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' N H in terse and explicit terms the ri...
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GERMAN LIBERTY. Latterly all eyes have b...
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O'CONNOR DEFENCE FUND. The response to o...
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MONIES RECEIVED For the "Week Ending Thu...
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WINDING-UP OF THE LAND COMPANY. BECEIYED...
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Dreadful Sottbrino of a Boat's Crew— The...
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP , UNITED TRADES....
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COTTON SPINNERS IN AMERICA. | We have re...
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- THE SHIPWRIGHTS OP THE TYNE AND THEIR ...
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The Refugees—Mr. Kydd lectured at 41, Tu...
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every year by their parents l,0Q_airfl8f...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Co-Operative Movement. The Co-Operat...
ing in terse and explicit terms the principle an d modus operandi of Co-operative Stores , and showing the immediate pecuniary advantages they conferred upon their subscribers , jir . Neale continued : — . There was , however , this farther advantage in these Co-operative Stores , that the successful developement of the system would give those associated the power of employing any person they pleased . They would , in fact , create a market of their own , and might supply it from what source they thought proper . This had been already done to some extent by the establishment of several working men ' s associations , such as that of the shoemakers in Hoi . _ -. * # tn + orSA Attn ATTilimf 4 _ n-m _ t 4-1 « a - * . _ £ *»* K « hl . _
born . AU that was wanted for such an establishment was customers . The developement of these stores would supply them . They need not stop at shoes . Clothes , furniture—all the articles , in fact , they were in the habit of daily using—might be supplied in the same manner ; and thus , in proportion as the system extended , the working classes would become their own producers and distributors . —fere ^ then , he thought , vrere the means through which , by simply turning into a new channel the present resources of the working classes , they could effect a great and practical improvement in their own condition .
It will require , of course , great care in the working out of the details of these plans ; and we must again repeat , that no time or exertions ought to be grudged for the purpose of procnring an amendment of the laws of partnership as affecting such associations . If this were once secured , there is nothing whatever in their nature or scope that should prevent them from realising all , and more than their most sanguine promoters now anticipate . "We see , indeed , no reason why , in the course of their developement , they should not create for themselves a new currency , to represent the new "wealth created and exchanged amongst
themselves—nor why , in due time , the working men ' s associations should not remove out of towns , and ply their labours either on leasehold or freehold estates , ' in the midst of superior sanitary , domestic , and industrial arrangements . In these days of railways , the products of their industry could be cheaply and speedily conveyed to tile marts they were intended for , and the possession of farms , which could supply at least a portion , of the provisions required by the co-operators , would he so stable a foundation for the whole as would enable it to defy almost any possible amount of external . opposition .
It would he easy to dilate on the glorious prospect thus opened up of the emancipation and elevation of the suffering and toiling millions , hut we refrain . It is sufficient for us to have shown , on this occasion , that they have to a large extent the means in their own hands , and to record with pleasure the fact , that a portion of them , at least , are beginning to know , appreciate , and rightly employ these means . Our best wishes are with them ; and , to the extent of our humble powers , we shall feel proud to aid those who thus set their own shoulders to the wheel , and manfully lahour at the task of self-improvement and uniexsal amelioration .
' N H In Terse And Explicit Terms The Ri...
' WaW > ^ THE N 0 RTHERN STAR . 5 ' - ^^^^*^^^^ M" ^^ " ^^^~~^~~~ " ~ ' —^—r—————— . - ¦ ^ 1 WBM——^ MM—M ^__^__ 1 _ M _ B _^_—_^_^_—_———— - __ J _ L _ LJ __ ^ l ¦ - ' " ' " ¦ - — ¦¦ ' T ^ —¦_ - _ - _—— - — - _ ----- ¦ - —_ - _ - ^ _ ¦ . . t
German Liberty. Latterly All Eyes Have B...
GERMAN LIBERTY . Latterly all eyes have been turned to Germany , the focus of the abstract thought of the world , as the spot where liberty -was to receive the next practical developement . To those who were easy of belief , this expectation seemed all the better founded , because they
thought that in Prussia they had found that rarest of rare things—a liberal king ; but the more experienced and thoughtful did not yield too implicit a . confidence , because past years had taught them something of the vacillating , nnstable character of Fkederick "William , and because all history told them how unlikely it was that any long would actively advance the cause of freedom . That
credulousness which simplicity yields to the professions of men , whether they be or be not kings , may be a sign of an honest , open , and candid mind , and so far estimable ; but it is a very had defence in this wicked world of ours . The millennium has not yet arrived . Kings and statesmen are as fond of power , and warriors as devoted worshippers of glory , as ever . We must he " cunning as serpents , " as well as " mild as doves , " while trick , artifice , and subterfuge , spread everywhere around us ,
and entangle us in their meshes ; and it would be about as wise as for sheep to believe in the professions of the welf , and his assertion that he had repented of his carnivorous propensities , and made his resolution to lead a new and bloodless life for the future , and to admit him into their fold , as it would be for the peoples of the earth to put faith in the amateur liberalism of kings , possessing a thirst for larger dominion , and desirous of despotic authority .
" Experience , " it is said " makes fools wise ; " and the German people must be worse than fools even , if the experience they have had does not teach them that they must win that liberty for themselves which kings will never give them . The explanation of all that has occurred in Germany is to be found in a few words . There are really only two powers there , Austria and Prussia , the smaller states heing as helpless and dependent upon them for their very existence as old coats and hats t * pon the pegs provided for their support Were it not that there is always a great blustering bully ready to step in , stripped for fighting , to protheir
tect the little princelets in despotic authority over a people burning to be free , Repuhlicanism would ere this have triumphed , and German unity be a great and splendid reality instead of a misty vision . These two great powers are enemies against each other , because they both aspire to supreme influence ; but they are also friends , because they are both opposed to that liberty and those liberal institutions , which would give the death blow to their own authority , and when the peop le are striving for their own rights , the bond which draws Prussia and Austria together is stronger than the ambition which divides thenu Keeoino- this explanation in view , the clue
to guide us through the tangled maze or German politics is apparent . When the re-Tolutionary spirit , lighted up by the success of the French Revolution , spread through Germany—when thrones tottered and kings fledwhen it seemed as thoug h the day of judgment for kingcraft had dawned upon the world-when The heart of Italy beat as though with new life-when the thunderstorm of war in
lovered over Hungary-when Vienna was the hands of the Jeop le , and the troops wer ordered to give up the custody of Berhn to its citizens , then the versatile king of I ™ * ' who always seeks to swim with the stream , mounted the German tricolor , acted the part of a red-hot patriot for the time , and strove his best to take advantage of a movement , which he thought , if properly managed , would crush the rival power of Austria , and make him the popular head of Germany . When the Duchies rebelled against Denmark , or
rather—for " rebelled" is not the proper word—rose to assert their constitutional rights , he lent them the assistance of Prussian arms , ^ and thought thus to gain a footing m those Jarts which might hereafter have given Prussia a maritime influence . When the Frankfort Parliament sat , and tried to » mafe a constitution , as if for thepurpose of prov ^ that constitutions cannot he made hke pieces of patch-wo * Jut , mus £ hke Umm a r ' free ^ oplfTto * ~ fi * « never k _ ow how earnestly »» f ^ 5 _ f ham longed to seize that o ub > the Imperial Crown , whichseemed withm his grasp , THit the opportunity was not tempting
enough-though attractive , it was not safe , n miguv Javeinvolved aleadership under the guidance of the people , not a peaceful advance towards £ 2 * irresponsible p ower ; it might have £ adeaece « ary war , which , once fairly begun ,
German Liberty. Latterly All Eyes Have B...
would not have been stayed till the masses had become the arbitersof their own destiny . The effort boded no good for the ri ght of governing ¥ ? y {;'' . Pointed too directly to the opposite nghtof being wellgoverned . It was too fearfula stakeftr the vaccinating , unstable , Frederick «> play . He feared to set bis all upon such a cast , and abide the hazard of thedie ; and so after much flirtation and coquetting , he let " I dare not wait upon I would" and the Frankfort Parliament was left to show of how little worth mere moral force is , when deserted by its material embodiment—physical power . Since then , the retrogade movement has gone on with all the certainty of a predestined fact . The King of Prussia would rather be -n-svt-fsl nnl Iihwa ! % »**•* * •««« ¦
a popular King than no King at all . He would rather rule over a large state than a comparatively small one . His object was , and is , the greatest power with the smallest possible risk to himself . The people might shift for themselves , so that his own ends were served . Much as he was prepared to risk for himself , for them , like a true King , he would r isk just nothing ; and so just as Austrian despotism , hacked by the colossal power of Russia , has , by sheer force of arms , regained its dominion , and the danger to kingship from popular fervour has decreased , the policy of Prussia has become less and less liberal . Just
as there has been less of kingly authority to be won , and more to be lost , Frederick William has retraced his steps , and , to use a vulgar phrase , " drawn in his horns . " The idea of a German Unity has given way to an union of the Northern States under the thumb of Prussia , so that the star of Austria might not outshine that of Prussia—not that the people might be more free . The Prussian army was withdrawn from the Duchies ; but , ever vaccinating , whether for good or evil , Prussian volunteers and a Prussian general were left to oppose the Danes . The King ,
fearful of what might be ^ would not sever the last link of his influence there , $ 1 liberalism seemed to be beaten down ; and now a Prussian and an Austrian commission are to threaten Holstein into obedience , and , if necessary , a Prussian and Austrian army is to bombard , bayonet , and sabre it into helpless submission . In the same way the Hessians , who by calm , moral action , unaccompanied by the slightest violence , had foiled their contemptible elector , who wanted , on a smaller stage , to act the part of the Czar , were first cajoled by promises and a show of help , and are now left to the tender mercies of Austria
and the Elector ; and the Prussian people , juggled and played with by their quasi liberal King , as a juggler plays with his rings and balls , have armed and marched , leaving their business to languish , their wives and families to shift for themselves—for what ? Not that the " honour and glory " of Prussia should be protected—not that the liberties of Germany should be asserted—not that the interference of the Autocrat of the North might be repelled with scorn , but that the Prussian King might make better terms for himself , and that his brother Royalties of Austria and Russia , might hand with him on an equal footing , to share the power of divided Germany .
That is the fact—out of all the turmoil and suffering the people have gained nothingthey have been fooled beyond the top of their bent , and the result is , that their tyrants have a better understanding than ever , and have resolved that for the safety of despotism , Germany ,-split up into powerlessness , shall be ruled from Petersburgh , Vienna , and Berlin . We hope , however , that the lesson will not be thrown away * and that the next time the people arm themselves , or are armed , they will blazon on their banners : " put not thy trust in princes , " and not consent to be disarmed till the purposes of the people are served , and potentates are left to shift for themselves .
O'Connor Defence Fund. The Response To O...
O'CONNOR DEFENCE FUND . The response to our appeal has so far been oPa gratif ying nature . The letters received at this office prove that Mr . O'Connor ' s position has excited sincere and wide-spread sympathy , and that with proper arrangements , that sympathy will show itself in deeds commensurate with the occasion . System and organisation , however , are necessary in such cases ; aud , as this is one which especially demands prompt exertion , it has been considered advisable to issue a circular containing the facts briefly stated , together with directions as to the course to he pursued in the various localities .
The circular is so brief > and so much to the purpose , that we subjoin it , merely adding our earnest request , that its suggestions may be immediately acted upon , throughout the length and breadth of the country . " Northern Star" Office , London . By the recent decision of the Court of Queen ' s Bench in the case of O'Connor v . Bradshaw , F . O'Connor , Esq ., M . P ., has been saddled with the costs of two protracted and expensive actions at law .
A Select Committee of the House of Commons , after the most ample investigation into the affairs of " The National Land Company , " pronounced its proceedings to have been conducted throughout " bona-fide , " and added , that the . personal character of Mr . O'Connor , in relation to it , was unimpeachable and unimpeached . In the face of this Report , Mr . Bradshaw ,
( the Editor of a Tory journal published at Nottingham ) , accused Mr . O'Connor of personal dishonesty in relation to the Company . An action for Libel was immediately commenced , which terminated in the Jury returnuu * a verdict grossly inconsistent with itself and with the facts , namely , " that the libeller was justified in his charges , but that there was no ground whatever for any personal imputation on Mr . O' Connor ' s honesty !"
The Judge , in summing up , acted the part of a hostile partizan , and misled the Jury into giving a verdict , which thre the entire costs of the action upon Mr . O'Connor . That gentleman tried the question again , by moving for a new trial in the Queen ' s Bench . The case was re-argued at great expense , but , as the " Times" expressly states , the Judges " shirked" the merits of the case in a " cowardly" manner , and refused anew trial on quibbles- ^ again subjecting Mr . O'Connor to all the costs .
This is but the last of a series of proceedings , all of which indicate a determination on the part of Government , and the law authontieB , to deny justice to Mr . O'Connor , and to refuse him either redress for wrong done , or protection against injury . The object is to " ruin him with expenses , as advised by Lord Melbourne years ago . He has spent his life and fortune in the cause of the people , and has never travelled a mile . „ . p „ ten a meal at their expense . All who s ympathise with an honest but an onnressed man , are called upon to come for-° ffiDeraUy , and contribute to sustain hun
4 * to £ a Committee in your town to canvass for Subscriptions . It ; m d be ad visable to divide it ^ J ^ J ^ S ^ lw appointa collector to each , ^ fTT ^ X the Subscriptions will be collected ^ unulta neously on a given day , thus showing , by one general and hearty effort , that the people will not allow their advocate and champion to De victimised by Legal Frauds and Governmental Chicanery . Upon application to this office , collecting books , and every information that may he necesiary , will be forthwith supplied to all who ftre desirous ef assisting in this good work .
O'Connor Defence Fund. The Response To O...
It is recommended that a per centage on the amount collected be allowed to all who undertake that duty ; the amount of such per centage to be fixed by the local Committee . The funds should be remitted immediately ( per'Post Office Order , ) to Mr . William Rider , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymarket , with a list of Subscribers ; and a due and full acknowledgement will appear in the " Northern Star " each Saturday . .. "A long pull , a strong pull , and a pull altogether "—now or never . William Rider .
Monies Received For The "Week Ending Thu...
MONIES RECEIVED For the "Week Ending Thursday , December 26 ih , 1850 . FOR THE
THE HONESTY FUND . BECETVED BI W . RIDZB , £ S . d . J . George , Clewer , near Windsor .. 0 1 0 Fulneck , near Leeds , per S . Scott .. 0 5 6 Sunderland , per W . Ovington .. .. 0 16 A few Friends , Lasswade , perD . Reld .. 0 12 6 Wingate Grange Colliery , per W . Norman .. 0 11 3 Mr . Londy , Glasgow .. .. .. 0 0 6 Mr . M _ enzie , Glasgow .. .. 0 10 J . Cameron , Glasgow .. .. 0 10 Mr . Elliott , Clapham .. .. 0 2 0 Five Old Guards , Pocklington .. .. 0 4 0 A . Watson , Leith .. .. 0 0 6 F . Frost and Son , Rawmarsh , near Hotheiham 0 0 9 R . Watson , Calverton- .. .. 0 0 6 J . Henderson , Alloa '• .. .. 0 o 1 J . Armstrong , Jarrow ,. ., 0 2 6
J . Boack , Jarrow ,, ,, 0 0 6 J . Thompson , North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 T . Thompson . North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 R . Stoddart . North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 J . Waugh , North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 J . Watson , Glasgow .. .. 006 A . Nelson , Glasgow . .. ,, 0 0 6 3 . Brocfc , Glasgow .. .. 006 M . Geum , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 J . Simpson , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 A . King , Glasgow .. .. 006 W . Scott , Upper'North-street , Leeds .,. 0 2 0 A . S ; Goldborough , North Shields .. 0 0 6 Sheriff-hill and vicinity , per J . Dunn .. 0 11 0 J . Sanderson , Hollingworth .. .. 0 1 0 E . Hampson , Hollingworth .. .. 0 0 6 H . Drinbwater , Hollingworth .. .. 0 0 6 S . O . Cononley .. .. .. 0 0 o ft . H—dley . AsUey .. .. 0 1 o Ellen Hindley . Astley .. 0 0 e Friends , Bury St . Edmunds , per J . Brabrook .. 0 2 0
Bridgewater , per C . Poole .. .. 0 7 7 Nottingham , & c , per J . Sweet .. 114 7 F . Brooks , Lea , Near Gainsborough .. 0 1 0 Asliburton , per T . Combes .. .. 0 10 2 Tillicoultry and Alva , per W . Brown .. 0 5 4 J . Stephenson , Blackpots , Banff .. 0 10 J . H ., E . F ., W . P ., S . O ., R . M'H ., S . B ., E . B ., and E . _ ., Hackney .. .. 0 4 3 W . Young , Cartridge , near Witney .. 0 10 0 Hebden Bridge , per J . Marsland .. 0 18 4 Spoa Hole , per J . If arsden .. .. 098 From Rochdale-Belfield Block Printers .. 0 8 6 S . Crabtree ' s book .. .. 0 7 9 W . Heye ' s book .. .. 0 9 10 Two Friends , Belfield .. .. 0 2 0 E . Hanson .. .. .. 010 J . Taylor .. .. .. 0 9 6 A Female Friend .. .. 0 10 S . Cockcroft .. .. .. 006 Betty Clegg .. .. .. 010
R . Whitehead .. . . .. 013 B . Whitehead .. .. .. 0 13 Sarah Healey .. .. .. ' 0 10 W . Iihewood .. .. .. 006 J . Oakes .. .. .. 006 J . Fitton ... .. .. 010 B . Hartley .. .. .. 010 A Friend ... .. .. Old A . Ogden and Friends .. .. 018 Smithy Brook , near Accrington , per W . Bury .. 110 J . Fisher and Friends , Finsbury .. 0 4 0 RECEIVED AT I—SS OFFICE , M . Swales ... .. .. 610 _ £ ll 18 2
Winding-Up Of The Land Company. Beceiyed...
WINDING-UP OF THE LAND COMPANY . BECEIYED BY WH . USES . £ s . d . J . George , Clewer , near Windsor .. 0 10 T . Broker , Pottery Field , Leeds .. 010 R . Williams , Stalybridge .. .. 0 0 G Sunderland , per W . Orington .. .. 0 3 6 D . Reid , Prestonholme .. .. 010 W . Cain , Hampstead Marshall , near Newbury 0 0 6 G . Duerden , Blackburn .. .. 010 Mr . Londy , Glasgow .. .. 006 Mr . M'Kenzie , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 J . Cameron , Glasgow .. .. 0 10 Mr . Elliott , Clapham .. .. 030 W . Maulam , Whitechurch , near Blandford .. 0 0 6 Messrs . Martin , North , Hayling , and Pyke ,
Wootton Rivers .. .. 0 4 0 A . Watson , Leith .. .. 0 0 6 J . Newton , Warsop , Retford .. .. 0 0 6 F . Frost and Son , Rawmarsh , near Rotherham 0 1 0 R . Watson and Friends , Cairerton .. 0 2 0 J . Henderson , Allca .. .. 0 10 J . Armstrong , Jarrow .. .., 010 J . Frow , Gainsborough .. .. 0 0 6 From North Shields—J . Thompson ... 0 0 6 T . Thompson .. .. ., " . ' 0 0 6 R . Stoddart .. .. .. 006 J . Waugh .. .. .. . ' . 0 0 6 J . Fetch .. .. .. 006 Two Democrats . .. .. 0 0 9 A . S . Goldborough .. .. 016 J . Watson , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 A . Nelson , Glasgow .. ... 0 0 6 J . Overand . Cononley .. .. 0 10 J . Tempest , Cononley .. .. 0 10 R . Hindley , Astley .. .. 010 B . Preston , Holbeck , Leeds .. .. 0 10 Nottingham , per J . Sw » et .. .. 0 7 0 F . Brooks , Lea . near Gainsborough .. 0 10 Tillicoultry and Alva , per W . Brown .. 0 12 6
J . Stephenson . Blackpots , Banff .. 0 10 J . Fisher and W . Davies .. .. 010 RECEIVED IT USD OFFICE . J . B . .. .. .. 026 J . Dennis .. .. .. 026 M . Swales .. .. .. 026 C . Bains .. .. .. 006 Mr . Donaldson .. .. ., 006 £ 3 5 3 FOR THE HUNGARIAN AND POLISH REFUGEES . Received by W . Rtdeb . —W . Feist , Brighton Is—J . George , Clewer , near Windsor 6 d—T . Booker , Pottery Field , Leeds 3 s—S . Patman , Pottery Field , Leeds 6 d—A few Friends , Monk Wearmouth Colliery 3 s—F . Frost and Son , Rawmarfb , near Rotherham 3 d—W . Scott , Upper North-street , Leeds Is—C . Scott , Rewben-terrace , Leeds Is . Received by John Abnott .-Huddersfield , per Mr . Hirst 10 s . FOR MACNAMARA'S ACTION . Received by W . Rideb . —Nottingham , per J . Sweet la . AGITATION FOR THE CHARTER .. Received by John Abnott . —Mr . Leedbam 6 d-Mr . Walker 10 d—Mr . Blanchard Is—Mr . Alger , Cheltenham 6 d—New Radford , per S . Saunders . Newcastle-upon-Tyne , per M . Jude lis—Sutton in Ashfield , per W . Felkin 18 s 2 d . TRACT FUND . Received by John Absott . —Newcastle-upon-Tyne , per M . Jude 10 s . ; FOR LIQUIDATING THE DEBT DUE TO THE TREASURER Of THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . Received by John Abnott . — Royton , per J . B . Horsfall 2 s—Mr . G . Pearce Is Id—Huddersfield , per J . Emsall 10 s . DEFENCE FUND . Received by John Abnott - —New Radford , per Mr . S . Saunders Is 6 d . FOR MR . HOOPER . Received by John Abnott . —New Radford , per Mr . S . Saunders Is 3 d .
Dreadful Sottbrino Of A Boat's Crew— The...
Dreadful Sottbrino of a Boat ' s Crew— The following extract of a letter from Mr . James O . Jones , Second Master of Her Majesty ' s stea _ er ; Dee employed on the Cape of Good Hope station , which has come to England to his parents , by a forlorn chance , discloses some almost unparalleled privations and sufferings of himself and crew , by the upsetting of their boat : — " We are at present lying up Quilimane Eiver , but I believe we go to the Cape about Christmas ; we are nearly tired of stopping up here . It was a very great chance sendanchored off here
ing this letter , as the tcsbcI only yesterday ( no date is given ) , and sails to morrow , and she lies about nine miles from us . The greater part of this was written in an open boat , as I was going to overhaul her . * * * I have sad news to tell you . I had a narrow escape with my life . I was going into the river from the Pantaloon ; 10 , Commander Parker , where I had been for provisions in one of the Dee ' s cutters , when . just as we were crossing the bar , a heavy breaker ran in over the stern , filled and capsized the boat in the middle of the surf , and as it was just dusk they could not see us from the ship , so we were drifting about the breakers all night , clinging to the boat . In the morning we drifted up the river , and not far from the ship , but as only our heads were above water , they could not see us althoueh looking out for us ; at last we
drove ashore on a sandbank , where we got out more dead than alive , after having been in the water thirty-four hours , without anything to eat or drink . ' The next day , about two o ' clock , the ship sent a boat and picked us up . But I have not told the worst , for out of six men and three officers , who were in the boat , there are onl / myself and four others saved . The master assistant ( Mr . Dyer ) and three men were washed off the boat by the surf . Poor Dyer got hold of my foot and took me down a cood way with Mm ; I tried to swim up with him , but I found I could not , so I was compelled to kick him to clear myself , and could only just get hold of the boat then . " The fortitude displayed by this officer is of no common character , and the presence of mind which attended on that fortitude is almost without equal in the annals of shipwrecks . Mr . J . Jones is the son of Mr . Jones , the Queen ' s pilot at Portsmouth , and an officer of high promise in the Da consumptios of malt is hardly greater now than it was thirty-fire years ago , notwithstanding the increase of tie population .
National Association Op , United Trades....
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP , UNITED TRADES . T . S . Dcncombe , Esq ., M . P ., President . Established 1845 . " fiat justiiia . " "If it were possible for the working classes , by com-Dining among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general rate of wages , it need hardly be said that this would be a tmng not to be punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced 8 t * Stoabt Mill .
The important and all-absorbing nature of the Wolverhampton conflict has precluded us from turning oar attention so much as we could have desired to more general , but equally important questions connected with this movement . One of the necessary and expected consequences of the protracted , and , to us , triumphantly successful struggle , in Wolverhampton , has been an awakening of various bodies of the working classes to a sense of their own isolated and unprotected position , and a desire to become better acquainted with a movement which has so successfully defeated
the machinations of one of the most astute and accompli shed tyrants that ever lorded it over ignorant and unprotected labour . We announced , last week , the adhesion of the Engine Drivers and Firemen of the Doncaster Station of the Great Northern . Railway , and we understand that the question of joining this Association is now seriousl y entertained throughout that line and many others , "We are deeply impressed with the importance and responsibility of such a movement , and are fully prepared for the honourable office of marshalling the operative railway interest in a defensive league against the unfair encroachments of their powerful employers . Our policy and our measures , may , possibly , be misunderstood by many , and misrepresented
by others ; but we have maturely weighed the consequences of our dangerous mission , and are fully persuaded , that it is our duty , and should be our ambition , to seize with avidity so glorious an opportunity of bringing the principles and practical working of our Association to the severest test to which , perhaps , any labour combination was ever submitted—an organised and legal resistance to any and every encroachment offered to labour by the most powerful combination of capital that ever existed in the world . The Tim e * of Tuesday avows , in the plainest language , that the combination of labour must be met with a counter combination of capital . Be it so . We only ask to be permitted to enter the field with an united and
well-disciplined army . We . have law and justice on our side ; and while we confine ourselves within those limits , so clearly and so eloquently defined by the soundest and most valued lawyer of the present day—the present Lord Cranworth , one of the Vice-Chancellors , and , if we are not very much mistaken , the future Lord Chancellor of England—we have no fear but that we shall be able to maintain for our cause the sympathy and support of public opinion , which is stronger than any array of capital which can be brought to bear against us .
The question has been asked us : "Is such a combination as you contemplate , legal ? '' We answer , indisputably so ; and while its operations are confined within those limits marked out by the existing law , no less than by reason and common sense , it must ever remain so ; and in order to remove from the minds of the working men , of all classes and denominations , all uncertainty upon this matter , we here reprint an article we drew up upon this important point nearly two years since , which will , we hope , clear away all doubts npon the question , and induce our fellow workmen to see with us the immense latent power they possess , which they now permit to rust in inaction , to the great detriment of themselves and their interests . William Peel , Secretary ... 259 , Tottenham-court-road .
THE EATIOXALE OF LYDUSTRIAL OOMBL NATION , As contemplated and recognised by the Statute Law of England . There is no question upon which the working classes are so generally misinformed as upon the right of Industrial or Trades Combination . Prior to the passing of the Act 6 th George IV . chap . 129 , the law itselfwas very vague , if not unintelligible . The Judges were divided in opinion upon the construction to be placed upon numerous statutes then in existence , which , being so contradictory , were twisted and turned just as it suited the peculiar temper of judges , or the pliability of interested or
ignorant juries . But , about twenty-five years since , all the acts of parliament , or the portions of such as remained unrepealed by former legislation , were swept from the statute book , and their place supplied by the act above referred to , which now constitutes the whole of the statute law bearing upon Trades' Unions . It is to this act of parliament , and the extensive and valuable rights secured by it to the working classes , which we now desire to direct the attention of our readers . We think we shall be conferring as much benefit upon our fellowworkmen , and at the same time fulfilling our duty to them as usefully and as faiihfidly , by proving to them the invaluable nature of the liberties they possess , and by this means stimulating them to a wiser and more determined use of those privileges , as those of our fellow-labourers , who confine them ' selves constantly to the dark side of the question , and who represent our present position as one of
hopeless slavery , which no unassisted effort of our own can modify or improve , except through the medium of the most extensive political changes . That the working classes of England are in a state of political bondage , we believe no sane man will dispute , and that every available means should be used for effecting their , political enfranchisement we cordially admit ; but , we are disposed to doubt , either the wisdom or policy of those who would urge them to amalgamate their industrial and political questions , and thereby endanger the social liberties they now possess , in a protracted and extremely doubtful crusade against tbe concentrated power of those divers interests , who , through rivalling each other upon all other points , will unite as one man to dispute , inch by inch , the progress of the working man to political freedom .
That such an amalgamation is contemplated , we have the strongest reasons for believing , and we protest against it , from a conviction , that its results would be disastrous in the extreme to the best interests of those it professed to benefit . We are , at the same time , fully prepared to find our judgment upon this most important point questioned , and , perhaps , impugned . But , relying upon the integrity of our motives , we shall proceed to explain the nature of the privileges appertaining to , but not enjoyed by , the working classes , by the statute , Ctn Geo . IV ., cap . 129 , and leave them to decide how far it would be judicious to lead the
government to attempt the repeal of : that act , by any steps which would make Trades' Unions Combinations ( which are by that law legalised , ) the medium for the perfecting of political organisations . We shall first place before our readers the opinions of the highest legal functionaries , upon the nature and extent of the privileges secured to the working classes by the existing law , and wo shall then endeavour to show how far it is possible , by a judicious Trades ' Combination , to render that law instrumental to the advancement of the interests of labour and tbe removal of many of the wrongs which they now suffer , by their ignorance or neglect of the power they possess .
In the celebrated case of Jones and Potts , v Selsby and others , indicted for conspiracy , Mr . Knowles , the Queen's Counsel , thus expressed himself , he being counsel for the defendants : — " The indictment charges a combination , and to that extent , wo plead guilty . No doubt thero was a combination not to work under a certain rate of wages—no doubt there was a combination to carry out that object by legal measures ; but I deny that there was any illegal conspiracy . It would be strange indeed if there were not combinations among workmen for their own benefit , for we live in an age in which combination is an acknowledged principle of action . Scarcely anything of importance is carried on without combination ; almost
every great benefit secured to mankind is the result of combination ; almost every great social good haS been achieved by combination . ' Combination , therefore , per se , cannot be illegal ; and I do my client no injustice by saying that , in that sense , they may hare combined . Gentlemen , there are combinations of masters too , bearing hard upon their workmen ; and it would be strange indeed , if the law , professing to be impartial , should throw its shield over the wealthier classes , by allowing them to combine for their protection , and not , at the same time , allow the workmen to combine for their protection . Gentlemen , the law does allow them to combine . I state it boldly , in the . presence of his lordship—to combine for particular objects , and for partioular r > " " ™ w >/ v Beyond all doubt , gentlemen
National Association Op , United Trades....
the law does allow them to combine . I allow there was some doubt about it in the olden time ; I am aware that , in the olden times , it was held to be a crime for workmen to fix the price for their own labour , but these times have passed away ; and by a statute law , which has repealed all former laws , by the 6 th Geo . IV , c ; 129 , the law which now regulates combinations , whether of masters or workmen , the workmen have an undoubted right to meet and resolve that they will not work under certain prices ; and the law says , it is legal for them to do so . No doubt the masters may meet too , and they do meet ; and it is fair the same right should be extended to the workmen . "
This is the opinion of Mr . Knowles , one of the most eminent counsel of the present day ; but , perhaps , it may be imagined that as the paid advocate of the defendants , this opinion should not be altogether relied on ; let us therefore see how far his opinion is endorsed and confirmed by the Judge , Mr . Baron BoJfe , who tried the case . In his lucid and impartial summing up to the jury , ho thus expresses himself : — " The law on this subject certainly depends now upon the especial statute which has been referred to ; previous to the passing of which it had always been considered ( whether rightly or not , I cannot make up my mind satisfactorily , ) that masters might meet to say that they would not give more
than a certain amount of wages , but that the workmen might not meet to say they would not work for less than a certain amount of wages . This state of the law was considered unjust by many ; and it was accordingly altered about twenty years ago , and the law now depends upon the particular statute referred to , which enacts that all enactments then in force , with respec t to combinations of workmen should be repealed ; and that all combinations of workmen for fixing the amount of wages , for increasing or altering the hours of labour , etcetera , shall be regulated by this act . * * * It then goes on to say that it is not illegal for them to say that they will
not work tor less than a certain sum ; in that the law is perfectly rational . Those who employ men may say that tbey will make a regulation beneficial to society , and may agree in that spirit , not to take any workman who requires for his labour more than a certain sum on the other hand , workmen may meet and say that they will not ' work for less than such or such a sum , for any person who wants them them to work for less than such sum . That being so , and depend upon it , the Legislature considered that , in that respect , as in all others , the market would find its own level , and that what is the value of labour would be found out by the influx of labour or otherwise . "
Now this opinion of the learned Judge , so clearly corroborative of the statements of Mr . Knowles , sets this question at rest for ever it forms a valuable and undoubted precedent for all future cases arising out of the disputes of masters and workmen . But Judge Rolfe goes much farther than Mr . Ki . owles ventured ; for he contends that not only have workmen the right to combine , but also to persuade others to do the same ; these are his words : — " Gentlemen , it is undoubtedly lawful for persons to combine not to work , except upon certain terms . That being so , I am not aware of there being any illegality in their peaceably trying to persuade others to adopt the same views as themselves . So
I think it is perfectly reasonable that they should say to their fellow-man , ' It is better not to do so and so , ' if they made use of no threats or intimidation to prevent him from acting contrary to their wishes . Understand , however , that not only threats are necessary , but it is necessary that the language used shall be such as to satisfy you that intimidation may be inferred . " And a little further on he states , in reference to one of . the defendants , Bowman . " Now that plainly shows that Bowman was a party to a combination to form a picket . That , perhaps , is an irresistible conclusion ; but you must recollect in coming to that conclusion , that you are in a criminal court , and must not come to a conclusion that the facts , as proved in evidence , 'do not necessarily lead to it . You have it in evidence that many of the defendants did nothing—and , as to
some of them , you have it in evidence , that all they did was merely to persuade—they said , ' You had better not do so and so ; ' and thero must be , it appears to me—there must be , of necessity , something in the nature of a picket—somebody to watch that parties should not go to work , so long as there were certain persons maintaining those parties , upon the understanding that they should not go to work . They must take some such means to ascertain that they are not giving their money to those who go to work . Therefore , the question is , although you do find that Bowman is a part and parcel of—conspiracy is a word that implies criminality—part and parcel of a combination , unless I say , you find that he was a party to a combination to effect a certain legal object by illegal means , undoubtedly he is guilty of no crime whatever . "
Mr . Sergeant Wilkins . — " I apprehend , my lord , that intimidation is not necessary to prove a conspiracy ; if molestation or obstruction is used it is sufficient to establish the crime of conspiracy in this case . " Mr . Baron Rolfe . — "I apprehend that this was not an illegal end that these men sought . Their object was merely , in my opinion , hone other than that of persuading people to adopt their views . * * I think that parties . forminjr a fund in support of each other , merely stipulating , for their own mutual advantage , that they should not work for more than such and such hours , for such and such wages , is a perfectly lawful combination . " In these extracts , we place before our readers the highest legal opinion as to the construction and the
extent of that act of Parliament , which secures to the workmen the same rights and privileges , subject to the same exceptional clauses , as is given to the masters . That this state of the law has hitherto been scarcely understood by the working classes , and , consequently , has been of little benefit , does not render it of less value . We conceive it to be the palladium of our social rights , and can be made the means of remedying many , if not all , the wrongs we suffer , when thoroughly understood and judiciously applied . But , if an attempt is to be made to engraft—upon our trades ' unions , which are so clearly legalised by this law —political objects , we fear the time will not be far distant , when much more stringent regulations
will be adopted , in reference to the sociallibertiea of the working classes . In Prance , in Prussia , Austria , and Italy , the right of combination has been one of the chief rights claimed , but not secured , by the working class . Universal Suffrage , they have won , and , so far , maintained ; but , in our opinion , the equally valuable right to combine for the protection of wages , they do not possess , to anything like an equal degree with the English working man . Instead , therefore , of endangering the existence of this valued right by any false step , let us rather seek to extend a knowledge of the p _ ower we now possess , and point out the way to improve the value of such knowledge , by converting the right of combination into a lever to
raise us in the social scale ; to prove to the proud lords of capital , that labour also knows its rights , " and , knowing , dares maintain . " It appears , therefore , quite certain , upon the high legal authority of Baron Rolfe , that Trades ' Combinations are strictly legal , when their operations are confined to self-protection , and are not converted into instruments of oppression to others . And not only are they legal for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages , but for any other purpose whereby the interests and well-being of the workmen may be promoted . This sentence from tho learned judge has a remarkably wide and extensive signification : — " and that all combinations of workmen , for fixing the amount of wages , for increasing or altering the hours of labour , ect .,
shall be regulated solely by this act . " It is upon this construction of the law , that all the operations of the National Association of United Trades have been regulated . The founders of this important confederation seek to create an extensive combination of the working men of all trades , for their mutual protection against tho encroaching capitalist . Such a combination is , undoubtedly , within the spirit and meaning of the act , as explained by Baron Rolfe ; and its power and utility is only to be measured by the extent and perfection of its organisation . With such a combination , all legislative interference between capital and labour would be unnecessary . None of the manv abuses now so iustly complained of , and
which call so loudly for redress , could exist in repugnance to the will of such a confederation . Ten Hour Acts , Truck Acts , and all other parliamentary E rotective measures , would ba unnecessary . laour would legislate for its own protection , and the nation would rejoice in a well fed , well clothed , industrial population . If , under these arrangements , our mechanics and manufacturers found their competing spirit somewhat interfered with , every description of native industry would thrive under the invigorating influence of a healthy and constantly increasinghomeconsumption . Theproducingclasses , rendered less dependent upon the caprice of employers , would become physically and morally elevated . The twin companions , poverty and crime , would be sensibly diminished ; and a large portion
of the immense sums now annually absorbed by workhouse and prison expenditure might be applied to educational purposes . Strikes would be rendered unnecessary , if not impossible ; and the immense sums annually squandered in those runious contests saved to the working classes , which would of itself be tantamount to an increased wages . AU trade disputes would be settled by the system so beneficially adopted by the National Associationmediation and arbitration . These , and many other equally important and beneficial consequences , which our space will not now permit us to dwell upon , would be the inevitable results of a truly National Association of United Trades . Such a confederation confining itself to iti legitimate objects , as contemplated and recognised by the act which legalism it , would meet with no govern-
National Association Op , United Trades....
mental interference ; but if ever converted into an instrument for political purposes , it would immediately awaken the jealousy of Government , and arm the capitalists with an irresistible argument foj us suppression .
Cotton Spinners In America. | We Have Re...
COTTON SPINNERS IN AMERICA . | We have received , the following document published in the form 0 f a handbill , from a well-known Chartist and land member of Hyde , who left this country for America in 1848 , and have no doubt' its perusal will be interesting to some of our northern renders . A FAIR DAY'S WAGES FOR A FAIR DAY'S
WORK . TO THE INHABITANTS OF FALL BIVER AND ITS VICINITY . We , the Spinners of Fall River , wish to lay before you a plain statement of facts ,, proving that the present attempt to reduce our wages is one of the most outrageous ever made upon the operatives of this town , which calls forth , or rather brings into existence , the greatest indignation of every labourer or humane individual who knows the real state of things . There is not the least truth in any argument put forth by the avaricious capitalists regarding the necessity of such a curtailment of our wages , as is fairly proved by
the following statement of Gen . C . T . James , Civil Engineer of R .. I . He says : — " Considering the more rapid increase of wealth in the manufacturing , than in the cotton growing States , there must be an adequate cause . That cause must bo sought for in vain , except in the greater productiveness of the manufacture of cotton , than of its culture . In confirmation of this statement , see what is said relative to a mill of 10 , 000 spindles referred to below . Tho results were realized last year , one of the worst for manuturers ever known in this country since the first introduction of the business . The account stands as follows : —
dols . Cotton ( l , 80 O , OOOfiis ) , at 7 cents 126 , 000 Cost of Steam Power 4 , 500 „ Carding . „ , ,. ,...,..., „ ,....,.. 13 , 266 „ Spinning 14 , 734 ,, Dressing and Starch 9 , 306 „ Weaving , including all Expenses ... 26 , 590 „ Repair , Wear and Tear , Machinists , & c ............ 17 , 000 „ General Expenses , Officers' Salaries , Transportation , & o 20 , 640 „ Interest on Capital of 259 , 000 dols . 15 , 000 Making a total of . 237 , 048 Against this total cost , we have 4 , 500 , 000 Yards of Cloth ( No . 14 ) Sheeting , worth , 7 1-4 cents per Yard 326 , 250 From this amount deduct cost as above ... 237 , 048
And wo find a balance of 89 , 208 Now we consider that this is a fair interest of money at the rate of wages we have been receiving without attempting to reduce them any lower than , what they are . It plainly shows that the capitalists never consider the suffering wants of humanity , but measure their profits by . the forbearance of those who suffer by it . Their conduct compels us to exclaim . " 111 fares the land to hastening ills a prey , Where wealth accumulates and men decay . " It will be utterly impossible for the spinners of F . R . to maintain their families under the rate oi wages now offered by the manufacturer . It haa been urged by some that cotton is high , and there
is not a good demand for cloth . Now it is a wellknown fact that the present year ' s production of cotton will reduce the price of that article . Whilst the adoption of short time in preference to areduction of wages would have the effect of increasing tho supply , thereby bringing the price still lower . And increasing the demand for cloth would increase tha price of that article also . This we have no doubt would be acceptable to the operatives in . preference to a reduction of wages . If an example is wanted to show the evils arising from reductions of wages—Look at . England ! the greatest commercial nation in the world ; a barracks , a bastile , and two or three courts of justice in every town , and a police office in every village ; and these are insufficient to prevent crime and out «
rage of the most barbarous description . Storekeepers , and woll'wishera of humanity , we appeal to you as men of sense , whether we are justified or not in the course we have taken : knowing that the practice of the capitalists will increase ignorance , crime , pauperism , and taxation , disgrace themselves , dishonour their nation , and bring us and our children to a level with the brute creation ? We are determined to resist this infringement of our rights , and do hereby avow our determination never to work for a less price than what we have been receiving for the last six months . And we recommend all the operatives of this State to commence an agitation , and petition the Legislature to pass a law limiting the hours of labour to ten hours per day . The Spinners op Fall River .
- The Shipwrights Op The Tyne And Their ...
- THE SHIPWRIGHTS OP THE TYNE AND THEIR EMPLOYERS . On the 16 th inst ., a great meeting of this very numerous and deserving body of men was held at the Town Hall , South Shields , to take into consideration the present state of affairs relative to the shipwrights . The main object of the gathering , as it subsequently appeared , was to protest against , expose , and denounce what they regarded as unfair conduct on the part of the Shields Gazette , in allowing anonymous correspondents to attack the shipwrights , and refusing to insert a reply , The time appointed was seven o ' clock , but before that hour the hall was densely crowded , and some hundreds were unable to obtain admission . On the motion of Mr . Edward Surtees , the chair was taken by Mr . John Ferguson , of Sunderland , - who holds an
influential position at the head of the Tyne and Wear Shipwrights' Benevolent Society . Mr . Surtees said a letter had appeared in the Gazette stating that the men wished to compel theship owners to pay sixpence a day more for their labour than the dock-owners ; this was a false representation , for the men had resisted this , although their masters wished to impose the injustice upon them , and the managers of the paper knew at the time the letter appeared that this charge was false , yet they inserted it , whilst tbey ( the men ) had not the privilege of putting in a letter to contradict the statement . He never expected such treatment in tho Gazette ; as a proof , a letter had been sent , but the editor denied it insertion . All they could do then was to vindicate their cause before a public meeting .
They had a proof of what was this paper ' s intention in their conduct to their own compositors whom they discharged for no fault save that they belonged to the union . ( Cries of " shame . " ) The following resolution was proposed by Mr . Surtees , and seconded and supported by Mr . Kyle and Mr . Duncan : — " That it is the opinion of this meeting that the North aud South Shields GazeUc'is a partial paper , calculated to create disturbances between employer and employed , and unworthy of the support of the working classes . " The motion was carried unanimously , and followed by three times three . Mr . John Bell next moved— " That it is tho determination of this meeting not to support the establishment where the \ SMelds Gazette is taken in " The Gazette was a free-trade paper . He hoped all working men would carry out his resolution , and
neither deal with any grocer or draper who advertised in the paper , nor countenance any publichouse or temperance hotel that took it in . The motion having been seconded , was unanimously adopted . The chairman next read a placard issued by " the compositors lately employed on the Gazette , " complaining of their dismissal on the ground that they refused to sacrifice " one of their dearest and most inalienable rights—the right to unite with one another for the protection of their labour . " Mr . Caviil , one of the compositors lately employed on the Gazette , next addressed the meeting , and narrated the harsh treatment to which the compositors on this journal had been subjected , ia order to force them to leave the union . Thanks having been given to the reporters present , to the compositors of the Gazette , and also to the chairman , the meeting separated ..
The Refugees—Mr. Kydd Lectured At 41, Tu...
The Refugees—Mr . Kydd lectured at 41 , Turnmill-street on Sunday last , on the Popish Question , with his usual ability , to a very attentive audience , and will lecture again on Sunday , the 29 tb , at eight o ' clock , on Church History . Mr . Kydd , in his remarks , introduced the position of the Refugees , five of whom were very ill , and he believed if the friends of liberty could only see these unfortunate Refugees it would stimulate them to double energies on their behalf . The Committee adjourned until Wednesday next , January 1 st , 1851 , at eight o ' clock ; - Morality of London and Paris . —In London 26 illegitimate births take place for every 1 , 000 . In Paris the proportion is 316 per 1 , 000 . The number of illegitimate children annually born is , therefore , twelve times greater in Paris than in London . 5 , 000-childrenare abandoned in Paris ; in London of infanticide in than in England . An Awful Bad Leo bt Hoixowai ' s from Mrs . Sarah ^ dated 16 th January , About six 7 « a « tested themselves in evil or scrofula , and at about my a » Me . For Wnfiriitnl . and there pro I went m King ' s College effect a cure , and 1 was cripple . In this state and Tills , which bare perfectly cured my leg .,
Every Year By Their Parents L,0q_Airfl8f...
every year by their parents l , 0 Q _ airfl 8 fc _ lj—^ ffiftft-fftS- ^ ^ France ^ ffiw 6 H ^ B «^^ yateg The » d ^^ ferWlfflji ^^ at-, WM a ^^&^^ MJ ^^^ OiNTMaNpBS ^^ gtffW ^ ag ^ 'r-^ VM ^^^^ S ^ J ^^ 6 ' lSSOMj &^^ r ffi ^ Wa ^^ r ' airocertaip ^^^ i ^ PMl ^ - my leftJe ^ V ^ Sli ^ jge ^^ ejIBDgs one time ttaje . » r | metfwouBda , four monfi & llF « iSfSheltenbam nounc ^ raWtMBaj & aBSIthence Ho . pifWnW _^» efflaed to obliged to return borne a complete I conunencsd using your Ointment ! oned every year by their parents t one time tbgreran &^ etfwouBda . ^ r four mona & rw <_ Unj § heltenbam onouncMajHptnBS « jEtSBHthence ; e HoipiSr ^^ ftlBe ' M ^ f aaed to a obliged to return home a complete I conunencsd using your Ointment
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 28, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_28121850/page/5/
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