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UNITED STATES. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. ...
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BANKRUPTS. ' (From Tuesday's Gazette, De...
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United States. The President's Message. ...
UNITED STATES . THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE . Liverpool , Mosdat , Dec . 22 , 1845 . —The Sea , Captain Freeman , arrived here this afternoon , bringing the above important document . She sailed on the 5 th fro * a Sandy Hook , but brings nothing later than the 3 rd from New York .
The Message was delivered on the 2 nd instant . THE MESSAGE . Fellow-c-iizens of the Senate , and House of Representatives , —It is a source of unaffected satisfac tion to meet the representatives of the States and the people m Congress assembled , as it will be to re--ceive the aid of their combined wisdom in the administration of public affairs . In performing , for the -first time , the duty imposed on me by the constitution , of giving to you Information of the state of the Union , and recommending to you such measures as in = my judgment are necessary and expedient , I am happy that I can congratulate you on the continued prosperity of our country . Under the blessings of Divine Providence and the benign influence of our -free institutions , it stands before the world a spectacle of national happiness .
In calling the attention of Congress to our relattons with foreign powers , I am jrratificd to be able ' to state that , though with some of them there have existed since your last session serious causes of irritation and misunderstanding , yet no actual hostilities have taken place . Adopting the maxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs to " ask nothing that is not right , and to submit to nothing that is Trrong , " it has been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all nations - , but , at the same time , to be prepared to resist aggression , and to maintain all our just rights . MEXICO AJT O TEXAS . After the above preliminary remarks "Mexico -and Texas" form the first subject of President Polk ' s "Message . " He recapitulates the history of the annexation of Texas , and recommends to Congress to take immediate measures to render the " annexation" perfect : —
Questions deeply interesting to Texas , in common with the other states ; the extension of our revenue laws and judicial system over her people and territory , as well as measures of a local character , will claim the early attention of Congress , and therefore , upon every principle of republican government , she ought to be represented in that body without unnecessary delay . I cannot too earnestly recommend prompt action on this important object . As soon as the act to admit Texas as a state shall be passed , Che union of the two republics will be consummated by their own voluntary consent . This accession to our territory has been a bloodless achievement . No arm of force has been raised to produce the result . The sword has had no part in the victory . We have not sought to extend onr territorial possessions by conquest , or our republican institutions over a reluctant people . It was the deliberate homage of each people to the great principle of our federative union .
The President denounces the interference of the European Governments in the Texan question , on which subject he read ' s a smart lecture to our French neighbours : — The jurisdiction of the United St-tes , which at the formation of the federal constitution was bounded by the St . Mary ' s on the Atlantic , has passed the eapes of Florida , and been peacefully extended to the Del Norte . In contemplating the grandeur of this event , it is not to be forgotten that the result was achieved in despite of the diplomatic interference of European monarchies . Even France—the country which had been our ancient ally—the country which has a common interest with us in maintaining the freedom of the seas—the country which , by the cession of Louisiana , first opened to us access to the Gulf of Mexico—the country with which we have
been every year drawing more and more closely the bonds of successful commerce—most unexpectedly , and to our unfeigned regret , took part in an effort topreventannexation , and to impose on Texas , as a condition of the recognition of her _ independence by Mexico , that she would never join herself to the United States . We may rejoice that the tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle of self-government was sufficient to defeat the purposes of British and French interference , and that the almost unanimous voice of the people of Texas has given to that interference a peaceful and effective rebuke . From this example European governments may learn how vain diplomotic arts and intrigues must ever prove , upon this continent , against that system of self-government which seems natural to our soil , and which will ever resist foreign interference .
The President then relates the differences which have arisen between the United States and Mexican governments , arising oat of the annexation of Texas . He " annexes" thereto an account of the injuries inflicted by Mexico on the United States : — But though Mexico cannot complain of the United States on account of the annexation of Texas , it is to be regretted that serious causes ofmisunderstanding between the two countries continue to exist , crowing out of unredressed injuries inflicted by the Mexican authorities and people on the persons and property of citizens of the United States , through a long series of years . Mexico has admitted these injuries , but has neglected and refused to repair them .
After very lengthily dwelling on the details of these "injuries , " this portion of the "Message " concludes with an intimation that diplomatic relations have been recently renewed between the two governments , and a hope is expressed that all poll , tical differences will now be amicably adjusted , and that Mexico will folly atone for the " wrongs" and " injuries" charged against her by the United States . We now come to the most important portion of the ** Message , " which we give full and entire :-c
IHE OREGON' QT'ESTIOX . My attention was early directed to the negotiation , -which , on the 4 th of March last , I found pending at Washington between the United States and Great Britain , on the subject of the Oregon territory . Three several attempts had been previously made to settle the questions in dispute between the two countries , by negotiation , upon the principle of compromise ; but each had proved unsuccessful . These negotiations took place at London , in the years ISIS , 1824 , and 1826 ; the two first under the administration of Mr . Monroe , and the last under that of Mr . Adams . The negotiation of ISIS having failed to accomplish its object , resulted In the convention , of the 20 th of October of tbsitycar . By the
third article of that convention , it was " agreed , that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America , westward of the Stony Mountains , shall , together with its harbours , bays , and creeks , and the navigation of all livers within the same , be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention , to the vessels , citizens , and subjects of the two powers , it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country ; nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country ; the only object of the high contracting parties in that
respect being , to prevent disputes and differences among themselves . " The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result , and the convention of 1318 was left unchanged . The negotiation of 1826 , having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise , resulted in the convention of August the 6 th , 1 S 27 , by which it was agreed to continue in force for an indefinite period tlie provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20 th of October , 1813 ; and it was further provided , that "it shall he competent , however , to either of the contracting parties , in case either should think fit , at any time sfter the 20 th of October , 1 S 28 , on giving due notice of twelve months to the othei contracting party , to annul and abrogate this
convention ; and it shall , in such case , be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the said term of notice . " In these attempts to adjust the controversy the parallel of the forty -Broth degree of north latitude liad been offered by the United States to Great Britain , and in those of ISIS and 1826 , with a further concession of the free navigation of the Columbia river south of that latitude . The parallel of the forty-ninth degree from the Rocky Mountains to its intersection with the north-eastermost branch of the Columbia , and thence down the channel of that river to the sea , had been offered by Great Britain , with an addition of a small detached territory north of the Columbia . Each of these propositions had been rejec ed by the parties respectivelv .
M October , 1 & 43 , the envoy-extraordinarv and mmBter-plempotentiary of the United States in Loidon was authorised to make a similar offer to those made in 1818 and 1 S 26 . Thus stood the question when the negotiation was shortly afterwards transferred to Washington ; and , on the 23 rd 0 f August , 1 S 14 , was formally opened , under the direction of my immediate predecessor . Like all the previous negotiations , it was based upon principles of compromise ; " and the avowed purpose of the
parties was to " treat of ihe respective claims of the two conntnestothe Oregon territory , with the view to establish apermanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean " Ace , fd , nglF , on the 26 th of August , 1844 . the British by thffi t , ar ? f ! 5 erea , toUiviue tUe Oresontettitorv " tt h ^ Zrfc , * 0 tLe p ? int of its intersection riwr and ^ W ^ teniSost b - ranch <* « ie Columbia ^ fre ? Javi ™ « iV . trivertothese ^ leaving ««» tj ^ aSS ^ 8 r , ver to ^ eni ° ? m com" -. partuwti" . country south of this line
United States. The President's Message. ...
to belongto the United States , and that north of it to Great Britain . - At the same time , he proposed , in addition , to yield to the United States a detached territory , north of the Columbia , extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuclia , from Bullfinch ' s Uarbour inclusive to Hood ' s Canal and to make free to the United States any port or ports south of latitude forty-nine degrees which they might desire , either on the mainland or on Quadra and Vancouver ' s Island . With the exception of the free ports , this was the same offer which had been made by tho British , and rejected by the American government in the negotiation of 1826 . This proposition was properly rejected by the American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted . This was the only
proposition of compromise offered by the British plenipotentiary . The proposition on the part of Great Britain having been rejected , the British plenipotentiary requested that a proposal should be made by the United States for " an equitable adjustment of the question . " When I came into office I found this to be the state of the negotiation . Though entertaining the settled conviction that the British pretensions of title could not be maintained to any portion of the Oregon territory upon any principleof public law recognised by nations , yet , in deference to what had been done by my predecessors , and especially in consideration that propositions ef compromise had been Ulrica made by two preceding administrations , to adjust the question on the parallel of forty-nine degrees , and in two of
them yielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia , and that the pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise , I deemed it to be my duty not abruptly to break it off . In consideration , too , that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827 , the citizens and subjects of tho two powers held a joint occupancy of the country ,, ! was induced to make another effort to settle this longpending controversy in the spirit of moderation which bad given birth to the renewed discussion . A proposition was , accordingly , made , which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary , who , without submitting any other proposition , suffered the negotiation on his part to drop , expressing his trust that the United States would offer what he saw fit
to call" some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness aud equity , and with the reasonable expectations of the British government . " The proposition thus offered and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel to forty-nine degrees of north latitude , which had been made by two preceding administrations , but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain , as they had done , the free navigation of the Columbia river . The right of any foreign power to the free navigation of any of our rivers , through the heart of our country , was one which I was unwilling to concede . It also embraced a provision to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on the Cape of Quadra and Vancouver ' s Island , south of this
parallel . Had this been a new question , coming under discussion for the first time , this proposition would not have been made . The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British government , and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors and the implied obligation which their acts seemed to impose , afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can ' be effected . With this conviction , the proposition of compromise which had been made and rejected , was , by my direction , subsequently withdrawn , and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted , and , as is believed , maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments .
The civilised world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States ; and this government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy . All attempts at compromise having failed , it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting , or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon , and for the maintenance ot our just title to that territory . In adopting measures for this purpose care should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipulations of the
convention of 1827 , which is still in force . The faith of treaties in their letter and spirit has ever been , and I trust will ever be , scrupulously observed by the United States . Under that convention a year ' s notice is required to be given by either party to the other before the joint occupancy shall terminate , and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory . This notice it would , in my judgment , be proper to give , and I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly , and terminating in this manner the convention of the 6 th of August , 1827 .
It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can , in the mean time , adopt without violating this convention . Beyond all question , the protection of our laws and our jurisdiction , civil and criminal , ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon . They have had just cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular , and have , inconsequence , been compelled , for their own security and protection , to establish a provisional government forthemselves . Strong in their allegiance , and ardent in their attachment to the United States , they have been thus cast upon their own resources . They are anxious that our laws should be extended over them , and I recommend that this be done by Congress with as little delay as possible , in the full extent to which the Britsih Parliament have
proceeded in regard to British subjects in that territory , by their act of July 2 nd , 1821 , "for regulating the fur trade and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America . " By this act Great Britain extended her laws and jurisdiction , civil and criminal , over her subjects engaged in the fur trade in that territory . By it the courts of the province of Upper Canada were empowered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal . Justices of the peace and other judicial officers were authorized to be appointed in Oregon , with power to execute all process issuing from the courts of that province , and to" sit andhold courts of record for the trial of criminal offences and misdemeanours" not made the subject of capital punishment , and also of civil cases , where the cause of action shall not " exceed in value the amount or sum of two hundred pounds . " . '
Subsequent to the date of this act of Parliament , a grant was made from the "British crown" to the Hudson ' s Bay Company , of the exclusive trade with the Indian tribes in the Oregon territory , subject to a reservation that it shall not operate to the exclusion " of the subjects of any foreign states who , under or by force of any convention for the time being , between us and such foreign states respectively , may be entitled to , and shall be engaged in , the said trade . " It is much to be regretted , that , while under this act British subjects have enjoyed the protection of British laws and British judicial tribunals
throughout the whole of Oregon , American citizens , in the same territory , have enjoyed no such protection from their government . At the same timo , the resu \ t illustrates the character of our people and their institutions . In spite of this neglect , they have multiplied , and their number is rapidly increasing in that territory . They have made no appeal to arms , but have peacefully fortified themselves in their new homes , by the adoption of republican institutions for themselves ; furnishing another example of the truth that self-government is inherent to the American breast , and must prevail . It is due to them that they should be embraced and protected by our laws .
It is deemed important that our laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains should be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them . The increasing emigration to Oregon , and the care and protection which is due from the government to its citizens in that distant region , make it our duty , as it is our interest , to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian tribes of that territory . For this purpose , I recommend that provison be made for establishing an Indian agency , and such sub-agencies as may be deemed necessary , beyond the Rocky Mountains .
For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon , against the attacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass , I recommend that a suitable number of stockades and blockhouse forts be erected along the usual route between our frontier settlements on the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains , and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey . The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the existing treaty . It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than British laws have long since done for British subjects in the same territory .
It requires several months to perform the voyage by sea from the Atlantic states to Oregon ; and although we have a large number of whale ships in the Pacific , but few of them afford an opportunity of interchanging intelligence , without delay , between our settlements in that distant region and the United States . An overland mail is believed to be entirely practicable ; and the importance of establishing such a mail , it 1 : ast once a monih , is submitted to the favourable consideration of Congress . It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine whether , at their present session , and until after the expiration of the year ' s notice , any other measures may be adopted , consistentlv with the
convention of 1827 , for the security of our rights , and the government and protection of our citizens in Oregon . That it will ultimately be wise and propei to make liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers , who , amidst privations and dangers , lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting the vasi wilderness intervening between our frontier set lements and Oregon , and who cultivate , and are evei ready to defend the soil , 1 am fullv satisfied . To doubt whether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the United States am Great Britain shall have ceased to exist would be t . doubt the justice of Congress ; but , pending th . year ' s notice , it is worthy of consideration whether a
United States. The President's Message. ...
stipulation to this effect may be made , consistently with the spirit of that conrontion . ¦ The recommendation ' s which I have made as to the best manner of securing our rights in Oregon are submitted to Congress with great deference . Should they , in their wisdom , devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish the same object , it shall meet with my hearty concurrence . .,.-,- ¦ At the end of the year ' s aotice , should Congress think it proper to make provision for giving that notice , we shall have reached a period when the national rights of Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained . That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honour and interest is too clear to admit of doubt . . Oregon is a part of the North American continent , to which it is confidently affirmed the title of the
United States is the best now in existence . For the grounds on which that title rests , I refer you to the correspondence of the late and present Secretary of State with the British plenipotentiary during the negotiation . The British proposition of compromise , which would make the Columbia the line south of forty-nine degrees , with a trifling addition of detached territory to the United States north ot that river , and would leave on the British side two-thirds of the whole Oregon territory , including the free navigation of the Columbia and all the valuable harbours on the Pacific , can never , for a moment , U entertained by the United States , without an abandonment of their just and clear territorial rights , their own self-respect , and the national honour . For the information of Congress I communicate herewith the correspondence wnich took place between the governments during the late negotiation .
The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied , the addition of new states to our confederacy , the expansion of free principles , and our rising greatness as a nation , are attracting the attention of the powers of Europe ; and lately the doctrine has been broached in some of them of a " balance of power" on this continent , to check our advancement . The United States , sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all ' nations , cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent ; and should any such interference be attempted , will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards .
It is well known to the American people and to all nations that this government has never interfered with tho relations subsisting between other governments . We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances ; we have not sought their territories by conquest ; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles ; and believing our own form of government to be the best we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues , by diplomacy , or by force . We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference . The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe . They possess the same rights , independent of all foreign interposition , to make war , to conclude peace , and to
regulate their internal affairs . Ihe people ot the United States cannot , therefore , view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations of this continent . The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe . Jealousy amongst the different sovereigns of Europe , lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest , has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the " balance of power . " It cannot he permitted to have any application on the North American continent , and especially to the United States . We must ever maintain the principle that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny . Should any
portion of them , constituting an independent state , pro- , pose to unite themselves with our confederacy , this will be a question for them and us to determine , without any foreign interposition , We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to prevent such a union , because it might disturb the " balance of power" which they may desire to maintain upon this continent . Near a quarter of a century ago the princi p le was distinctly announced to the world , in the annual message of one of my predecessors , that " the American continents , by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain , are henceforth n » t to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power . " This principle will apply with greatly increased force , should any European power attempt to establish any new colony
in North America . In the existing circumstance * of the world , the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and re-affirm the principle affirmed by Mr . Monroe , and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy . The re-assertion of this principle , especially in reference to North America , is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist . Existing rights of every European nation should be respected ; but it is due alike to our safety and our interests , that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits , and that it should be distinctly annnunced to the world as our settled policy , that no future European colony or dominion shall , with our consent , be planted or established en any part of the North American continent .
The Prussian treaty , the Spanish ( navigation ) treaty , Texan claims , the treaty with China , and a glance at the dissentions in South America , conclude this ( the "foreign" ) portion of the " Message " : — I have thus adverted to all the subjects connected with our foreign relations to which I deem it necessary to call your attention . Our policy is not only peace with all , but good-will towards all the powers of the earth . While we are just to all , we require that all shall be just to us . Excepting the differences with Mexico and Great Britain , our relations with all civilised nations are of the most satisfactory character . It is hoped that in this enlightened age these differences may be amicably adjusted .
PINX 2 ICUI . STATBMEST . The Secretary of the Treasury , In his annual report to Congress , will communicate a lull statement of the condition of our finances . The imports of the fiscal year ending on the 13 th of June last were of the value of 117 , 254 , 504 dols ., of which the amount exported was 15 , 316 , 830 dols . —leaving a balance of 101 , 907 , 734 dols . for domestic consumption . The exports for the same year were of the value of 114 , 646 , 606 dols . ; of which the amount of domestic articles was 99 , 291 , 776 dols . The receipts into the Treasury during the same year were 29 , 769 , 133 dob ;' 56 cents . ; of which there were derived from customs 27 , 528 , 112 dols . 70 cents . ; fram sales of public lands 2 , 770 , 622 dols . 30 . ; cents . and from incidental and miscellaneous sources 163 , 998 dols . 56 cents . Tho
expenditures for the same period were 29 , 968 , 206 dols . 98 cents .: of which 8 , 583 , 157 dols . 62 . cents were applied to the payment of the public debt . The balance in the Treasury on the 1 st of June last was 7 , 658 , 306 dols , 22 cents . The amount of the public debt remaining unpaid on the 1 st of October last , was 17 , 075 , 445 dols . 52 cents . Further payment of the public debt would have been made , in anticipation of the period of its reimbursement under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury bv the acts of July 21 , 1841 , and of April 15 , 1842 , and March 3 , 1843 , had not the unsettled state of our relations with Mexico menaced hostile collision with that power . In view of such a contingency , it was deemed prudent to retain in the Treasury an amount unusually large for ordinary purposes .
A few years ago , our whole national debt growing out of the revolution and the war of 1812 with Great Br itain was cxtinguished ^ and we presented to the world the rare and nobli spectacle of a great and growing people who had fully discharged every obligation . Since that time the existing debt has been contracted ; and small as it was , in comparison with the similar burdens of most other nations , it should be extinguished at the earliest practicable period . Should the state of the country permit , and especiallyif our foreign relations interpose no obstacle , it
, is contemplated to apply all the monies in the Treasury as they accrue beyond what is required for the appropriations by Congress to its liquidation . I cherish the hope of soon being able to congratulate the country on its recovering once more the lofty position which it so recently occupied . Our country , which exhibits to the world the benefits of self-government , in developing all the sources of national prosperity , owes to mankind the permanent example of a nation free from the blighting influence of a public debt .
IHE TARIFF . The tariff of 1842 is alluded to in the Message . A revision and modification of the present tariff is recommended , and an abolition of the minimum principle , or assumed and arbitrary value of specific duties , and the substitution in their places of ad valorem duties . A system of ad valorem revenue duties , with proper discriminations , will , it is stated , afford ample and incidental advantages to the manufacturers . It is the opinion of the executive , " that such a system , strietly within the revenue standard , will place the manufacturing interests of America on a stable footing , and secure their permanent advantage ; while it will , as nearly as may be practicable , extend to all the great interests of the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by its revenue laws . " That portion of the " Message" relating to the question of banks and banking , wc give entire : —
BECOMMENDATION OF A GOVERNMENT BANK . By the constitution of the United States it is provided , that " no money shall he drawn from tht treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law . " A public treasury was undoubtedly contemplated and intended to be created , in which tht public money should be kept from theperiod of collccion until needed for the public use . In the collection and disbursement of the public money m ,
United States. The President's Message. ...
agencies have ever been employed by law , except such as were appointed by the government , directly responsible to it , and under its control . The safekeeping of public money should be confided to a public treasury created by law , and under like responsibility and control . It is not to be imagined that the framers of the constitution could have intended that a treasury should be created as a place of deposit and safe-keeping of the public money which was irresponsible to the government . The first Congress under the constitution , by the act of the 2 nd of Sept-amber , 1739 , "to establish the treasury department , " provided for the appointment of a treasurer , and made it his duty to " receive and keep the mouiej of tho United States , " and " at all times to submit to the secretary of the treasury and the comptroller , or cither of them , the inspection of tho money in his hands . "
That banks , national or state , could not have been intended to he used as a substitute for the treasury spoken of in the constitution , as keepers of the public money , is manifest from the fact , that at that time there was no national bank , and but three or four state banks of limited capital existed in the country . Their employment as depositories was at first resorted to , to a limited extent , but with no avowed intention of continuing them permanently , in place of the treasury of the constitution . When they were afterwards from time to time employed , it was from motives of supposed convenience .
Our experience has shown that when banking corporations have been the keepers of the public money , and been thereby made in effect the treasury , the government can have no guaranty that it can command the use of its own money for public purposes . The late Bank of the United States proved to be faithless . But a few years ago , with millions of money in their keeping , the government was brought almost to bankruptcy , and the public credit seriously impaired , because of their inability or indisposition to pay , on demand , to the public creditors , in the only currency recognised by the constitution . Their failure occurred in a period of peace , and great inconvenience and loss were suffered by the public from it . Had the country been involved in a foreign war ,
that inconvenience and loss would have been much greater , and might have resulted in extreme public calamity . The public money should not be mingled with tin private funds of banks or individuals , or be used for private purposes . When it is placed in banks for safe keeping , it is in effect loaned to them without interest , and is loaned by them upon interest to the borrowers from them . The public money is converted into banking capital , and is used and loaned out for the private profit of bank stockholders ; and when called for ( as was the case in 1837 } , it may be in the pockets of the borrowers from the banks , instead of being in the public , treasury contemplated by the constitution . The framers of the constitution could never have intended that the money paid into the
treasury should be thus converted to private use , and placed beyond the control of the government . Banks which hold the public money are often tempted by a desire of gain to exceed their loans , increase their circulation , and thus stimulate , if not produce , a spirit of speculation and extravagance , which sooner or later must result in ruin to thousands . If the public money be not permitted to be thus used , but be kept in the treasury and paid out to the public creditors in gold and silver , the temptation afforded by its deposit with banks to an undue expansion of their business would be checked , while the amount of the constitutional currency left in circulation would be enlarged by its employment in the public collections and disbursements , and the
banks themselves would , in consequence , be found in a safer and sounder condition . At present , state banks are employed as depositories , but without adequate regulation of law , whereby the public money can be secured against the . casualties and excesses , revulsions , expansions , and defalcations , to which , from over-issues , overtrading , an inordinate desire for gain , or other causes , they are constantly exposed . The Secretary of the Treasury has in all cases , when it was practicable , taken collateral security for the amount which they hold , by the pledge of stocks to the United States , or such of the states as were in good credit , Some of the deposit banks have given this description of security , and others have declined to do so .
Entertaining the opinion that " the separation of the monies of the government from banking institutions is Indispensable for the funds of the government and the rights of the people , " I recommend to Congress that provision be made by law for such separation , and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe-keeping of the public money . The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money , without any power to make Joans or discounts , or to issue any paper whatever as a currency or circulation . I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the constitution should be independent of all banking corporations . The money of the people should be kept in the treasury of the people created by law , and be in the custody of agents of the people chosen by themselves , according to the forms of the constitution : agents who are directly responsible to the
government , who are under adequate bonds and oaths , and are subject to severe punishments for embezzlement , private use , or misapplication of the public funds , or for any failure in other respects to perform their duties . To say that the people or their novcrnment are incompetent , or not to be trusted with the custody of their own money , in their own treasury , provided by themselves , but must rely on the presidents , cashiers , and stockholders of banking corporations , not appointed by them , nor responsible to them , would be to to concede that they are incompetent of self-government . In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury in which the public money shall be kept , I desire that adequate provision be made by law for its safety , and that all executive discretion or control over it shall be removed , except such as may be necessary iu directing its disbursement in pursuance of appropriations made by law .
The sale of the public lands , the continuance of the system of pre-emption , and the management of the mineral laud * of the United States are next spoken of . The condition of the United States , Army is favourably noticed . Then follows a notice of the dissentions amongst some of the Indian tribes . Following which comes a recommendation for increasing the efficiency of
THE NAVY . I refer you to the report of the Secretary of tho Navy for the present condition of that branch of the national defence ; and for grave suggestions , having for their object the increase of its efficiency and a greater economy in its management . # * # # The commerce of the United States , and with it the navigating interest , have steadily and rapidly increased since . the organization of our government , un il it is believed we are now second to but one power in the world , and at no distant day we shall -jwobaWy be taferiov to nowa . Exposed as tlvay mwst be , it has been a wise policy to afford to these important interests protection with our ships of war , distributed in the great highways of trade
throughout the world . For more than thirty years appropriations have been made , and annually expended , tor the gradual increase of our naval forces . In peace , our navy performs the important duty of protecting our commerce ; and , in the event of war , will be , as it has been , a most efficient means of defence . The successful use of steam navigation on the ocean has been followed by the introduction of war steamers in great and increasing numbers into the navies of the principal maritime powers of the world . A due regard to our own safety and to an efficient protection to our large and increasing commerce demands a corresponuing increase on our part . No country has greater facilities for the construction of vessels of this description than ours , or can promise
itself greater advantages from their employment . They are admirably adapted to the protection of our commerce , to the rapid transmission of intelligence , and to the coast defence . In pursuance of the wise policy of a gradual increase of our navy , large supplies of live oak timber and other materials for shipbuilding have been collected , and are now under shelter , and in a state of good preservation , while iron steamers can be built with great facility in various parte of the Union . The use of iron as a material , especially In the construction of steamers , which can enter with safety many of the harbours along our coast now inaccessible to vessels of greater draught , and the practibility of constructing them in the interior , strongly recommends that liberal
appropriations should do made lor this important object . Whatever may have been our policy in the earlier stages of the government , when the nation was in its infancy , our shipping in terests and commerce comparatively small , our resources limited , our population spare , and scarcely extending beyond the limits of the original thirteen states , that policy must be essentially different now that we have grown from three to more than twenty millions of people ; that our commerce , carried in our own ships , is found in every sea , and that our territorial boundaries and settlements have bcenso greatly expanded . Neither our commerce , notour long line bf coast on the ocean and on tho lakea , can be successfully defended against foreign aggression by means of fortifications alone . These arc
essential at important commercial and military points , but our chief reliance for this object must be on a well-organized efficient navy . The benefits resulting from such a navy are not confined to the Atlantic stages . The productions of the interior , or which seek a market abroad , arc directly dependent in the safety and freedom of our commerce . The occupation of the Belize below New Orleans by a Uostile force would embarrass , if not stagnate , the vhoL * export trade of the Mississi ppi , and affect the 'aluc of the agricultural products of the entire valley if that mighty river and its tributaries . It has never bean our policy to maintain large standing armies in time of peace . They are contrary ; othe genius of our free institutions , would impose icavy burdens on the people , and be dangerous to lublic liberty . Onr reliance for protection and defence oa the land must be mainly on our citizen
United States. The President's Message. ...
soldiers , who will be ever ready ; as they have ever been ready in times past , to rush with alacrity , at the call of their country , to her defence . This description of force , however , cannot defend our coasts , harbours , and inland seas , nor protect our commerce on tho ocean or the lakes . These must be protected Considering an increased naval force , and especially of steam vessels , corresponding with our growth and importance as a nation , and proportioned to the increased and increasing naval power of other nations , of vast importance as regards our safety and the great and growing interest to be protected by it , I recommend fie subject to the favourable consideration of Congress . A reduction in the rates of postage is recommended , and after the discussion of some minor topics , the " Message" concludes with the following tribute to the memory
of—THE LATE GENERAL JACKSON . I trust that it may not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion for me to dwell for a moment on t < e memory of the most eminent citizen of our country , who , during tho summer that is gone by , has descended to the tomb . Tho enjoyment of contemplating , at the advanced age of near four score years , the happy condition of his country , cheered th * last hours of Andrew Jackson , who departed this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immortality . His death was happy , as his life had been eminently useful . He had aii unfaltering confidence in the virtue and capacity of the people , and in the permanence of that free government which he had largely contributed to establish and defend . His great deeds had secured to him the affections of his
fellowcitizens , and it was his happiness to witness the growth and glory of his country , which he loved * o well . He departed amidst the benedictions of millions of freemen . The nation paid its tribute to his memory at the tomb . Coming generations will learn from his example the love of country and the rights of man . In his language on a similar occasion to the present , " I now commend you , fellow-citizens , to the guidance of Almighty God , with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions : and with an earnest suppfication , that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me , will find a remedy in the harmony of our counsels . " James K . Polk . Washington , Dee ., 2 , 1845 .
Trial For Murder In South Australia. [Fr...
TRIAL FOR MURDER IN SOUTH AUSTRALIA . [ From the Adelaide Observer of June Uth , 1845 . ] Wekweki alias Jack , a fine portly-looking black , was charged with tho murder of George M'Grath , on the 1 st June , 1812 . In another Court he was charged with aiding and assisting Wira Maldiva alios Peter ( since executed ) in the murder . The prisoner whose haunts were known , had often been sought for by the police , but owing to the peculiar nature of the country he frequented , a distance of from eighteen to twenty miles below the presont police station at the Murray , and the imepenetrahle reedbeds with which it abounds , " he had eluded their grasp until about two month * ago , when he was captured by Mr . Tohner , Inspector of police . Mr . Fisher , who was retained on behalf of the prisoner by the Protector of Aborigines , conducted the dufenee , and the Rev . Mr . Meyer acted as interpreter .
Mr . ^ Yilliara Chaee , Mr . William Pew , Matthew Moorehouse , Esq ., Sergeant-Major Alford , and Corporal Mason , recapitulated the evidence they gave on the former trial ; but iu this case , under a recent local Act , the testimony of a native Kooey-kowminnie alias Jemmy , ( an accomplice by-thc-byo , hut admitted as Queen ' s evidence ) was taken . Corporal Mason acted as interpreter , first explaining to the black , under the direction of the Court , that he must tell the Whole truth , and that he was liable to be punished if ha did not do so . Jemmy replied that he would speak nothing but the truth , and was awara of the consequences of departing from it . he at
In answer to a question by the Court , once pointed out Chace and Pew , who stood on the floor of the Court , as two of the overland party , and immediately added , " There was a third white man ( M'Grath ) hut he is dead . " He then named the number of blackfellows who accompanied them , identified the prisoner as ons . He saw Jack , the prisoner , strike M-Grath four times , twice over the upper part of the nose , and twice across the breast . They rose upon the whites because they wanted their blankets and flour . They afterwards ate the flour , put the guns in the bush , and wore the blankets , leaving the body on the surface of the ground for the wild dogs to eat . The other two white men were struck , but after , wards ran away . The affray happened very near daylight on the third morning , at a place which he called Perkong , near three wells , dug by the white men . He heard the natives agree together to steal the blanket * two days before the murder .
Afier a speech from Mr . Fisher in defence of the prisoner , the jury returned a verdict of " guilty" on the second count . His Honour then directed the interpreter to communicate the verdict to the prisoner , alter which he proceeded to pass the extreme penalty of the law upon him in a very solemn and emphatic manner . He said , Wekweki , some time ago , Wira Maldir * , was tried in this Court for the murder of a white man , found guilty , and hanged . You have been tried and found guilty of aiding and assisting in the same murder ; and , therefore , it is my duty to pronounce the same sentence upon you that I pronounced upon him . In doing so his Honor said he felt no compassion for him , because he had been guilty of a most atrocious and unprovoked murder , —a murder which had it been committed by a native upon one of their own
tribes , they themselves , uninfluenced by the dictates of religion ( of which he thought they had no just notion ) or even of those high principles of morality which flow from it , and which govern civilized society , would have instantly put the murderer to death . He hoped his fate and that of Wira Maldira would teach the natives of this Province that the lives and property of white men must be respected when far off in the bush ; and whilst that Court would always be ready to protect the European from native aggression or wrong , it would he equall y ready to respect the rights and liberties of the blacks . The sentence of the Court was that he he taken back to the place whence he came , and thero hanged by the nesk till hewas dead , on the morning of Tuesday the 21 th Juuo instant ; and the further sentence of the Court was that his body be buried within the precincts of the gaol .
Case Of Parricide. A Murder, Committed U...
CASE OF PARRICIDE . A murder , committed under rather peculiar circumstances , occurred a few days ago at Cookie-park , near Morpeth , in the county of Northumberland , the son of the deceased having been apprehended on his own confession of the crime . The deceased , who was fifty-suven years of age , resided in a cottage , with his wife and daughter , and an unmarried son , named Ralph Joicey . The sou was engaged as a hind on a farm belonging to , and cultivated by the Duke of Portland . Nothing has transpired to indicate that the parties lived unhappily , or that any circumstance existed calculated to operate against t \\ c \ v domestic comfort . K o aouV . a considerable time ago the father and son had had a quarrel , but it did not appear to be marked by any peculiar feature ; and as an apparent reconciliation had taken place , it is
scarcel y possible to suppose that revengeful feelings can have been nursed for so long a period . The father had no money , and his furnished cottage contained the whole amount of his property . It appeared that he had occasionally beer , in the habit of receiving medicine from Dr . Hedley , of Fulton , and it was customary to leave it at a public-house two miles distance from his residence , One evening last week a packet was left at the public-house by a man who was so muffled up that his face could not be seen by the person who received it . He merely remarked iu a low tone of voice , " This is medicine for old Joicey . " The packet bore the following inscription : — " I make you a present for Joicey . Take this large powder in a glass of ale or a glass of wine , and tho small one in a little honey or jelly ; the one at night and tha other in the morning ,
The contents of the packet were given to tho old man , who immediately afterwards became ill and died . An inquest having been held on the body , a post mortem examination was ordered , and circumstances gave rise to the suspicion that one of his own family had been instrumental in administering the poison , on which the inquiry was adjourned to afford the parish constables an opportunity of sifting the matter . It appears that one of these functionaries , having his suspicious ]) excited against the son , Ralph Joicey , took an opportunity inoneof the inter , views he had with him of remarking that the evidunce he thought was going hard against him , and suggesting the expediency of his getting quietly out of the way . This
evidently made a deep impression on the mind of Joicey , who next day sent for the land steward at Cockle-park , and confessed himself to be the murderer of his father . The steward gave information to the constable , but in tho ' meantime , the son had left his home , and on inquiry it was found that he had taken the road to Newcastle , whither Mr . Whigham , theofficer , wentin pursuit of him ) and where he apprehended him at the residence of his brother , William Joicey , in Hutton ' s-court , Pilgrim-street . The prisoner , on boing apprehended and charged with the crime , admitted the charge was correct , and stated that he had purchased the poison from Mr . Creig hton , of Morpeth , two months previous .
The prisoner was brought before the county magistrates at Morpeth , on Wednesday last , but the examination was merely formal , for the purpose of having him remanded until the next day , in order that he might be taken before tho coroner ' s jury . Mr . Wigham , the eonstable , was the only witness examined ; and he having stated that lie had reason to believe that the mother and daughter ' were implicated , they were also apprehended and similarly remanded . The inquest was resumed on Thursday at tho house of Mr . William Dickenson , Cocklc-park , the prisoners being
present during the whole of the examination . The son wept occasionally , but the mother and daughter appeared quite collected , After hearing tho evidence of several witnesses , the eorontr adjourned the inquiry till Mondav . On Monday the inquest was again opened , and , after the evidence of a number of witnesses had been heard , the jury found Ralph Joicey guilty of Wilful Murder , but that there was nothing to implicate the female prisoners . Halph Joicey was then committed to take his trial at the next assizes . The women were immediately afterwards discharged from custody .
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Bankrupts. ' (From Tuesday's Gazette, De...
BANKRUPTS . ' ( From Tuesday ' s Gazette , December 23 , Ib i d . ) Thomas Winston , late of No . 3 , Coptlmll bvii ^ w London , merchant- EHV .: il > cth ttolph and ' Thomas Koh ) i ) of Shepherd's-court , Upper Brook-st ,,. et ) Grosvenor ^ n >{ ' builders—Felix llei-pent , ofSherrard . street , Golden . smja Ve ' warehouseman—Joseph Howard Hand , of -JO , Westminster ' bridge-road , Lambeth , dealer in china and glass—Jame » Miller , Southampton , cordwainer—Thomas lirown , of i audi , Connaught-terrace , Edgeware-ruad , boot and ' shoe maker—Sarah Caroline Fry , of Priuccs-strect , Margate Kent , stationer and fancy wool dealer—Esther Smith of Southwell , Nottingham , innkeeper—Clarendon Hy de , ' Loughborough , apothecary — William brown , of Atherstone , Warwickshire , ironmonger—John Sier , of Chelten . ham , baker—George Smith , of Manchester , bill broker-Joanna Chatterton , of Pendleton , Lancashire , licensed victualler—William Wingfield , of Ma > borough , Yorkshire common brewer—Joseph Collison , of Allertou and Bradford , ivorstad spinner .
DIVIDENDS DECLARED . John Campion and William Campion , of Whitb y , Yorkshire , shi p builders , first and final dividend of Cs . 7 d . and liMCths of a penny in the pound ; and , to those who have received a former dividend , a final dividend of 2 s . Td . and lO-lGths of a penny in the pound ; and a final dividend of 3 s . lid . in the pound , on the separate estate of Jui | U Campion ; payable at i , Commercial buildings , Leeds , any Tuesday . Robert Campion anil John Campion , of Whitby , Yorkshire , bankers , first dividend of os . 9 d , in the pound , on the separate estate of Robert Campion , payable at i , Com . mercial-buildings , Leeds , any Tuesday . Fenwick Lorainc , ot * Newcastle-upon-Tyne , bookseller , second dividend of 3 s . in the ponud , payable at 57 , Grey , street , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , any Saturday . Josep h Howden , of Wakefield , Yorkshire , iron founder , first dividend of 4 s . fid . in the pound , payable at 4 , Com . mercial-hulldings , Leeds , any Tuesday . Joah Sugdeu and David Sug don , of Springfield , Yorkshire , fancy cloth manufacturers , first and final dividend of 10 s . 7 d . in the pound , payable at 4 , Commercial buildings , Leeds , Tuesday .
any William Joseph Wardell , of Pickering , Yorkshire , wine merchant , first aud final dividend of 4 s . aid . in the pound , payable at 4 , Commercial-buildings , Leeds , any Tuesday . Thomas Patterson and John Codling , of Sheriff Hall , Durham , earthenware manufacturers , first and final dividend of « s . 9 d . in the pound , payable at 111 , Pilgrimstreet , Newcastle-upon-T yne , any Saturday . William Henry Bates , third dividend of 6 d . in the pound , payable at 7 , Waterloo-street , Uirminghaui , any Thursday . Denjamin Dower Wilson , of Holme , Westmoreland , surgeon , first and final dividend of 5 d . in the pound , payable at 111 , Pilgrim-street , Nowcastle-upon-Tyne , any Saturday . Thomas Close Smith and Richard Hayes , of Henriettastreet , Covent-garden , hotel keepers , first dividend of 9 d . 6 d . in the pound ; and 20 s . in the pound on the separate estate of Thomas Clerc Smith ; payable at 2 , Dasinghall . street , any Wednesday . John Penn P . radley , "V > f Great St . Helen ' s , City , winemer . chant , first dividend of 6 s . 2 d . in the pound , payable at 2 , Basinjfhall-strcet , any Wednesday .
John Brooker , ot 'Southampton-row , Bloomshury , carver , first dividend of Is . in the pound , payable at 13 , Old Jewry , December 24 , and two following Wednesdays .
DIVIDENDS TO BE DECLARED . At the Court of Bankruptcy , London . Robert Bloomfield Clarke , of Gower-street North , plumber , January 15 . at half-past eleven—Charles Jarman . of 61 , West Smithfield , woolen draper , January 16 , at elaven—John Flemell Armstrong , of Blackhcath and Greenwich , china merchant , January 16 , at eleven-Joseph Wartuaby , of 2 , Ada m ' a-court , Old Broad-street , City , and of Lee , Kent , ship broker , January 16 , at halfpast eleven—James Tunks , of Kensington , cowkeeper , January 16 , at half-past eleven—James Tomlinand William Man , of St . Michael ' s-alley , CornhUl , merchants . January 10 , atone—William Burleigh , of Haverhill , Suffolk , scrivener , January 15 , atene—Charles Frederick Wsirman , of 9 , Houndsditch , City , china dealer , January 15 , at half-past twelve—William Barnfield , jun ., of 17 , Mark-lane , City , wine merchant , January 15 , at half-past eleven—Henry Richard Harraden , of Cambridge , printseller , January 15 ,
at one—James Robbins , of Winchester , bookseller , January 13 , at half-past eleven—Joseph Middleton , of Aveley , Essex , hay salesman , January 15 , at eleven—George Michael Von Dadelszen , of 23 , Mincing-lane , City , merchant , January 15 , at eleven—Thomas Hodsdon , of Harrow , Middlesex , uutcher , u ar y 13 , at half-past two Thcophilus Jonas Sutton , of Scarborough , Yorkshire , master mariner , January 16 , at twelve—James I ' eake , of Tolleshuut Knig hts , Essex , miller , January 11 , at twelve —William Henry Alexander and Charles Holtou Hichards , of Upper Clifton-street , Finsbnry , hardwarcnien , January H , at twelve—Ti Smyth , of Marchraount-strcut , Brum . wick-square , perfumer , Jan . 14 , at eleven—H . S . Knowles , of Moulham , Somersetshire , silk throwster , January 14 , at eleven—Ann Akehurut , of East Mailing , Kent , baker , January 14 , at twelve—Charles Best , of 5 , St . James ' swalk , Glorkenwell , printer , January 28 , at twelve-George Fordhnm Bluw , of 22 , Great Dover-street , Neivington , currier , January 14 , at half-past two .
In the Country . George Crove , of Wick and Abson , Gloucestershire , millers , January 16 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bristol—Prince William Smith , of Bristol , tanner , January 15 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bristol —John Lilly , of Doddershall , Worcestershire , farmer , January 22 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bir . mingham—Edward Rogers , of Great Witley , Worcestershire , surgeon , January 21 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Birmingham . Csbtificates to be granted , unless cause be shown to the contrary on the day of meeting . James Tunks , of George-place , Newlands-terrace , Kensington , cowkeeper , January 15—Charles Draper , of 140 , Without
Bishopsgate-street , City , victualler , January 15—Henry Wood , of Cheltenham , draper , January 15—Thomas Thompson , of Northampton , bill broker , January 16 — William George I'lynn , of 84 , Lower 'r / liumes-street , City , merchant , January 13—John Perkin Lu . xton , of Munsterstreet . Regent ' s Park , and Spring-street , Paddingtun , linen drapsr , January 15—George Fordham Blow , of 21 , Great Dover-street , Newington , Surrey , currier , January 14—William Richard Parsons , of 7 , Limeliouse-causeway , grocer , January 14—John Phillips , of Pinner ' s-court , Old Broad-street , City , and l ' ecltham , Surrey , tailor , January 14—Henry Liptrot , of Wrexham , Denbighshire , hoot maker , January 13—Evan Meredith , of Liverpool , linendraper , January 13—John Lilly , of Dodderhill and Hanbury , Worcestershire , farme r , January 21 .
Certificates to be granted by the Court of Review , unless cause be shown to the contrary , on or before January 13 . Thomas Preston , jun ., of Manchester , cotton spuiuer—Job Crabb , of Hook-mills , Dorsetshire , hemp manufacturer—Peter Haisen , of Newcastle-upon-Tyne , merchant —James Hurlstone Limes , of Richmond , Surrey , butcher —Francis Ridd , of Nether Stoirey , Somersetshire , surgeon .
a . James Jones and William Chalfont , of 10 , White Hartplace , Kenningtou-lano , stationers—Thomas De Year and Thomas S . De Year , of 44 , Lisle-street , Leicester-square , curriers—Henry S . Basty and William Williams , Of Southampton , stock brokers — William Wycherley Brookes , John Lee , and William Lee Brookes , of Whitchurch , Shropshire , attornies ( so far as regards William Wycherley Brookes)—Charles Denton and Joseph Sergeant , of Rutherhithe , stone merchants—Thomas William Woolfo aud Joseph Bray Woolfe , ol'GS , Lower Shadwelt , and Xewstreet , Shadwell , boat builders—Edward l ' enton and Stephen Penton , of Lupus-street , Pimlico—George P . Kenwoithy , John Kenworthy , and Charles Edward Kenworthy , of Manchester , common carriers ( so far as regards Charles Edward Kenworthy ) -Henry Eastwood and John Richardson , of Woodlesford , Yorkshire , earthenware manufacturersCharles
— Herring , Durness , and Co ., of London , general agents—Thomas Hallaui aud William Hallam , of Northampton , leather sellers—Thomas Haigh Crowther and John Ashe , jun ., of Stock port , cotton spinners—John Whitehouse aud Edward Whitehouse , sen ., of Wolverhampton , garden tool manufacturers—Richard Biddle and Richard Birkin , of Nottingham aud New Basfurd , lace manufacturers—John Lewis and Joseph Smith , of Birmingham , locksmiths—James Heady and James William Ilendy , of Portsmouth aud Ports . ua , general builders-John Bevnn , Nathaniel Iron , and Richard Bevan , of 2 , Birchin-lane , City , provision merchants—George Burford and Thomas Burford , of Stratford , Essex , linen drapers-Henry Rawsthorn and Betty Ellston , of Haslingden , Lancashire , ironfounders—Jos . C . Gamble , James Crosfield , Simon Crosfield , George Crosfield , and Joseph Crosfield , of St . Helens , Lancashire , alkali manufacturers .
Two Squadrons Are To Meet In The Indian ...
Two squadrons are to meet in the Indian Seas , and to make their combined descent on Madagascar about the month of March ,. The troops will , it is said , be commanded by a French general , M . Duvivier , and the naval squadron by a British oiiicor . Thk MuitnER at Neuilia- has become complicated in an extraordinary wanner . When the authorities discovered the dead body of Itollet , they placed a gendarme in the house to seize on Franff-iis Querelles , should he happen to return . The gendarme , named Gilbert , finding himself alone in the house , thought bo might as well examine if he could not discover some indication of the crime , lie descended at last to the cellar , where he thought the earth looked as if it had been recently disturbed in one ot the corners . lie got a pickaxe and took up the surface , and at about a foot below it he found the dead
body ot a , young girl , who was known to have been loved by both Rollet and Querelles , and for whose affections they were rivals . She had been missing for some days , and her disappearance had excited suspicions . The question now is who could have been the author of this crime . —Galignani . Piqua Plant . —The following are reasons why tho Piqua Plant is superior to Tea , viz : —1 st . Because it is beneficial to health . 2 nd . It does not injure the nerves . 3 rd . Children may use it with advantage to health . 4 th . It does not prevent sleep . oth . A quarter of a pound- will go as far as three quarter of a pound of the best Gunpowder Tea . Ctli . It is strcnghtening and nutritious . 7 th . It is recommended by Physicians and Tea is disproved of by them . It greatly improves the voice ; it is recommended to singers and public speakers .
Copr op a Lkttkk sent to Mr . Hollow at attksIinc- as Extraor » i . n-art Curb . — " I , John Green , a builder , residing at No . 9 , Windmill-street , Finsburysquarc , London , do solemnly declare that my wile was afflicted for three years with a dreadful ulcerated leg , and that she consulted several eminent surgeons , and likewise two physicians , without receiving any benefit whatever . I further declare that after every othermeans had failed , she had been radically cured by tho use alone of IloIIoway ' s pills and ointment , which were used together . Signed , John Green . "
The Perth Courier recently stated that a man was advised by a female doctor in tho neighbourhood to rub his body with turpentine , before going to bed , , and in the morning he would find himself cured of the rheumatism ; Accordingly he obtained the assistance of his wife lo rub the upper portion of his body , but while doing so , she accidentally allowed the lighted candle to come in contact with tho turpentine which had been placed upon the body , conseQUcntly he became enveloped in flame , inllicting serious injury . How easily might this alarming accident have been prevented , if , ' instead of using turpentine , he had taken that celebrated niedichtfj Blair ' s Gout and Rheumatic Pills ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 27, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_27121845/page/6/
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