to vote in fevour ot this measure In' JS 46 ? he replied , that each case most be judged by its own-circumslairjt-s , and tliat it was no justl geation io say that because a peculiar course had been pursued at -one time it ought therefore to be pursuediit another . In the year ISIS . several new ' unconstitutional acts-were brought in by tlie Government of that daj for the purpose of putting down democcatical outrages . These outrages were repeated during the period -of his administratBii . He did not , however , renew those unconstitutional measures , but called open Parliament 1 ' or . s larger military and constabulary force , and succeeded in repressing them without applying for any extraordinary powers . The same coarse was subsequently pursued by Sir R . Peel under still more trying circumstance ? , and was
pursued , he was happy to say , with the same success . . Again , in the year 1833 , an Irish Coercion Bill was introduced into Parliament more harsh and oppressive even than the present . In 183 ± , it was mitigated , and again in 1835 , it was still further mitigated , until it met with the support of nearly every party in the house . He must , however , remind those who then heard him , that in 1833 , when Lord Althorpe introduced his measure of severity , he proposed several measures for the improvement and conciliation of Ireland , and that in 1835 , when it was renewed , foil confidence was placed by the people of Ireland in the Whig Administration that it would not abuse the power so entrusted to it . From 1835 to 1840 the act was in existence , but not in operation ; and in 1840 the Whig Government determined
to let it expire . He then proceeded to show that all the moral effect of this bill in repressing disorder had been lost by the delay which had occurred in forwarding it through Parliament ; and to oppose it , on the ground that there were not in the state of crime in Ireland sufficient reasons for a measure so severe : that its provisions , whilst they were harsh towards the innocent , were ineffective in pointing out the criminal , and that they were not accompanied by such measures of remedy and conciliation as ought to accompany any measure of restriction . He had mentioned on a former occasion that he intended to offer to the clause shutting up men in their cottages from sunset to sunrise tbe strongest opposition , and that he should propose its omission in committee . He should not hare refused his consent to this bill , if
(Amlimied Froniourlstpjge.) Were Continu...
, ^ r ? m ^^ Lord G . Bentinck hat u ^ wJrtSe " GSment ; and he was justified in dence m the uov the , measures , which ^ SfflttS uccd / even during the present if ^ ThSmeasures were a . practicaltestimqny that the Government now in power had been misrnhen and that the Government which it had supolanted was in thought . He called the attention of the house to the fact , that , slandered as the late Ministers had been , not by Sir R . Peel , but by some bf his colleagues , for their scheme of religious education , for their wish to unite the Protestant and Roman Catholic copulation in the bonds of love and amity , aud for tbeirrelaxation-ofthe protection laws , thev had been followedon all those measures-nay ,
, more , Ministers boasted that on education and on the corn laws they had gone further even than then-Whig masters . Giving them every credit for haying acted on honourable motives , thinking that their present course was a wise and proper course , he did expect that some exnression of regret would have fallen from them , that the late Ministers should have been so long the mark of slander and calumny , bir J . Graham had accused them of being pirates who setfire to the ship as they left it . It now , appeared that having got possession of the ship , the present Ministers had lived on the stores which their prede cessors had left behind , had guided themselves by the charts which they had left in the cabin , and had sfo « r « l hv the comoass which they had left on the
deck ; and having done all this , it would not have been too much to have expressed some regret that the Whig Ministers bad been so slandered . He had felt those slanders deeply , and if he had received satisfaction from seeing measures founded on such principles succeed in Parb ' ament , still he should have received more , had his opponents had the justice to confess that he and his colleagues had not deserved those invectives by which they had been assailed , because they had been earlier than the Government what was best for the country . The noble Lord , then adverted to some of the : arguments of Mr . Colquhoun , he said the honourable member for Newcastle , in alluding to me to-night , spoke of measures—I forget what his phrase was , not
dangerous innovation , but some equivalent of that sort ; which , he said , I was very apt to promote . Now , I will tell that hon . gentleman I thiuk he is totally mistaken with respect to the character ofthe measures which tend to preserve all the institutions of this country . I answer him in the memorable words of Mr . Burke , tbat the best reform is that which is most timely j that the denial of all reform is not the most effectual mode by which to preserve ancient institutions : I have always thought that if the claims to representation which Manchester , Leeds , and Birmingham possessed ; had been in due time fairly considered we should not in the year 1830 have had so much difficulty to contend against—we should not then have exposed Bristol to plunder , or have
seen Nottingham Castle in flames . Would it not have been—to use the modern phrase—more conservative to have made early and wise concessions to the just demands of the people ? and will itnotbe more conservative , instead of carrying further this BUI , to place before the attention ot the House the real grievances of . Ireland . And let me tell you that those grievances are more social than otherwise . J say that in the list of Irish grievances we should give to social grievances the most prominent place . We should , I think , direct our attention to the means o incrcasingthe quantity of land culttvated-we should cultivate wastes , and enable the poor to reside on them . You will not prevent outrage by resorting to remedial and conciliatory measures , such measures
at such a time will . lose half their practical and all their moral force . It is not always the most conservative course to resort only to coercion , and to put by reform . His Lordship proceeded to address himseli to those gentlemen , who from the regard which they felt for the Government , owing to its liberal commercial feeling , were going to vote for a measure which in their consciences they disapproved . If the house passed this bill under the notion that a case was made out for it , and that it would tend to the security of life and property , they would be acquitted by their consciences ; but he implored those who had no confidence in the bill itself , and thought it a bad
and unconstitutional measure , and only to be supported because it was accompanied by other measures for the benefit of England , to consider what ah argument they would be giving by their conduct , not onjj to those who sought repeal , but to those who went much further . He therefore called on the members , if they thought this measure right , to pass the second reading of it and to go into committee ; but if they thought it wrong , to reject it altogether ; for any trifling wish it would produce a loss of confidence , which would not be reproduced in one or even in five years , but would be an irrecoverable loss now and for ever .
Mr . D'Isbaeu said , that at any time he should be loth to pass a coercion Bill for Ireland ; but there were now circumstances which rendered him more lotll than ever to pass such a measure . After going through a series of memoranda , which he called the statistics of shuffling , for the purpose of proving that there was nothing to justify the fact , that at the end of June Ministers were proposing the second reading ofa measure which they had announced on the 22 nd . of January , he declined to enter into the merits of the bill itself . That was a task wholly unnecessary , especially as the remedy provided in this bill had no application to the long and authentic list of outrages with which Ministers had favoured the house . Tlie naternal Government had also laid claim to an
amazing growing gratitude in Ireland for the introduction of Indian meal ; but strange to say , the newspapers of the day contained accounts of wars against this much-boasted Indian food ,. He then replied to the imputations and allegations made by the Premier in answer to Lord G . Bentinck ' s charges . The right hon . gentleman had accused the noble member for Lynn with inconsistency in voting on the Factory Bill and this Bill . The noble lord had , however , violated no confidence , betrayed no trust . It could not be said of him that he got into Parliament by pretending to have a different opinion on the Factory or any other question than those which had been recorded in his votes . He had practised no duplicity by opposing
candidates at the hustings , by promising to support a man that he was determined to oppose . But the charge against the right hon . baronet was that he had got into power by professing opinions the very reverse of those which he now proposed . The charge against him was that he struck at the root of the Parliamentary constitution of England . It was not a quarrel between individual Members of Parliament , hat a great national contest for the principle that the position of public men should be intelligible and that there should be a distinct Opposition as well as a powerful government . The right hon . baronet had finished his speech on Friday night last bv exclaiming , in high flown language , that it was the grossest calumny ever dictated by a vindictive
imagination to insinuate that he had desired to settle this question without the interference of Lord John Russell . But how , asked Mr . JD'Israeli , happened it that the right honourable baronet had , bv hig own confession , endeavoured to induce his ' government to carry this measure several weeks before he thought of resigning in favour of the noble member for London ? That question had been asked before , audit had been answered by the charge of " bandying personalities . " The right hon . baronet had accused Lord . G . Bentinck of using language too licentious for legitimate debate . Air . D'Israeli proceeded to quote , from the speeches of Mr . Fox and other celebrated statesmen , expresssions even stronger than those used by Lord George . But
these , exclaimed the honourable member , are mealy-mouthed times , a „ d cannot endure the words spoken , in . the days of the great Parliamentary giants ; nevertheless , the Secretary-at-War might study Air . Fox ' s speeches without any injury to Mr . S . Herbert ' s masculine style of eloquence . Lord George Bentinck , however , spoke from his heart , and that sort of speech was in general preferable to the pompous plausibility , the damnable iteration , the cold common-place of modern oratory . Mr . D'Israeli next referred to Sir Robert Peel ' s denial of the charge brought against him of having changed his opinion in 1825 on the question of Catholic'Emancipation . The hon . member pronounced the speech made by the Premier in 1820 , as reported in Hansard and also as reported in
| the Mrror of Parliament , and proved that the former had been corrected by Sir R . Peel himself—the admission in question being carefully left out , while the latter contained the words actually spoken , viz ., " I said to Lord Liverpool , in 1 S 25 , that the time had come when something with respect to ihe Roman Catholics ought , in my opinion , to be done . " This report ofthe Mirror of I' / trliamcnt Mr . D'Israeli corroborated by the report of the daily journals , and by other testimony , and then the lion , member exclaimed , "You see , there were two different speeches , one for the hour and the other for posterity . ' ' 1 The Post says Mr . © 'Israeli's elucidation of this no
longer mysterious transaction was complete , and as he unfolded proof after proof of the Premier ' s duplicity , and wound up by showing that three days after he had obtained his oft-vaunted character for candour from Mr . Canning , he commenced hunting him to death , the cheers of the house testified to the triumph oftheorator , and the utter overthrow ofthe Minister . ] He then disposed ofthe accusation that Lord George Bentinck had called Sir Robert Peel his "Right Hon . Friend , " by remarking that but a little while ago nearly three hundred honourable members in the house addressed him in the same Parliamentary phrase ; and Lord George had , in fact , as little , perhaps less , personal intimacy with tbe Premier as
any man m the house . The hon . member thus concluded , what was really one of the most effective speeches he has ever delivered : —Sir , I think I have answered the elaborate attack of the right , hon . gentleman on the noble lord—( cheers)—his attack on my noble friend ' s consistency , his attack on hi- * Parliamentary language , his attack upon the imputation my noble friend made upon him as to the conduct of the right hon . gentleman to Mr . Canning . But I trust I have done more than vindicate my noble friend . I trust I have put in its true and intelligible
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light that mysterious passage-which has so long perplexed the politiciansof ; Europe , andwhichthe right hon . gentleman on Friday night so elaborately explained for the benefit of the rising generation . lam not surprised , that ) closely connected with Mr . Canning as he was , my noble friend should have expressed himself as he did . The feeling to which he gave utterance is shared by all who have had any intercourse ' with Mr . Canning . I never saw Mr . Canning but once , when 1 had no expectation of being a member of this house , but I can recollect it but as yesterday when I listened to the last accents—I may say the dying words of that illustrious statesman . 1 I can recollect the flash—the lightning flash—of that eve ; and the power of that imperialbrow ? But , Sir ,
when shall we see another Mr . Canning—a man who , ruled this house as a man rules a high bred steed , as Alexander ruled Bucephalus ( alaugli ) , of whom it was said that horse and man were alike proud . I' thank that hon . gentleman for his laugh . The pulse of the national heart does not beat as high as once it did . I know the temper of this house is not as spirited and brave as it was ; nor am I surprised when the vulture rules where once the eagle reigned . ( Loud cheers . ) The right hon . gentleman once said that Ireland was his great difficulty . 1 ask' tlie right lion , gentleman why Ireland was his great difficulty , and whether , if he had acted with frankness to Mr . Canning in reference to his communication with Lord Liverpool in 1825 , Ireland would have been his great difficulty ?
( Cheers . ) This the right hon . gentleman must teei at the present moment , when we are about again to divide on an Irish question—a division which may be fatal to the endurance of his power—he must feel that it is a Nemesis tliat dictates this vote and regulates this decision , and that is about to stamp with its zeal the catastrophe of a sinister career . ( Loud and continued cheering . ) .... . i Sir R . Peel asked the house to suspend its judgment till he had a legitimate opportunity to reply to the bitter personal attack which had just been made upon him . He declared upon his honour that he had never stated to Lord Liverpool in 1825 , that he had changed his opinion on the Cathalic question . If he had done so , that change of opinion would soon have been made known to Mr . Canning , from the intimate terms on which he and . Lord Liverpool lived
together . ... On the motion of Mr . 0 . Powell , the debate was again adjourned . ' ,. , „ The other ordera of the day were then disposed of , and the House adjourned at a quarter to 2 o ' clock .
HOUSE OF LORDS . — Tuesday , June 16 . ; The House met at Five o ' clock . On the motion of Lord LiiiEhTON , a Bill for the Suppression of the Office of Superintendent of Convicts was read a second time , w
VISCOUNT HARDING * . AND LORD GOUGH'S ANNUITIES BILL . The Earl of Ripon said , that he would pos' p one the committee on these Bills , which stood for to-day . He would , on another occasion , mention the day next week which he would fix for the committee . The Duke of Richmond said , that he honed the noble Earl would state the course which the Government intended to pursue . He wished to know whether it was the intention of the Government to rescind the decision of the committee . ( Hear , hear . ) The Earl of Ripon would give no iaformation , further than that the Government did not consider themselves precluded from taking any steps which ' the forms of the House would permit to have that decision reversed .
. THE CORN IMPORTATION BILL . Earl Stanhope presented a petition from the working classes of Birmingham , agreed to at a public meeting in that town , in which . they stated that they objected most solemnly to the passing of any measures affecting the labour of the country , without first consulting the judgment of the people , upon them . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished to putaquestion to , his Noble Friend the President of tho Board of Control . He was anxious to leavn from his Noble Friend whether he expected that the effect of their porn Bill would be to raise the prices of corn , to leave them where they were , or to depress them ? The Earl of Ripon declined to prophesy . ... '• . The Earl Stanhope then desired to be informed what the intention of the Government was in framing this measure—whether to lower , to enhance , or to leave unaffected the prices of grain . ; The Earl of Ripon refused to answer .
The Earl Stanhope remarked that it was apparent the Government had brought forward the measure without any knowledge of its operation ; and that the country would understand the suspicious silence ofthe Noble President of the Board of Control . The Earl of IIipos ( with some warmth ) observed , that he objected to tlie Noble Earl using such words as " suspicious silence . " ( Hear . ) What right had the Noble Earl to term their silence " suspicious ?" He ( Lord Ripon ) acted from a sense of his duty , and he would not ' . submit to imputations of this kind ( Hear . ) A disorderly and somewhat warm discussion followed , which was at length terminated by their Lordships going into Committee . On the 1 st clause , .
The Earl of Wicklow moved an amendment , to the effect that after the 1 st of February , 1849 , there should be * a fixed duty of 5 s . on all foreign wheat not the produce of our colonies , instead of Is . duty proposed by the Bill . The Noble Earl said that should this proposition regarding wheat be adopted , he would then move proportionate duties applicable to other descriptions of grain . He could not see how Noble Lords opposite could avoid voting for this fixed duty , unless they had the ambition to imitate the Government by changing their former opin ions . As to himself , he knew the effect of his amendment , if carried , would be to defeat the Bill for the present , which he desired to do , in order to get a better one . He did not want any sliding-scale—he did not think a
sliding-scale applicable to the circumstances of this country—but lie was anxious to set this vexatious question at rest „ and he was convinced that it was impossible to do so by this present bill . Those who expected that , were ,. in his opinion , as ignorant of the state of feeling in the agricultural population as they were ignorant of what was passing in another hemisphere —( Hear , hear , and cheers)—and he believed , that if they succumbed to the power of the Anti-Corn Law League , the agitation which that body had excited would be but a slight whisper , in comparison with the roaring tempest which they were raising about their ears , ( "Hear , " and laughter . ) The agricultural population of this country were far too proud and independent to suffer themselves to be
trodden upon in this manner ; they would be ready enough to sacrifice their own interests , if others were called upon to make the same sacrifice ; but when they saw a new principle applied to them , and to . theni alone , they would never be satisfied with it . The Marquis of Clanricarde said , that he wished to say a few words , " as on this particular question , an appeal had been directly made to Noble Lords on that side ofthe House ; and as he was old-fashioned enough to desire to be consistent , he would shoAv to their lordships , that in supporting this measure he was acting in perfect consistency with his former conduct . Ia 1841 , he had seconded the address , to the Throne , moved by Lord Spencer , and on that occasion they had both stated it to be desirable in
their opinion , that protection to agriculture should be reduced as speedily , though as safely as possible . His opinions had undergone no change , for the Nob ' e Earl who had moved this Bill , and also the amendment to the Address , on the occasion to which lie had referred , drew particular attention to their remarks , and had said that their object clearly was free trade . The Noble Lord concluded by stating , that however much Noble Lords " should accuse Sir Robert Peel of inconsistency in regard to the manner in which he had acted in reference to this matter ofthe Corn Laws , no one could deny that the alterations proposed would be for the benefit ofthe country . There might be some ground for a charge of inconsistency in regard to the manner in which the right hon . gentleman ( Sir Robert Peel ) , had acted , but so far as the measure he had introduced to the House was concerned , there could be no doubt but
that they were for the benefit of the country . Lord Carnarvon supported the amendment . In doing so he endeavoured to get over the idea that the rate of wages was dependant on the price of food . The subject had been so much investigated and discussed , that he thought it unnecessary to go into it at any length . He denied that the repeal of the corn laws > ould benefit the labouring classes and argued that it would have the effect of throwing land out of employment , and rendering the condition of the poor man worse than it was at present . Such an alteration as that proposed by the Bill now before the House , * vvould therefore be fraught with , great disadvantage to the country . The labourer would suffer by it , for as he held that it would affect his wages , of course his income would be less , and he would be the less able to maintain his family . Lord . Dk Mauley supported tlie amendment .
Lord C-loncorry said it was stated that the corn laws were an advantage to Ireland , and tbat they should thei'efore maintain them . Ireland was a part ofthe empire , and enjoyed ao advantage but in common with Yorkshire or any other part of England . Tbe Irish were in favour of this measure , because they thought thsy would derive benefit from free trade . The Earl of Wiitona ' SBA said he would vote for the amendment , in the h ope of getting a better Bill than that now proposed , through an appeal to the country . It was an uh constitutional course to pledge a Parliament of th ree years hence upon a If tIle should
measure of public principle . country change their opinions upon thi'' subject , in what position would they be placed ? L t ° did not blame the Government for a change of rpi . '"on , for if he saw reason to alter his views from con viction , he would throw consistency to the winds . A . though they had a right to change their opinions , th cy were bound not to act upon that change without a n aPpeal to the people . Thoy might depend upon it the question would not remain where it was , but wi / old be contested still further in the country . Earl Fitzwilliam and Lord Poi war th ros ^ ^ t the same time , but the former gave way . Lord Polwarth said it was true that farms i ' n the
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Roxburgh districts were let ' at an- increase Cerent , but that was in the year 1844 , ' and not in 1846 . This increase bf rent did not arise from any confidence in the proposed alteration in the law ; but 'from ether causes altogether" irrespective of the question . He did not . think there would be any great diminution in the value of land ; but that the Bill would cause a great displacement of labour . He would ask them was it desirable that theagriculturallabourersshpuld be driven into the manufacturing towns , especially when the town population was known ' to be in great distress .
J arl Fitzwilliam said these protection laws had been injurious to the agricultural interest by ex iting expectations of advantage , ' which it was not in the power of Parliament to realise for them ., This had been proved . not only by the experience of their effects , but by the admission of noble lords apposite . It was said , that they ought to appeal to the sense of tho people , but such an appeal would be in this case an appeal to their passions .. He considered it an advantage to discuss the measure when an immediate dissolution of Parliament was not contemplated . He did noV however , approve of the conduct ofthe government m driving them ihto a corner and not affording that house an opportunity of expressing an opinion . upon it . They might have done so . and it
was peculiarly their dut y to have done so , considering the manner in which they had come into power . ( Hear , hear . ) But . through the course they had adopted they had deceived every brie who had reposed any confidence in them . ( Protectionist cheers ) If it were right to do what they proposed to doat this time , it must have been right in 183 3 and in 1839 when he made an analogous motion , and when he was not supported by any one of their lordships . Now that he saw the measure within reach , however , and that within another week it would become the law of the land , he would freely admit his belief that it would do more good to the working classes of this country than any other measure which had been brought forward of late years . In utter
contradictions to the opinions expressed by _ his noble friend at the table ( Earl Stanhope ) it would produce them more comforts , and increase the demand for manufactures beyond the utmost extent of their concepti » , * , ^ vch being his conscientious conviction as to its possible effect , he should give the bill his support at this stage of its progress . ' ( Hear . ) Lord Brougham said it appeared to him from the speech ofthe noble earl who spoke last , and from the speeches of the noble lords who had addressed their lordships to the same effect , that the Ministry had offered a most serious insult to Parliament , by introducing the measure by way of bill , and not by ' of resolution , to which their lordships should have been a party . The effect of that course was alleged
to be their lordships being driven into a corner . Driven into a comer they might indeed be said to be in point of fact , but politically speaking ! he was at a loss to understand how the expression could apply . As to the effect of this measure on the value of land , he had received two letters , one of them stating that a sale by auction took place yesterday , at Garraway's , tit which an estate in Essex was sold . ; It was a farm of 200 acres , in a wretchedly bad state of cultivation , situated at a distance of five miles from the place ' at which the letter was written . It was sold , at 36 years purchase , for £ 6 , 600 , notwithstanding the great alarm which was said to prevail throughout the country at tho passing of the bill . . The purchaser also took the bargain at 2 J per cent , against him . The
other letter said an estate had been sold on the evening when it was written , at a price so extraordinary that the auctioneer confessed he was almost a convert to Free Trade . The amount of purchase money so far exceeded his expectations , that it was double that which it would have fetched two or three years ago . To make the result still more prominent , the estate was situated in the neighbourhood of the Bentinck estates , and though it consisted of marsh and low land , 'it fetched from £ 50 to £ 90 an acre . ( Hear , hear . ) ' The noble and learned lord occupied their Lordships' time for a full hour with a variety of extraneous topics , and particularly impressed On tneir Lordships his assurance that the government would not be changed after all .
Lord Stanley said that the mode in which this measure had been brought before the house was a most unusual one '; and he declared , the sending up of a bill involving such vast political considerations , which their Lordships could not alter , on the plea of its being a Money Bill , to be an infringement ofthe rights of Parliament , and ofthe Constitution itself . Such a measure should have been proposed by resolution , according to precedent and to the forms of the Constitution . With respect to a coalition between opposite parties , hinted at by Lord Brougham , Lord Stanley repudiated and denied the existence of any such , so far as he or his friends were concerned . But he agreed with two remarks made by Lord Fitzwilliam , that it would be to a most
extraordinary and fortuitous combination of parties that this billowed its chance of passing into law ; and that the Government dared not go to the country upon it .- A taunt had been thrown out that if the Protectionists really anticipated a change of Ministry , ' thoy would have obstructed and delayed the progress of this bill ; his ( Lord Stanley ' s ) answer to that taunt was , that he and his friends were above such tactics . They would submit to their Lordships decision , without being influenced by any consideration whether or not a twenty-four hours' delay might embarrass the Government on the Sugar Duties or the' Irish Coercion Bill , or whether it might give a better chance to Noble Lords now sitting on the opposite benches . An appeal to the
country , whenever it could be made , would be the only tactics the Proteotionistscould use . Lord Stanley concluded-by stating that had he but chosen between a sliding scale and a fixed duty , he would unhesitatingly vote for a sliding-scale as a measure of Protection , but he preferred a fixed duty to no protection at all ; and for the sake of Canada aud of Ireland , to which it would be a real protection as far as it went , he would support the amendment . The Marquis of Lansdowse opposed the amendment , though favourable to a small fixed duty for revenue . He entered into some explanations relative to the late meeting at Lord John Russell ' s house , to arrange about the opposition to be given to the Irish Coercion Bill . -. " ., ' .
Lord Brougham in a second speech , which he insisted , in opposition to the wish of the house , on making , made the curious announcement , which he called on Cabinet Ministers present to . ' vouch , viz ., that shortly after the present Government came into power , he ( Lord Brougham ) had been offered ''high and brilliant office , " and that he had refused it . Their Lordships divided on Lord Wicklow ' s amendment . Contents . ' .... 107 Non-contents ..... 140 Majority for the ; Government 33 Progress was reported , and the Committee adjourned to Friday . The Lordships adjourned .
HOUSE OF COMMONS . The Speaker took the chair at Four o'clock . GLASGOW , DUMFRIES , AND CARLISLE ' RAILWAY . On the motion for the further consideration of the report on the Glasgow , Dumfries , and Carlisle Railway Bill . A discussion ensued which occupied several hours , two of which were passed with closed doors , in order , wo believe , that the public should not be informed of the charges bandied to and fro of " personal- pecuniary interest . " The bill was thrown out by a majority of two , but Mr . Hume objected that Mr . P . M . Stuart had a pecuniary interest in the opposing line , andmovciltuat his vote be disallowed in tbe division . There were , for Mr . Il « iiie ' smotion , ' 114 , and against it 118 ; it was lost by a majority of 4 . Hereupon a long squabble ensued , the termination of which was an adjournment . ¦
"•• . - . ' THE GAUGE QUESTION , Sir Geokge Clerk next moved the adoption of a recommendation contained in the . minute of the Board of Trade of the 6 th of June , 1840 , on report of Commissioners for inquiring into the Gauge of Railways ! r * " 1 . That no line shall hereafter be formed on any other than the four feet eight arid a half inch gau ge excepting lines to the south of the existing line from London' to Bristol , and excepting small branches of a few miles in length , in immediate connexion with the Great Western Railway ; but that no such line as above excepted shall be sanctioned by Parliament , unless a special report shall have been made by the Committee on the Bill , setting forth the reasons which have led the Committee to advise tbatsuch line should be formed on any other than the lour feet eight and a half inch gauge .
" 2 . That , unless by the consent of the Legislature , it shall not be permitted to the Directors of any Railway Company to alter the gauge of such railway . " 3 . That , in order to complete tbe general chain of narrow gauge communication from the north of England to the southern coasts , and to the port of Bristol , any suitable measures should be promoted to form a narrow gauge link from Gloucester to Bristol , and also from Oxford to Basingstoke , or by any shorter route connecting the proposed Rugby and Oxford line with tho South-western Railway .
'' 4 . That the South Wales line , audits branches to Monmouth and Hereford , should oo permitted to be formed on the broad gauge , as sanctioned by their Act . . . '• 5 . That tho Rugby and Oxford line , and the Oxford , Worcester , and Wolverhampton line , should be permitted to be formed on the broad gauge , as sanctioned by the Acts ; that the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council / or Trade shall exercise the powers conferred upon them by the several Acts , and shall require that additional narrow gauge rails shall forthwith be / aid down from Rugby to Oxford , and from Wolverhampton to the junction with the Birming-Iiaia and Gloucester line ; and that if it should hereafter appear that there is a traffic requiring accommodation on the narrow gauge from the Staffordshire districts to the southern coast , any suitable measure shall be promoted by Parliament to form a
(Amlimied Froniourlstpjge.) Were Continu...
narrow gauge iinkfrom bx ^ Birminghamand ^ Gloucester Railway . " ; 7 ., ' . ' -: After a discussion in which . Mr . LabOuchere , Mr , Hume , Sir G : Grey , Mr . Ellice , MrrC .-Rusaell . Mr . Cholmondeley , Mr . M . Gibson , Sir T . Wilde , Mr . E . Denison , Sir R ; Price , Mr . Beckett Dehisbn , Mr . W Colletfc , Mr . Hayter , Mr . F . Scott , Dr . Bowririg , Mr . Hawes , Colonel Anson , Sir T . Acla ' nd , Lord Palmerston , and Lord Seymour joine d , the'first resolution with a slight verbal amendment , was agreed to . The
second resolution was wiuwrawn ; and , on the suggestion of Sir It . Peel , another resolution , stating that " it is the opinion of this , house that provision should be made by law to prevent the Directors of any railway company to alter the gauge of any rail-Way unless by . tl \ e consent ofthe Legislature , " was substituted and agreed ' to . ' , The debate on the . three ' resolutions was adjourned at a quarter past one o ' clock to twelve o ' clock on Tuesday . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned . .
HOUSE OF COMMONS—Weonesday , June 17 The house met at twelve o ' clock .
BROAD AND NARROW GAUGES . ; On the suggestion of Sir G . Clerk the adjourned debate on the resolutions respecting the broad and narrow . gauges was put off till Thursday . Sir G . Grey gave notice , for Thursday , to move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the voluntary establishment of baths and washhouses .
NAVAL CIVIL DEPARTMENT BILL . Sir C . Napier moved the second reading of the Naval Civil Department Bill . The object of the bill was to remodel the Board of Admiralty , by abolishing the offices of three of the Lords of the Admiralty , and by otherwise reconstituting the Navy Board . In support of the bill the gallant Commodore entered at preat length upon the present defective state of the Board , and the consequent mismanagement of our navy . . ' . ;"' ;' ¦ Lord iNdESTRE seconded the motion , although he did not approve of all the previsions of the bill . Mr . Corrt moved as an amendment , that the bill be read a second time ¦> that day six months . The measure proposed would lessen the responsibility , increase the expense , and introduce greater complication than ever into the navy department . Captain Pecheix supported the bill , as he would any measure designed to improve the present management of the navy .
After a short discussion , in which Sir G . Cockbvrn , Captain Pmtairidge , and Captain Berkeley took part , the house
divided—For the secondreading ..................... 11 Against it ' .. ; .- .. ; .. ; ..... ; ..... ; 107 Majority against the Bill 96
. RATING OF TENEMENTS BILL , , On the motion that this Bill be read a second time . Mr . R . Palmer said that he had several objections to some of the details ofthe Bill , but that as he thought it susceptible of considerable amendment in Committee , he should not resist its progress at this stage . - -.-. •¦ # Mr . P . Scrope said he thought the Bill would injuriously affect that class of the poor who were raised only a few degrees above pauperism , and who were gradually sinking into it . The Bill did not give them the exemption which their poverty entitled them to , and which was frequently bestowed more improperly on wealthy proprietors and prosperous tradesmen . ¦¦ ' It also interfered . with the erection of houses , for the poor , and he should therefore move that the Bill he read a second time that day six months .
Mr . Hawes then moved the adjournment of the debate , which being seconded by Mr . Spooner , and agreed to , it was adjourned to Wednesday next . The second reading ofthe Smoke Prohibition Bill was postponed by Mr . Mackinnon tiU Wednesday , tbeSthof July . The adjourned debate on the Place of Worship ( Scotland Bill ) was postponed till Thursday . The consideration of the Poor Removal Bill in Committee was postponed to this day week . . .. The Earl of Lincoln moved that the House gointo Committee on the Coroners ( Ireland ) Bill . ¦ . .-.. - Sir W : Somerviixb objected to so important a measure being gone into at such an advanced hour of the day . The Administration of Criminal Justice Bill was read a third time and passed . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the House adjourned at six o ' clock .
HOUSE OF LORDS , Thursoay , Jum IS . The royal assent was given by commission to a great many Railway and other bills . On the motion of the Bishop of London the Church Discipline Bill was read a first time . After the presentation of petitions their Lordships adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Thursday . June 18 . The remaining resolutions , proposed by Sir G . Clerk , respecting the railway gauges , were agreed to . The adjourned debate ,
THE PROTECTION OF LIFE ( IRELAND ) BILL was resumed by , ; Sir A . Armstrong , who opposed the second reading of the Bill . Mr . J . Bennett , Captain Layard , Mr . IIenly , Sir H . W . Barron , and Mr . Hawbs likewise opposed the ¦ ¦ ¦
Bill . . -.-:. " Captain Fitzmaurice and : Lord F . Egerton supported it . The Noble Lord , in reference to h te strong expressions used by Lord G . Bentinck , said , he regretted that such language had been uttered , and he particularly regretted that it had been defended on the plea of precedent , because any nonsense or violence might be thus justified . In fact , Mr . Fox had Used even stronger words than those cited-by Mr . D'Israeli , for he on one occasion said of Lord North that he would not trust himself in the same room with him , and yet they were
afterwards political friends ; so he ( Lord F Egerton ) did not despair , . despite what had passed between Lord G . Bentinck and Sir R . Peel , "that things would set themselves to rights . " He then disclaimed the appellation of a renegade , which Lord G . Bentinck had applied to several gentlemen as honourable as any in ¦ the house , and amongst others to himself . He concluded by stating that this measure had not been proposed as a cure for . the evils of Ireland ; that he did not support it as such cure j but that he did support it as the means of putting down certain crimes which were prevalent in certain districts of Ireland . »
The debate was , on the motion of Mr , Siurman Crawford , again adjourned . The other orders Svere disposed of , and the House adjourned .
Fete' " Jildkmatte,
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Barnsley Weavers. Messrs. Rlgott And New...
BARNSLEY WEAVERS . MESSRS . rlGOTT AND NEWTON " AGAIN . It is with extreme pain that circumstances have arisen which call forth the following public appeal : — -tobesilen under . the outrageous and wholesale attempt at plunder by the Messrs . Pigott and Newton , would indeed be criminal in a superlative degree on the part of the wotkpeople . Remember , it is not Power-Loom Weavers alone that would suffer by the unblushing propositions of Pigott and Newton , but the Hand-Loom Weavers would ultimately suffer in'the same ratio as , those employed in the Powcr-IiOom ; nor would the evil end with the ' weavers alone .
Will the Shopkeepers suffer nothing by ' the withdrawal of hundreds if not thousands of pounds weekly from the various shops when trade is-flourishing ? and will the owners Of Cottage property agree to reduce their rents nearly one-half ? if not , then these different parties are deeply interested in our cause , leaving- the humanity of the case entirely out of the question . What can tlie public think of the startling fact ofa reduction in the instance bf one Fabric ( viz . the Drabbets ) of 40 per cent ! The working people of this town have suffered under the prescntpanic with a resignation and fortitude seldom equalled and never surpassed , consoling themselves with the pleasing . ' reflection that the pending measures of Government would better their condition and restore them to comparative comfort ;—but , Jo ? in step the modest Messrs . Pigott and Newton as evil geniuses and harbingers of oppression , and cry , " Hold , there' !—we will frustatc your humble hopes , and teach you , that como what will , your doom is sealed ;— suffering , the most intense shall continue to be your portion , or at least if not so , the fault shall not be oio-s . "
We as candidly tell you , Messrs . Pigott and Newton tliat if you succeed in your unjust and avaricious encroachments hi our scanty wages , /' the fault shall not bo ours . " . It is a fact as notorious as the sun at noon day , which cannot be controverted or gainsayed , that with the trade nt me best thepeople of this town cannot command a sufficiency of food and raiment fescept , perhaps , a very few who have the best work ;) then wherein , we would ask , can they spare anything I It is a subject so painful that we do not like to enter into it at length ; but we'invite those who are any way sceptical to visit our abodes and make a thorough investigation , and then tell us whether that heart is not very unfeeling that would attempt to diminish the little we have .
What would be said of the owner of a lot of negro slaves , were he to offer to make them toil without sufficient food to keep up their animal strength ;—but no . would never be so brutal , his interest in them would tench him such a course would be unprofitable;—for the same reason that Messrs . Pigott and Newton would not do go by their horses . We now leave our case in the bands of an impartial public ; and come what will , we are not the degraded vassals Pigott and Newton suppose us to be .
Barnsley Weavers. Messrs. Rlgott And New...
, Tlie price of 4-4 Drabbets . for which they have paid ¦;« for 24 or 25 lb , of Cotton , theynow . offer 3 s . 3 d . ' . for ' lb b of Cotton , a sum less than . used to fall to the bobbin a winders ' lotwhen wove by hand . " ' . £ , .. The Joiners' Strike . —Since our last ( Bolton Free : e Prm ) no new feature has presented itself in connec . - tion with this strike , except that the turn-outs have 8 prevailed in inducing more-men to leave their em * pldyment who had come from ; other ; towns . There i appears to be no desire either , on the part ofthe mas- - ters or men to submit one ¦ to ' the other as to terms . , At one of theestabl ishmetitsin the town the full com- ¦ plement of new hands has almost been made upbut fc
, at most other - establishments there is a scarcity of p hands . On one or two . evenings in the week there > have been slight disturbances , but not of such ana- . ture has to call for the interference of the police . The following is a copy of ' the principal resolution t passing at the late conference ! of trades delegates at ; Manchester : — " That all trades belonging to the as- soci & tion shall contribute to the creation of a fund o £ at least £ 20 , 000 . in proportion to their average i weekly earnings , such contributions to be a per centage of 2 d . in the pound per week on learnings , and when support is afforded , the amount so afforded to oe i calculated on the like principle . " ,. '
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The Chartist Cooperative Land Society. '...
THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY . ' Meetings for the purpose of enrolling members , and transacting other business connected therewith are held every week on the following days and places : — . BATUEDAV EVEH 1 NO . ¦ ¦ . , , Shoreditch ,-at , Chapman ' s Coffee House , Church Street , at eight o ' clock . ; , ' l
SUNDAT EVENING . South London Chartist Hall , Lib " , Bkckfriars-road at half-past six o'clock . —City Chartist Hall , 1 , Turnagain-lane : at six . o'clock . — Westminster : at the Parthenium Club Rooms , 72 , St . Martin ' s-Iane-at half-past seven : —Somers Town : at Mr . Duddrege ' a , Bricklayers' ' ¦ ¦ Arms , ; Tonbridge-street , New-road , at half-past seven . —rower Hamlets : at the Whittingtoa and Gat , Church-row , Bethnal-green , at . six o ' clock precisely . —Emmeu ' s Brigade .: at the Rock Tavern Lisson-grove , at eight o ' clock precisely . —Marylebonet at the Coach Painters'Arms , Circus-street , at halfpast seven . Gray ' s Inn Road , ^ Mason ' si Arms , Britannia street ; s ,-- ¦ ,-. ¦ . : Hammersmitlt-ai the District Office , 2 , Little Vate Place . —Shareholders enrolled every day from eight o'clock in the morning . The weekly meetings ofthe Shareholders will be held at . the above office every Sunday morning , at ten o ' clock precisely ;
MOJTOAT EVENING . Rochester , —At the Victory Inn , at half-past seven . Camierwell : at the Montpelier Tavern , Walworth , at eight o ' clock , precisely . .-- _ Kensington . —At , eight o ' clock , at "the Duke of Sussex . ;¦" - '''' ¦ ' * . ' ;¦ ¦¦ ' " ' ¦;' . ''' , , Limehouse : at the Brunswick Hall , Ropemaker ' g Fields , at eight o ' clock . ' Chelsea , at the ^ Temperance Coffee House , Exeter Street , Sloane Street , at eight o ' clock .
, -. - ¦ , TUESDAY EVENING . i . Greenwich :, at Mr . Paris ' s , Cold Bath , at eight o ' clock * Newcastle-upon-Tyne : This branch of the Chartist Co-operative Land Society meet in the house of Martin Jude , Sun . Jnn ,. Side , every Sunday evening , from seven until nine o ' clock , for the purpose of receiving subscriptions and enrolling members . ¦ Leicester : The members and committee of the Cooperative Land Society meet at 87 , Church-gate , every Sunday night , at six o ' clock . ' Armley : The members of the Chartist Co-operative Land Society meet at thehouse of Mr . William Gates , boot and shoemaker , Armley Town ^ gate , every Monday eveningj at eight o ' clock . rBOVlNCIAl MEETINGS OV THE CHAWIIST CO-OPERATIVE
LAND SOCIETY . Leicester , every Monday evening , at No . 17 , Archdeden Lane , at seven o'clock . Chepstow , every Monday evening , at the Temperance , Hotel , Bank Avenue , at eight o'clock . Aberdeen . The office-bearers meet every Wednesday evening at half-past seven , at No . 1 , Flour Mill Lane Hall .
Bradford.—A Chartist Camp Meeting Will B...
Bradford . —A Chartist camp meeting will be held at New . Holland , on the Chartist Farms , hear Wilsden , on Sunday , at two o ' clock in the afternoon , Several persons will address the meeting and explain the principles , of the Chartist Co-operative Land Society . The members of the O'Connor- Brigade will meet in their room , Butterwprth-buildings , on Sunday , at six o ' clock in the evening . The members of the Land Society will meet in their room on Sunday evening , at seven o ' clock . The members of the Frost Committee are re ouested to meet at nine o'clock on Saturday evening , in Mr . Aldcrson ' s shop .
Bristol . —The members of the Chartist . Co-operative Land Society meet each alternate Monday , at No . 102 , Temple-street , and No . 16 , Horse-fair , at eight o ' clock in the evening . Oldham . —Humanity's Cause . —On Saturday , the 20 th of June , the large room of the Working Man ' s Hall will be re-opened by a Grand Dance , to commence at seven o ' clock in the evening . The proceeds to be sent to the exiled patriot , John Frost , who is now suffering great privation from sickness at Sidney , in Van Dieman ' s Lansl . On Sunday , the 21 st instant , Mr . J . R . Cooper , of Manchester , will lecture in the school room ofthe above hall ; to commence precisely at six o ' clock in the evening , '¦;"'¦ ¦
Bilston . —A public meeting will be held at Bill ston , on Tuesday evening , June 23 rd , for the purpose of electing a delegate to the forthcoming Chartist Convention . Working men . -a dissolution of Parliament is near at hand ! Arouse from your apathy , and show your oppressors that you are determined to be freemen ! Manchester . -- A meeting of the shareholders of the People ' s Institute will be held , in the New Hall , on Sunday , June 28 th , when all * the shareholders are requested to attend . Halifax , —A Chartist camp meeting will be holden on Skircoafc-mocr , on Sunday , June 38 th , fo commence at two o ' clock , when several distinguished advocates' of the cause will address the meeting . The members of the Local Land Society are requested to meet in the room , Bull-close-lane , on Monday evening at eight o ' clock , on business of importance .
The sub-Secretary of the Land Society will attend all weekly meetings for the purpose of enrolling members , or furnishing information to those who mayrequireit . ^ , ' . ' Halifax . —Notice to the members of the Land Society .- ^ - All members will be excluded fromthe approaching ballot who do riot pay up all arrears due for local and general expenses . Signed by order , John Walker , Chairman . . - ¦ :: ¦ C . W . Smith , Secretary . Liverpool . —The members of the Land Society meet every , Monday evening , at eight o ' clockj at Mr . Farrell ' s Temperance Hotel , i , Oazneau-street .
'Bradford . —A public meeting of the members of the-National Charter Association , will be held in the Council Room , Butterworth-buildings , at two o ' clock in the afternoon . - .,-... ' Belper . —This branch of the Chartist Co-operative Laud Society , assemble at the house of George Wigley . thc Dusty Miller , Field-head , every Monday night , from . seven till nine , to cnvoil members and receive subscriptions . -. ' ¦¦ . ' . "Stockport . '—Mr . Ambrose Hurst , will lecture in the Chartist Isstitute , on Sunday evening next , at six o'clock in the evening . A member ' s meeting will be held : at three in three afternoon , in the Meeting Room . Bomber's Brow . Hillgate .
The Next General Delegatb Mketino of Lancashire Miners will be held on Monday June 29 th , at thehouse of Mr . Israel Riley , sign ofthe Commercial Over Darwen , chair to bo taken at eleven o'clock in the forenoon . There will also be a public meeting which . will be addressed by , W . P . Roberts , ^ Esq ., and several other ofthe accredited agents of the Miners Association . Lynn . —A meeting is held at Mr . James Dickerson ' s Temperance Hotel , Queen-street , Lynn , every Tuesday evening . , Loughborough . —A meeting of the Members of the Chartist Land Association , at which the public are invited to attend , Will take place at Talbot Inn Mill-street , on Monday June 22 nd , at 8 o ' -lock .
Manchester . —Mr . Ambrose Hurst delivered a lecture in the Carpenters Hall , on Sunday morning , to a crowded meeting , and . gave great satisfaction . A Camp Mketixg will be held at Middleton Wood , Middleton , on Monday June 28 th , Chair to be taken at 2 o ' clock . Mottium , —There wiU he held a , Public Meeting ofthe Chartists of Mottram , on Sunday next , June 21 st , at two o'clock , in behalf of John Frost . l The Chartists of Newcastle and Gateshead , arcrepsectfuly requested to attend a general meeting in the house of Martin Jude , Sun Inn , Side , on Sunday evening , JuneSlst at 7 o ' clock , to proceed with the election of Mr . (^ . "Julian Harney , to act as delegate for this locality in the forthcoming Convention , and to arranae other important business
J auvihk .-I his branch of the Land Society met or the purp 0 Se of transacting general business / and initiating new members , at thehouse of Mr . Richard Cooper , Shoe-maker , Conwind
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E' y . . City of Weshnliisto- wine umee , in the same Street and'P-irisli' for ft . ?* 'ISXiJIT ™ ° 'WN 0 " &^ iSwiSd dan . »« , S V ? T « of & 0 - 1 S - ClwrleMtreeVBrttSr £ . " ' to- ' , ^ oulltJ ' of Surrey , at the Office , No . K-, fctoiSS" l ' ' * ,,, arkGt ' «| e Off J Saturday , June 20 , IS 16 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 20, 1846, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_20061846/page/8/
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