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will notin the language of Lord Three ti...
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THOMAS COOPEB. THE CHARTIST'S WORKS.
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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 28, IM«.
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IRELAND. Ws hare laboured zealously and ...
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THE TEN HOURS' BILL. In our article of l...
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MOTIVES, we will not, in the language of...
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BRITISH SYMPATHY FOR POLAND. London has ...
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW. Nothing can better...
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€q ftmm & corresfpouDentsf*
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The Land Society in Devo.nsmbe, —We have...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Will Notin The Language Of Lord Three Ti...
^ : TT w ; ::, V =: - : < ¦ ¦ - ¦ : ; : l ^ tttt Nnto w lfrRN ST AR , y \ : < "' - . - ^ -- ¦ ¦ - ^ ' ^^ March 28 , 1846 . _ __ J _ . ' ' ¦ ¦ •—*¦ * - ~——^—^^»*^ i ^^— ; ' ' ; . , -, . i 1
Thomas Coopeb. The Chartist's Works.
THOMAS COOPEB . THE CHARTIST ' S WORKS .
Ad00411
To be had « f John Cleave , and all booksellers . ( Price One Shilling . ) TWO ORATIONS ASA 1 KSI TAKING- AWAY HUMAN LIFE . UXDEK any Circumstances ; and ia explanation and defence ttt the misrepresented doctrine of * Hon-Besistance . '' ( Delivered in the Xational Hall , Holborn , oa the evenings of February 25 th and March 4 th . } " Tfcese orations , regarded merely as literary compositions , arc deserving of a careful perusal ; while , as expositio ? . s of the political senthnents of a toga portion of the people , every politician and friend of progressive refora should read them , to see where such leaders of the ¦ we & ing-dassesas Thomas Cooper are right , and where -BToag / ' — Leicestershire Mercury . Chapman , Brofte » , 121 , Kevrgste-stmt
Ad00412
ESTATES TO BK SOM > . menuofestotostobe seld . audtoaskacon . nuanc . of those favours . The next purchase ^^^ cashire or Cheshire ; and o . Friday next Mr . OCo » SoB purposes starting upou a *>< " of inspection . We beg for a continuance of those favours .
The Northern Star. Saturday, March 28, Im«.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 28 , IM « .
Ireland. Ws Hare Laboured Zealously And ...
IRELAND . Ws hare laboured zealously and incessantly to bring the real state of Ireland Uome to the understanding of Englishmen . We have not only appealed te their sense of justice , but wa haw appealed to their interest . "We have shown that every twenty sltilLinga paid inthelabour market to the expatriated Irishman , whose labour , under a proper government , would be required at home , causes by competition the abstraction of thirty shillings and more from the English labour market . We confidently affirm , that if Ireland was properly governed , and that if the invitation of simp le justice was held out to Irish labourers , aow competitors in the English market , that not a single Irishman would remain in this
country—that is , with the exception of those who from intermarriage or business are tied to thecoun . try by connexion or association . And , now that the Saxon rulers of Ireland have threatened to compel the Irish people to violate all the forms of hospitality—the MghtestCuaracteristic of the nation—by making it a transportable offence to give a night ' s lodging to a stranger ; " . now ' . that the Peers of England and the Commons of England have proclaimed war against Ireland by the enactment of another foul Coercion Bill—for to say and to commit acts of cruelty towards Ireland are one and the same thing—it is time that the English mind should be calmly instructed as to the several causes which lead to the perpetration of crime in Ireland .
Whenever the people of Ireland demand the most simple act of justice , they arc met with coercion as the necessary preliminary towards the administration of justice—the manifestation of a more kindly feeling , and as the only means of inducing English capitalists to speculate in Irish labour and Irish traffic . Coercion is ever passed at railway speed , but the promised justice has never yet found its way to the land . For now full five-and-forty years has the country laboured under all the horrors of a political anion , and duringtbat long period we have had commission upon commission , committee after committee , reports that the youngest man could not read
in the longest life : each specific grievance has been described , and familiarly exposed , until , at length , the whole category of complaint is brought under the ' . knowledge of the government in the report of Lord Dhvon's commission , upon which the Minister was pledged to act . That report has been long enough ia existence to hare ensured the correction of at least some of the crying grievances therein described ; but up to this hour , with , the exception of a Ministerial "feint" made by Lord Stanlkt in the Lords , there has not been the slightest attempt to correct the brutality and depravity of the landlord class , the plunder and ferocity of the middlemen , or the cruelty and robbery of land and law-agents .
The charge of every judge to the several grand juries of the several counties , for long before and long subsequent to the Dbvox inquiry , all went to confirm , theexistence of thesought-for tranquillitythe tranquillity which alone was necessary to ensure the correction of the manifold abuses complained of ; a tranquillity which was only broken by the despondency created by Ministerial indifference to the horrors under which the report showed the Irish people
laboured . Can it be longer said that the government is now in ignorance of the cause of Irish crime ; or will the most puling metaphysician dare to tell us that a people who assert justice that the law denies , with a full knowledge of the cause of crime , possessed by the Minister , are more culpable than those who perpetuate the cause , while they take savage vengeance upon a people whom they have thus insulted j .,. ... »^_ « r .+ t . n ;„ « nBj ;«/ . ~ . ¦«¦ - <• ' --end that they may remove complaint , and then give them coercion as a means of producing another season of tranquillity , that we may have another crop of tender promises and violated pledges ?
Ireland. Ws Hare Laboured Zealously And ...
The gr ievances of Ireland have been represented to be want of tenure , dear law , the facility with which a landlord of straw can break a tenant of steel , the little inducement offered for the expenditure of capital upon the erection of farm buildings or the improvement of the soil , absenteeism , and the inevitable consequence of substituting a tyrant
irresponsible agent for the responsible owner , who has duties to perform as well as rights to exercise . These have been enumerated as the principal grievances of Ireland , and their existence has been long known to the English cabinet . Why , then , is it that there has not been even an advance in the road to correction ? It is because the Irish people are neither represented in their own press , in the pressof England , nor in the House of Commons . However , it is worth the trouble of recapitulation again to enumerate the several remedies that we have proposed for the pacification and satisfaction of the Irish people .
We have proposed , both in and out ef the House of Commons , that the Irish landlords should be compelled to give their tenants leases for ever at a corn rent ; by which arrangement the landlord would invariably receive the annual value of the land estimated by the annual produce , which , is the only fair mode of calculation . A system which would at once develops all the resources of the country , call forth its latent capital , aad call ttslabour into action at an
increased value . A system that would do away with the complication of tenant rights , compensation and all the follies of what is called fixity of tenure . And in all cases where land is now too dear , to estimate its value by the finding of a respectable jury of fanners , according to the principle adopted when government or corporations require land or houses to be pulled down or surrendered for streets , railways , poor-houses , or other public works .
To take away the power of distress , and to allow the landlord to recover the value of his land by the game process of law that a shopkeeper or any other tradesman is now compelled to recover his debts—by action at law . What can be more ridiculous than the idea that the landlord , at twelve o ' clock on the 25 th of March , or 29 tU of September , is empowered by law to enter and distrain for the half-year ' s rent but just due . Moreover , it is a notorious fact , that an extensive Whig landlord in the West of Ireland enables bis cottier tenants to pay their rents by putting them as keepers , at a shilling a day and a shilling a night , upon the larger farmers .
To appoint assistant barristers of known character and integrity to preside at quarter sessions—not Orange Protestants selected for their pontics , or bad Catholics chosen for their subserviency , but men in whom all classes will have faith and trust , and to give them an equitable as well as & legal jurisdiction , from which there shall be no appeal in all cases between landlords and tenants . To abolish tithes , To allow the people of Ireland to elect their own magistrates , as tho people of Scot ' land now do . To levy a graduated tax , commencing heavily upon absentees , and becoming less till it devolves lightly Upon the occupying farmer himself , as a fund for national agricultural and labour
premiums . To borrow ten millions of money upon Exchequer bills at two per cent ., and lend it out upon proper security to the Irish farmers for improvements at six per cent ., which , after deducting a hundred thousand a year for the necessary expenses , would leave a profit of three hundred thousand per annum to be expended on public works in Ireland . To consolidate the several Stamp Acts inflicting fines upon landlords , who failed to give stamped receipts for all sums received from their tenants ; or this provision might be dispensed with , if an equitable jurisdiction was given to the Court of Quarter
Ireland. Ws Hare Laboured Zealously And ...
Sessions , where ah unatampted document would be equally valid as a btampod document in a court of law . To impose a tax of at least two per cent ., on all landlords who manage their estates by agents , and to prohibit the employment of attorneys in such service . To establish in eaoh county a court of registration and deposit , where , in case of dispute between landi lord and tenant , the tenant may lodge his rent , re-! ceiving a supersedeas from the officer to stay proceedlings , until the case was heard before the assistant barrister .
To destroy thevexatwus , whiwia \ cal , awd expensive law of Replevin , which merely multiplies costs for the sheriff , and protracts proceedings , until the poor litigant is . destroyed by delay . Now , if we leave out the abolition of tithes , will any man tell us that wo have proposed one single change that it is not in the power of government to effect ? And , upon the other hand , will any one assert that a single alteration that we have proposed would be an act of injustice , or even harshness , to the landlord who sought no more than a fair remuneration fairly , rendered for his land ? Or will
any one venture to assert , that under such an altered state of tilings , one single agrarian outrage would be annually committed in Ireland ? Or , upon the Other hand , shall we be told that coercion is indispensable , to afford a fair trial to any measure calculated to heal tho wounds of Ireland ? . On the contrary , coercion is always the proof of terror , and what is conceded to terror is ever followed up by the increase of outrage . If the English reader will carefully peruse the page of Irish history , he will find that every savage act committed in Ireland is a consequence of landlord tyranny , the law ' s oppression , or deferred justice . And although riots have arisen out of distraining conflicts , yet we defy proof that any landlord , who has done no more than attempt to exact the full
amount , covenanted to be paid in the lease , has been injured or molested . It is only . when the landlord violates his contract by ousting his tenant , who has paid up his rent in the hope of letting his farm for a larger sum , and thus making profit of his labour and capital , that violence is offered to his person . But now that Ireland is about to be coerced , the red box is to be crammed with Irish atrocities ; and mere faction fights at fairs , where death ensues , which was not long since the rule , but is now the exception , are set down in the catalogue of Irish murders . And the Times , true to its savage calling , and bitter at the failure of its squabbling commissioner , is endeavouring to hound on Englsh malignity against Irish crime . ...
We have no sympathy for the patriots-who make merchandise of Ireland ' s every ' sorrow , but we have sympathy for the Irish people , who misplace their confidence , and are dupes to their own fervki imagination . While we now write , our mind is turned to the sad horrors being this moment committed ia unhappy Ireland , and we call attention to the scenes that are now being enacted , to the grievances that we are about to depict , and to remedy which , after forty five years of union , and after Lord Devon ' s report , Coercion is the government remedy .
Tlusis an awful day for Ireland . This is the 25 th of March , and called Lady-day—one of the days upon which " TYRANT LANDLORDS TURN TENANTS OUT . " No pen can describe , no artist can truly illustrate the appearance of Ireland upon Lady-day and upon the 29 th of September . Many and many a thousand labourers are at this moment walking over the threshold of the miserable mud hovel , which they themselves have erected , and of which they have contrived to pay the rent punctually , hut from which they are now being ousted , in order that the "tyrant landlord , " middleman , or
farmer may receive some few shillings more from some needy interloper . There is but little difference between the worst middleman and the worst farmer as regards the treatment of tenants and labourersthe poor labourer is the one solitary unprotected individual , who is bandied about the world at the whim or the caprice of both . And here is the picture of Ireland at this moment . The miserable cart with a miserable starved horse stands trembling at tiie door , while the peasant , his weeping wife , and the oldest ui i . » o vuuatcu iue ui ' aftjjiug UUb tub Uli'Ci .-i'Jggeu pui / j the crepeens ( three-legged stools ) , the spinning
wheel , the dresser , the sop of straw , and a few black sticks dinged with smoke , and perchance a frame of an old bedstead and a family deal chest , while the younger children stand shivering around the door , and the following dialogue takes place : — " Wisha , mammy , what are you pulling out the things for ? Let us in , we ' re cowld . " " Howld your tongue , asthore , don't you see you can't go in , we ' re all going to ' flu . '" "Wisha , then , mammy , where are we going to V" " Augh you , my jewel , God is good , and he only knows . I suppose your daddy will make some shelter by the ditclt side with the dresser andtheould
chest . " Well , the firo is put out , the dog is ejected , the eat is in the arms of someof th * " grawls ; " as the ceremony of ejectment requires that no living thing belonging to the old occupants should be in tile house , and that every spark of fire should be put out . This ceremony being over , the beastly agent walks in , takes the possession , gives it to his "TRUSTY , " who remains . inside until the miserable fragments are placed upon the cart , with the younger children and cat on the sop of straw that served the night before for a bed , the motkeiyperhaps , carrying the youngest in her arms ; and , thus arranged , the
mounful cavalcade leaves , the miserable hut that the lather had built , and that promised them shelter for life , the poor peasant leading the horse , and all moving in the saddest melancholy . The mother sobbing , the father brooding , the children howling , and the neighbours all standing at their doors , joining in the ery of sorrow . They go on till some sheltered spot presents a chance habitation for the night , and there , if not routed by the ACTIVITY of the police , they spend their first night of misery ; for all , in
comparison , was cheering , joyous , and comfortable . If the miserable peasant is allowed to sojourn in this miserable spot until his wife and children are seized with fever , or struck down from grief , should chance to meet their tyrant murderer , and not take off his hat , he is branded as a disaffected White Boy , and hunted , till , in the proud spirit of manly vengeance , he secures for himself that justice which the oppressor ' s law denied him . In mercy to the feelings of eur readers , we close the picture here . ~ -i-i-i ' - ¦ - ' ¦ ¦ , ¦ ¦ - . m-1-. r .-M ^^^^ fc j-m-. ii . ii i
The Ten Hours' Bill. In Our Article Of L...
THE TEN HOURS' BILL . In our article of last week upon the Ten Hours ' Bill , we expressed to some of the friends of the measure our suspicion that it would be again shelved and our intention to apprise the country of the fact ' but were dissuaded by the assurance that such course might do injury to the cause . That we were correct however , subsequent eventsbave proved . Of Course ' wo attach no blame whatever to Mr . Fieideh , whose health , we are aware , has been so indifferent of late as to make it impossible for him to undertake the labours of so arduous a task . We conscientiously believe that no working-man feels more anxious upon the subject than Mr . FnxoKtr , and no one can , we believe , be possessed of more zeal upon the subject than he is .
Our remarks , therefore , must be taken as altogether apart from Mr . Fielden ' b compulsory postponement of the motion . The subject is one , however , upon which we feel such irrepressible emotions , that notendemess toiadiyidualsorparticscan orshallprevent us from the rational and manly discharge of our duty . We state with sorrow then , that , irrespective of the real cause of tho postponement of the question , Lord AsnxEr . has been the man who has cast a blight
upon the subject . He has coquetted with the Short Time Committee , and the Short Time Committee have allowed themselves to be made mere machines in his hands . They are not working men , and , therefore , cannot possibly have that lively interest in the success of the measure that is entertain ed bv the slaves for whose relief it is intended . Resolved therefore , that the conduct of the measure shall pass into the hands of those not likely to be influenced by GOVERNMENTCONVENIENCEorPERSONAL
Motives, We Will Not, In The Language Of...
MOTIVES , we will not , in the language of Lord Ashlbt , "BY GOD'S BLESSING , " -longer tolerate party coquetry upon a great national subject . The Short Time Committee must either , seek the immediate struggle , qv they must give way to , and ba replaced by , such men as James Lbacu , Dasibi . Donovan , and others , who work for their bread , and will have a fellow feeling for those who do likewise . We must have a Short Time Central Committee of Working Men adults , a Short Time Central Com-. , « fnTTft" (! « . « . _ : u « . « . * . : « . i \ s ** . Iftrnniafffc OI Lotd
mittee of working youths , and a District Committee of adults , youths , and female operatives , in every district throughout the kingdom . The people shall not longer be gulled by lordly influence or political trickery—the government ' s weakness is their opportunity . ; and not even to please him , will we be parties to relieving them from their embarrassment , or assisting him in his game of '' chuck-penny . " If tho Short Time Committee were sincere and in earnest , RicnAuD Oasiler would now be in the House of
Commons , and , in spite of irnplorings or opposition , would stop the business of the nation , which means the money-mongers , until the business of the English children was first performed . This cause requires as its leader the head that has thought , tho heart that has humanity , the mind that has gower , the tongue that has flippancy , and thearni that has nerve . And it ' we arc obliged to stand alone with the working class party , wo will buckle the armour of strife upon the children ' s champion , and place him in the arena of dispute to fight their battles .
We are disgusted with the paltry trafficking in infant blood , and we care not whose tender feelings or lordly prejudices we offend . We tell tho people that they are sold to ministerial convenience , and if they want to be released from the house of bondage , they must do their own work . Oasiler understands this question better than any other man living , and the people understand him , love him , confide in him , and will ooey his word of command . This is a question second to none in importance , and we only hail the policy of Feel for the chanca aid it promised ; and shall we , then , lose the opportunity that factious embarrassment has afforded , and shall we now retreat , when victory should be within our reach ? Never ! Our cry must be—ONWARD , AND WE CONQUER ' . - BACKWARD , AND WE FALL .
TO TIIE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brothers , —In the name of our bleeding fatherland , we thank you for your sympathy towards our country . The people of London , in nobly liftiiv * up their voices in behalf of our country , have but done justice even to their own . They have acted wiselybecause history looks with a scrutinising eye on the deeds of cacti nation , and each step notes down for ever as igooi one , or bad- brands eaoh nation with eternal shame or covers with a radiant and everl Ihe
asting glory . majority of the English press applauds all the misdeeds of the continental yrS The English government invites and erects wirl enthusiastic cheers the blood-stained bEnVs 0 the contmcB bu the people of Loudon have noblv come forward to eftace the shame from the British people . In the presence of the deputies , of all civ . sed nations , the people of London have declared that the British people sympathise with the oZ esed nations , and repudiate every alliance withTE „ . pressors . UB "
Thanks be to you , noble-minded brothers ' Persevere , and never despair of thp «• ., » , ' e efforts Justice shall feign t tI isTori b S He , who is our only Lord is met ,,,, i n . " , ghty as well in this & H & 4 £ t 5 & Poland hath a triple right to your sympathy . She was arrested i „ the midst of her ftriou * K « teiiSrt ?; * Sir'SS lianas on nor . bio calls to all nations this wventv S oSu ' wUhl ? ereis ne so *™ V ™ i
Motives, We Will Not, In The Language Of...
Three times with her breast she covered the civilisation of Europe ; In the shade of her mighty sword grew up e , v « jihTOg of what is great and noble in tho civilised world , and with her fall there is but darkness and slavery to mankind . J he banner she hoisted on the walls of Cracow you recognised for your own—you read graven on it the tesling 8 « f your own hearts . If Poland is free anusuccesstul , you are all free , becauseliftine up her sword she ha 8 Bwom „ ever to ky it ^^ m ^{ ^ j lel , brothers are free , and you have heard her own voice declaring that an men are her brothers Thrftft t . ivnnn -miffe TiamTymaamI / . Tin rtAifM * nA tltn
nittili-. Ieoplcof Great Britain ' , stand up , and act all as one man , as a great and noble-minded man , and 2 S £ " ? be the revyard of 7 otu gallant and generous exertions . Given in London this 26 th day o f March , 184 G . . . , Loois ^ Obobsm , Plenipotentiary of the Polish Exiles united under the National Banner . ZeNO SWWT 0 BTAW 8 KI , Charles Stolzman , John Krtkski , Counsellors .
TO THE DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE OF THE FRIENDS OF POLAND . Brethren , —The manifestation of British sympathy so nobly evoked by you , in organising the public meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , on the 25 th inst ., has touched tiie heart of every true Pole , and awakened feelings of the deepest gratitude towards yourselves , the speakers , and the audience . We , therefore , in the name of our fellow-countrymen resident in England , who hold the democratic faith , beg , to send you these few words as a testimony of the sincerity of their grateful feelings towards you , and their warmest thanks for the sentiments you have so nobly expressed ia behalf of their beloved fatherland .
We are , brethren , yours truly and faithfully , Louis Oborski , Plenipotentiary of tho Polish Exiles united undei the National Banner ^ zeso swiktosiawski , John Krykski , Charles Stolzman , Counsellors . 1 , Upper John-street , Golden-square , * March 2 Cth , 184 G .
British Sympathy For Poland. London Has ...
BRITISH SYMPATHY FOR POLAND . London has " pronounced "—the movement has commenced , which , " come weal come woe , " shall , with the people ' s help , never be abandoned until Poland is independent and free . ' We had purposed to have written at some length on the glorious demonstration at the Crown and Anchor , but we have not room—we must for the present defer expressing our thoughts . The very lengthy report we have given of the meeting will sufficiently excuse our silence for this week . London has commenced the good work , let the country support the movement . Let Birmingham , Manchester , and Glasgow mora at once . Poland must be redeemed .
We direct the attention of our readers to two important documents emanating from the Polish democrats , which our readers will find below . British sympathy has been immediately responded to by Polish gratitude . Hurrah for Poland ! Hurrah for the fraternity of nations !
MURDER ! HORRIBLE MURDER ;! The above remarks were already in type when the London morning papers of Friday brought us the following : — LATEST ritOM GERMANY . —SENTENCE ON TIIE PRISONERS . The Courier dt Yavsooie contains the following : —The undermentioned is the result of the investigation set on foot owing to the events at Siedlee , and the arrests of various persons ;—1 . That a conspiracy took place with ramifications in the Polish provinces . 2 . That the head of the conspiracy , Bronislas Dombrowski , sent from Posen , was chosen leader of the conspiracy on the right bank of the Vistula .
3 , That the principal abettors were Pantaloon Potoaki , Stanislas Koeischewski , Ladislas Zarski , JennLytinski , Michel Mirezki , and Antony Ueskur . Tho agents and ancomnlices of Uombrowski were Stephen Dobrjtsch and Charles Kuprectit , All tucit mm .-. ou . i ., ut , u iii uofore a council of war , have been found guilty of rebellion and sedition . According to the powers intrusted by hig Majesty the Emperor , tiie Prince-Governor , after sentenc e of death was pronounced , has ordered Potozki , Koeij . chewski , and Zarski to be hung , the . first at Siedlee , tho other two at Warsaw . As regards Dobrjtsch , and Ruprecht , their sentence is to be commuted on the
scaffold to banishment to Siberia , with a loss of all their rights . Mirezki and Dcskur are deprived of all tkQir rights , and sharethesamel ' ateas Dobrytschand Ruprecht . Lytinski , who showed a true repentance , is equally banished to Siberia , with a loss Of all liis rights , after receiving 500 stripes . The law to enter into full ' force as regards the confiscation of their property , according to Art , 178 , book 1 st , of the military criminal code . As regards any property falling to theui by inheritance , it will be adjudged according to Polish law . This sentence was fulfilled the following day at 10 A . M ., in front of the citadel , with the exception of Potozki . —Universal Prussian Gazette . ' ¦ -... ¦
We cannot comment on the above—we are agitated , bewildered by our emotions . Good God ! is there neither bolt from heaven nor brand on earth to blast or smile these hellish tigers to the dust ? Oh ! Lord Dudley Stuart-oIi ! Dr . Bowriko , is it " notthe right time" to declare war to the death against these devils ? Alas ! that these words ef ours must be mere words . ^ ^ A word , and only a word this week on the press . The Homing Advertiser ( of Thursday ) has nobly justified and applauded the Crown and Anchor meeting .
The Sun ( of Thursday evening ) admits that the meeting was " precisely what it should have been , especially as being the representative of the sentiments . entertained in this vast metropolis , " The Times—that infamous journal , which Cobbexi justly designated as " the bloody old limes . ' "—contains ( in its impression of Friday morning ) a most infamous attack upon the meeting . We have not room this week to do justice to this brutal enemy of truth and justice , but more next week . We will merely notice the conclusion of the Times " loader : "—
If the Polisli patriots are wise and honest , they will repudiate the officious friendship of the "National Chartist Association , " and , by turning a deaf ear to evil cauu . sellers , vindicate the justice of her cause and the purity of their motives . Our answer shall be the addresses from the Poles themselves , following this article . Let the writer in the limes mi those addresses , and ( as he will do ) gnash his teeth for vexation . Let' tho people do their duty . Let tho meeting on Monday evening next , at the South London Hall , Webber-street , Blackfriar ' s-road , be an overflowing demonstration . We urge the active men of South London to immediately make the necessary arrangements . "THIS IS NOT ONLY TIIE TIME , BUT THE VERY TIME !"
Parliamentary Review. Nothing Can Better...
PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Nothing can better illustrate the rulc-of-thumb system of legislation prevalent upon most important subjects , than the treatment of railways . Similar ignorance of fast principles , and want of foresight as to the probable tendencies and expansion of new SOCietarian influences , are by no means scarce , but the recent birth and development of this new element of our social state enables us to trace closely and consecutively , not only the course of this incoherent and contradictory policy , but to see at a glance its pernicious effects upon the nation .
When Thomas Grey , of Leeds , some twenty years ago , published his plan of " Steam Land Carriage , " accompanied by maps , estimates , and details , exhibiting a bold and statesmanlike grasp of the whole subject , and a mastery of the principles upon which such lines of communication should be constructed , which has not since been equalled , no one listened to him . In vain did he set forth the immense , immediate , and prospective advantages winch would flow from a systematic construction of these new roads , not only by one nation , but by Europe . He petitioned Parliament , memorialised the merchants , bankers ,
and manufacturers of our great cities , urging the importance of his invention by every , possible argument he could think of . But these " practical" men turned a deaf ear to the dreamer . It was left to the Manchester and Liverpool Company to illustratethough most defectively , because on a small scalethe advantages and facilities of the new mode ef locomotion ; and gradually the question assumed that important position which the growth of civilisation , aud the multiplication at once of commodities , wants ^ and ivealth naturally assigns to it . George Hudson , the draper of York , . became a millionaire and a railway king , with a dominion extending from the Atlantic Ocean to tho German Sea—from Bristol , at one end of the island , to Berwick , at the other .
Thomas Giut , of Leeds , sunk into poverty , and hawks glass , as a commission agent , at Exeter ' . The different fortunes of the original genius , who devised , and patiently , at great cost of time and money , worked out the details of a European net-work of railways , and of the mere lucky speculator , who , without an ounce of inventive talent , grew rich , and is to be presented with £ 20 , 000 . by the worshippers of riches Because '»\ e did so , Is no inapt individual type of the treatment of the subject generally . Everything goes by rule of thumb . It is a mere selfish scramble , in which the motto oi nil is " devil take . the hindmost ; " and as to general results , thesejaaay be useful , profitable , or otherwise , just as \ t happens"luck ' s all . "
The mischief of this course has at last becocie apparent to men of all ranks of life . The enormircs and unnecessary cost of obtaining an act for the construction of a line , begins to be seen in the true light of a tax upon the community , for the benefit of landlords who have to be bribed into acquiescence , and of the host of witnesse ? , counsel , solicitors , and surveyors engaged in railway contests before committees . . Then , again , the constitution of these
committees , and the manner in which the business comes before tai , precludes anything like a chance of consistent decisions . All is haphazard ; and after a long sessional campaign , the only thing certain is , that some hundred railways are in possession of the field , of which , perhaps , one-half will never be made ; another hundred dead , of which many were probably much needed ; and that barristers , solicitors , and surveyors have absorbed hundreds of thousands before a spade has been put in the earth on a single line .
The companies to whom acts are granted become , to a considerable extent , the masters of tiie public . It has been urged that self-interest , and the dread of competition , willalways prevent abuse of their power ; but this is but slender protection . Let the system of amalgamation proceed , as it will naturally do , from a perception that centralisation produces more systematic and economical results , and in a few years the country will be at the mercy of a few wealthy companies , who will have monopolised the then only means of conveyance for persons , books , or letters , and who , enjoying a revenue equal to that of the government , will be able to defy it .
The Premier seems to bo aware of the errors committed by our past mode of dealing with this important matter , and , at the commencement of the session , announced the necessity of deciding upon some general principles for the guidance of railway legislation in future . It is true , that witb his usual caution , or owing to a constitutional defect , which renders him unable to see a whole question at once , he confined his observations to what we consider but minor points , and such as were most pressing . But the committee , which was appointed in consequence of that speech , and from which such great things
were expected , has evidently been overpowered by the magnitude of the subject . Instead of grappling with general principles , or looking at the present and prospective condition of the whole question , with a view to its permanent settlement on such a basis as would secure to the nation all the advantages desirable from tliis source , they have set themselves to assort the crude schemes of railway projectors into bundles , for tiie consideration of other committees in detail . This red tape , and grouping from A to Z , could easily have been done by any of the clerks in the Board of Trade , and there was no necessity to appoint a select committee for such , a purpose .
It was plain the matter was dropped , so far as the government was concerned , and Mr . Mobrison , the well knoirn city merchant , took it up . He had previously written a pamphlet on the subject , in which he advocated the necessity of adopting the continental principle of letting the lines to companies who would work them on terminable leases , and pay to government a fair rent for the privilege of
doing so . On the first night appointed for the consideration of jus motion in the Commons , " no house" was made at four o ' clock ; another significant intimation of the difficulty experienced by tho government . On a second night ( Thursday , 19 th ) , his proposition for a committee to consider the subject was acceded to , and ho himself highly complimented by the Premier . Wl > ther this course implies an intention of following tU policy indicated by
Parliamentary Review. Nothing Can Better...
the member for Inverness , or was a mere adroit eva . sion of an importantqucstion , while another was under discussion , need not now be mooted . This much is certain , that the matter has grown into one of paramount interest , and will , in spite of the " cannabe fashed" inertness of officials , and the opposition of interested companies , demand a settlement at no distant date . The large amount of time occup ied in committees and in tho house ; the confessedly imperfect and con tradictory manner in which the work is done ; and the vast advantages which might accrue to the nation from proper management of these new sources of wealth and convenience , all conspire to make this one of the leading questions of the day . IT . - ^ . Lav & m TnVAPnAAtL Olf Wftfi Si . thpta nrlfnif avs
Years ago , when a correct system could have been easily adopted—when little would have had to be undone—we recommended that railways should be made national property , and worked for the national benefit . We looked forward to the time when they would become national highways , free to all , and when tho same principle which Rowland Hill hag applied to postage , should also be applied to persons . At an old book-stall the other day we stumbled
on a number of the Quarterly Review dated 183 D , in which a writer ridiculed the notion of conveying a letter to Edinburgh for the same price as to Barnet , as being the most preposterous , absurd , and insane that could possibly be entertained . Yet this has been done . It is now a fact incorporated into the system of daily occurrences , which excites no other wonder than thattlicy should have been so long in being adopted . Is , it too presumptuous to look somewhere about 1854 for a similar result in the other case ?
The decorous and steady pace of the elderly gentlemen in the House of Lords is likely to be consider , ably accelerated by the presence of Earl Gksi ( Howick ) and Lord Stanley this session . They are both fresh from the more active and stirring chainber—both eager to distinguish themselves , and un willing to let their armour rust for want of use . The erratic and mobile ex-Chancellor , who has so long been the sole interrupter of the measured , stately , and slow movements of their lordships , will Lave somewhat of a struggle to maintain his ascendancy in the face of his youthful competitors . . Earl Grey
gave their lordships a fillip on Monday night by the delivery of an essay on the state of Ireland , which was succeeded by a debate lasting till twelve o ' clock , and a division , in which the principle of letting things alone was affirmed by a majority of nearly four ta one . Of course , upon a subject like Ireland , little of novelty could be expectcd , nor do we think that Earl Gr ey exhibited that depth and boldness which have marked some other of his speeches . According to him the crowning grievance of Ireland is the Established Church . He devoted the greater part of his oration to the exposition of the evils arising from this source . Perhaps lordly legislators are incapacitated by their position
and training from perceiving the real root of the evil . Bad as the existence of such a church as the Anglican Establishment in Ireland may be , and wc admit that it is an enormous evil , there are deeperseated and worse diseases than that to bo eradicated before Ireland can enjoy health or prosperity , It is in Ireland , as everywhere else , a question of rich and poor—of the mode of holding property—of the distribution of wealth—and , if you moot it deeply at last a question of separate possessions , or private pro ! perty , especially in the land , which , by the fiction of the law , belongs to the Crown for the benefit of the whole people , and which ought to be no fiction , but a reality .
The debate on the second reading of the Com Bill has mainly occupied the Commons during ihe week up to the time at which we write , and is ex . pected to close at latest on Friday night . The Protectionists boldly moved that " the bill be read this day six months ; " and thereupon ensued a debate o the ordinary stamp . The same dreary wilderness of fallacy and halt-truth has been traversed by boih parties , without disclosing a single new flower or plant worth the culling . Everybody is tired of the eternal iteration of tho stereotyped topics and phrases on both sides , which have filled the columns of the
papers for the last two months . Toujours pcrdrisone sickeits even of partridges when served every day—what , then , of this everlasting drivel ? People who read the debates , at a distance , may imagine to themselves an august assembly of the senators of the nation . They should witness the reality . A thin sprinkliRg of members garnishing the almost empty benches , and some prosy orator speaking to a dozing or inattentive auditory . Several times have ve counted less than thirty ' members in the house ; but it is understood that it is to last a certain time ,
and , therefore , like a wounded snake , it is suffered to drag its slow length along . Even the reporters throw dewn their pencils in disgust at the idea of repeating the thousand times told tale ; and the morning prink . convey but a meagre idea of the enormous quantity of nonsense spouted nightly , untii " the sma' hours , " and the fear of Joseph Broiderton , close the dull farce . By the way , we wish that unpaid functionary of the house would resume his ancient activity . There is more need than ever lot his putting the naughty boys to bed early .
On another important topic , the postponement of the Ten Hours' Bill , we refer our readers to another column .
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The Land Society In Devo.Nsmbe, —We Have...
The Land Society in Devo . nsmbe , —We have much pleasure in giving publicity to the following' letter . — "Respected Sir , —If , by thus addressing you , I impose unnecessary trouble on you , I hope you will be pleased to pardon we when I give you to understand , that ever since I first became acquainted ( through that medium of valuable information to the labouring classes , the Northern Star ) with the establishment of the Chartist Co-operative Land Society , I have at all times ft j t 8 itrong desire to become a member , which I should have done ere now could I have commanded a sufficient amount of money for Hie purpose , which , until now , I have not been able to procure ; but now , sir , I am mo tt
happy to inform you I have secured a sufficient sum to o pay at once the full amount of two shares , which J uu- iderstand to be £ 5 is . id .- , and . it * jovi will be so kind d as to answer this , informing me how I shall send it tc- Cyou , I ivill do so at once . If I am to send it by Post- U office order , please tell me at what Post-office jou wish ih to have it made payable in London . If by bank order , r , please sity at what bank in London I shall place it to to your credit , ns I wish to give you no unnecessary ry trouble . I have adopted this line of procedure because se there is , as yet , no members of the society living within in twenty-four miles of this place ; but I have every rea- abon to hope , and I confidently believe , that this step of of mine will be the first step towards the formation of a a branch of the society in this towu and neighbourhood , > d ,
as i have conversed with many p « rsous on the subject , ct , whosaytheywouldliketojoinit , butaslamofopinion on that confidence must bo first established ia the doubtful ful mind , I therefore adopt this step , and thereby make ke myself the pioneer in this good work , so far as this his place is concerned , not in tiie least doubting a good lod number will soon follow me . Perhaps it may be ad- advisable for you to supply me with a few copies of the the rules , and also a few cards of membership of the Char-iartist Political Association , together with such other her papers as you may deem necessary to the formation of n o £ a branch of the Chartist Co-operative Laud Society-ty ;
but , sir , this I of course leave to your superior judg-idg-. nient ; and , iu conclusion , I sincerely join with the thou-iousands of my poor fellow countrymen in blessing . rlie . rlie : head and heart of liim who has devised a plan for onr our social and political redemption , and ' remain , respectedctedl sir , yours obedientl y , Wiilum M . Tanner , bootmaker > ker „ Pore-street . —Totnes , Devon , ilarch 16 th , lSi 6 . " Mb . Uenkv Hosting , Department Du Card , Bessemresnges ; . Prance . —We have many subscribers in France , whowhoi uniformly remit througli a London banker . lie mightiightt do the same ; or in like manner as he has remitted ted tea the Veteran Patriots ' and Exiles ' Wiaowe and Children ' TCn '" Fund .
J . Hoco , Hawick . —We don't know what has become ome on Samuel Kydd , late of dla * gow . Duncombe Testimonial . —We are requested to state stata that a large lithographic engraving ( printed on tinteCinted ! p ; iper ) of this splendid memento of working-class jrati-jrati tude is published by Messrs , Jl'Gowan and Co ., 1 G „ 1 G „ Great Windmill-street , Hnymarket , and may be had had ! of any respectable bookseller iu the United Kiugdom ; douijj price sixpence . The Late J . II . BiusivncH . —We are sorry that an exiti ex ; , traordinary press of matter compels us to postponetponee Mr . Cooper's interesting memoir of the Leicester C ! : ar ! C ! : arS tist Poet , It shall appear
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 28, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_28031846/page/4/
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