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Onwarc", and we conquer Backward aad Tre fau - J ;gE TSOPLE'S CHARTER ASDXO SURRENDER
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T O THE OLD G UARDS. Ol.TJ GrAKDS, i ^ l...
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TUE FRENCH NATION ANDTHE NATIONAL ASSOCI...
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in the Eim&e and propound and advo their...
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. tion V , L and ' respectfull N to tell...
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TO TJIE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS. Brother Char...
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FORM OF GOVERNMENT. REPRESENTATIVE SYSTE...
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IMMENSE CHARTIST MEETING AT NOTTINGHAM F...
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Barnsley—The inhabitants of Barnsley and...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Onwarc", And We Conquer Backward Aad Tre Fau - J ;Ge Tsople's Charter Asdxo Surrender
Onwarc _" , and we conquer Backward aad Tre fau - J ; _gE _TSOPLE'S CHARTER ASDXO SURRENDER
T O The Old G Uards. Ol.Tj Grakds, I ^ L...
T O THE OLD G UARDS . Ol . TJ GrAKDS , i _^ l believe in my soul thatthe time has now .. _jrivetl * _- _* _* iien we a , re _entitled to the fruits of t , ir tliirtec-n years' labour , I call upon vou to _Perform that duty _vhich y _» _m own order , " the | u 5 tian Jacket * ' _-, the Blistered Hands , and _fnih orn Chins , " expect from your hands . It is impo ssible , as it would be criminal , that _Aglabouiinsr . classes of Ens-land , the most oppressed of any country in the world , whether termed civilised or barbarous , should allow the present manifestation of their order throughout the world , to pass unnoticed or unimproved by them . lam aware that it is the custom of political leaders to rig the political market , hy placing _|
their views in novel aspects before the people ; but , having dragged the Chartist movement throug h thirteen years of scoff , scorn _purseprosecution , and persecution , and having stamped it indelibl y with the approval of the m ajority— a large majority of those who live by their own industry , and upon whom it alone can confer that boon—lam not going to abate 02 e particle of its principles , to alter its name , or to relax mr ardour in its pursuit . And , if I were a sked to morrow , whether I would rather risk my life against fearful odds for the attainment of that measure , or relinquish the demand , naming any other price , I would infinitely prefer the former alternative ; and there is one national question to which again I must call vour fixed attention , because the writers
in tbejpublic Fre > s are endeavouring to scare us from our pursuit of liberty , by the unhappy state of the working classes of France at the present moment . But you , who are , every one of you , philosophers , must understand that a great revolution , produced without previous concert , must , in the first instance , be productive of hazard , vicissitudes , and , perhaps , calamity . But the question . for you is , whether or no it is not -worth while to pass through the ordeal of temporary suffering to establish permanent liberty ? And , although voung France may now suffer
some infant trouble ; , yet think what France will be when the money , formerly lavished by 2 tyrant-supporting Monarch upon _fortifications and royal placemen , and pensioners , and the aggrandisement , as it is called , of the mother country by the annexation of foreign states—think , I say , what the condition of France will be when those resources are app lied to their legitimate objects , the developement of the national wealth , and its just and equitable distribution amongst those by whose labour those resources have been cultivated .
Xow , Old Guards , as God does not shower down manna now-a-days , never lose sight for a moment of the one , the great object , which the Charter _seefcsjto accomplish : —that every man who is willing io work , should have that of the muat remunerative descrip tion provided for him , and that the application of his labour to those self-remunerating pursuits , will increase the value of labour in the artificial markpt .
As the question of Labour is , beyond controversy 5 the one which now hampers the Provisional Government of France , hut which , backed bv the good sense and cheering hope of the working classes , they will assuredly overcome , it is essentially necessary that you should keep the Labour question uppermest in vour thoughts . I In propounding the Land Plan , I told you
that I could only show you the ripe plum over the garden wall " , to make your teeth water for the full bearing tree inside . I told y ou that what your confidence would allow me to effect sectionaily , the Charter would accomplish nationally—without plunder or theft , hut by the mere application of your own share of the national wealth—yours by national faith—to its legitimate purposes , namely , the location of the sutuIus labourers upon the land of their
birth . And , Old Guards , when change is demanded by the unwilling idler , and when change is refused by the willing idlers who fare sumptuously upon the produce of other men ' s labour , it is rig ht and proper that you and I , who have nursed the infant to its present giant strength , in spite of tyranny , oppression , and persecution , that we " should show and prove to the world how our proposed change will benefit those who demand it .
I am aware that the man . who never sees a green field , and works throughout the year ef artificial labour , wiil not at once comprehend the value of the Land Plan ; but let me solve its value for that class . Suppose there are 3 , 000 workmen in a district working at any one description of labour , and suppose the masters in that district only require the labour of 2 , 000 . the surplus 1 , 000 hands must be kept out of the competitive market , by the subscriptions and donations of the 2 , 000 * at work , and the
2 , 000 at work receive wages measured . by the ability of the employer to fall back upon the idle reserve ; whereas , if that reserve was taken out of the competitive market , and p laced upon the Land , the 2 , 000 remaining would receive infinitely more wages than the 3 , 000 , if all employed - ' while they would be released from the burden of supporting the competitive reserve in idleness , and , still further , the 1000 of their brethren would then become _cmuinwrs . for their nrodnce instead of
competitors for their labour . _Now , of all things bear this in mind , that our movement is a Labour movement , originated in the first instance by " the fustian jackets , the blistered hands , and unshorn chins •¦ ' and further bear in mind , that I would not give vou a fig for the Charter to-morrow , if we were not prepared with a safe and solid social system , as a substitute for that artificial one which we propose to destroy ; and to tell you the candid truth , I am glad tbat you did not succeed in securing thePeople's Charter , until you were prepared uith this undeniable social in
system . And I draw a strong argument favour of my position from the present state of Prussia , where Kin ? Frederick-William is bamboozling his enthusiastic and rejoicing dupes with _' moonshine , while he is cunningly , but surely , laying the foundation ofa more extensive despotism than that which has been de _~ troved . This peacock , dressed in German plumes , will avail himself of the present opportunity for establishing a larger army , and a _' more expensive army than ever he had before : he will charm his slaves with the pride of extended territory , and when his machinery is complete , thev will learn their
disappointment . Old Guards , a thousand times have I told you that it would be arrogance , presumption , and dictation upon mv part , where I to map out for you what the People ' s Charter would accomplish , while you all understand that its leading features would be , that its representatives would enact laws sanctioned by the majority instead of the minority , and that the effect of those laws would be , so to cultivate the national resources as to make the rich richer , and the poor rich . You will see by my notice of motion which I gave on Monday ns _' _ziht , that I have not blinked the question , but that I have placed it upon its legitimate and broadest basis , and it wiil be for you to _decide whether or no I do justice to this
national subject . Old Guards , you have never flinched . I have now a rig ht to demand not only your cooperation Luc vour protection . The assembly of which you ' are the creators meets on Tuesd : _ivnext : they nre vour representatives and ib " - expoiients ' of your will 5 and as our _Aove ' mint was for tbe Charter , and is for tbe ( . ' _¦ .,- „•'« r _, i ihe Uud , I . _- »«» ' call upon you to _protr-et me—to protect you r representativesaad t < i protect our cause , _agj _tinst the folly , the _i-mor-uice _, or enthusiasm by _% vmch ' mu y _uW-ed . I call upon you ' fro _™ every town in England , in Scotland , and * " " Wales , to _aduruiM our representatives in i _^* cmvcn '
T O The Old G Uards. Ol.Tj Grakds, I ^ L...
tion , and respectfull y to tell them , that our demand is for the People ' s Cl . arter unmutilated and whole ; and to tell them , tbat we have never attempted to mix up any other question with this great movement , but that we have protected it at great risk and expense against tbe juggling of those who , like the showman at Conciliation Hall , present a new puppet to their gaping audience when the" old one has lost its charm . Old Guards , I administer this caution , because various attempts are being made to overrun our movement by one of a more fashionable description , and in proof of which I give you the following anonymous letter , which is but a sample of many I _' receive . Here it is : — 27 th MarchI 48 tion , _nndresuectfnllv tn t _» ll _n , _^ , * i . _« . ....
„ . . , g . SlE , — -I take leave to inform yoa ihat an important section of educated men , comprising the leading liberals 01 _Jlarylebone , have for the last six Wednesday and Saturday nights , debated the relative value of the British monarchy and a Republic ! Out of some two hundred sensible men , two only were found on a division voting for the British monarchy ! The body I allude to , is the Portland-street Political Club of _Cogitators , and the two monarchists were and are Chartists ! Is it true , Sir , that monarchy with all its vices , under even the most perfect system , is an indispensable clement of government with your political sect ?
Tke people of london are , in forty-eight such clubs , at present discussing sueh organic points as that ! may it not be wiser in you and others , trusted by the mass of the people , to permit a . fair settling down of public opinion on the necessity for bold changes , than to peril your influence once again in thwarting the middle classes of England ! I bare the honour , Sir , to be yens obedient servant , A London Republican . To Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., H . P _.- ' Prom the above , you will learn that only two were Chartists—that the other one hundred
and ninety-eight were middle-class philosop hers ; and , perhaps , you will be astonished when I tell you that , 6 f the _forty-eight clubs mentioned , many of them are for an Education Suffrage , and Triennial Parliaments , and a many more for a Remission of Taxation , but especially of the Window-tax . And I publish this letter for the purpose of reminding you that the very same trick was attempted to be practised by Dr Bowring and his class in 1839 , when he declared that tbe Charter did not go far enough for him , as he would enfranchise women . A gain , the Sturge Conference said they would give us all the principles , but only required us to dispense with the name .
Well , having undergone a fall share of taunt and insolence upon this subject , and while many may presume that a more moderate demand would give me additional weight , and a more respectable positiou in the House of Commons , I tell you that I would not present your petition under any other name , or if one particle of its principles were abated ; and , in the event of the prayer of that petition being denied , it will then become the duty of your representatives to decide the next step that . shall be taken , and it will become your duty implicitly to obey your own representatives .
Old Guards ! one of my principal reasons for appealing to you is , to protect our cause against the folly , or even the commendable enthusiasm of volunteers and recruits . I find from a report in yesterday ' s Morning Chronicle , that a Mr Vernon has been declaring , in Johnstreet , in favour of a Republic , and suggesting the intention of employing some ardent spirits to turn our procession on the 10 th of April into confusion and disorder . Now , far be it from me to resort to the old and disgraceful
trick of designating every man who may be led away by enthusiasm , as a spy . I do no such thing , and I impute to Mr Vernon and other enthusiasts no greater crime than that of indiscretion , an indiscretion which would arrest our cause at the very point from which success may be anticipated , and therefore I rely with confidence and assurance that every man who follows the National Will that day to the House of Commons will he a policeman , and will not allow either folly , indiscretion , or treachery to mar our cause .
I have received several letters warning me of the danger of joining in that procession ; but tbis is my answer to one and all : " That I would much rather be taken a corpse from amidst that procession , than dishonour myself , disgrace my country , and desert you , by remaining : away . '*' Old Guards ! the charges against me by the enemy have been numerous , but cowardice has never been one of tbem ; and , so help me God , if I had my _? choice , whether I would meet six bullies , at twelve paces , with pistols , one . ifter the other , or see our cause damaged by follv , I ] would prefer the former alternative ;
and as to Republic or Monarchy , let the power behind the throne be greater than the throne itself , let labour elect its own representatives annually and pay them hononrabl j , and I dont care whether you put the Pope , tie Devil , or the Pretender upon the throne . Let the people be the base and the superstructure , and I care not three straws by what figurebead it is surmounted , But shall we , Old Guards , be driven to the hismiliating position of abandoning our thirteen years' movement ,
and adopting the suggestion of a middle class , and an anonymous writer , and especiall y when I tell you that the veritable middle class—tbat is the shopkeepers , and the agents between producers arid consumers—would be as great benefitters from the change as the working classes themselves . However , I am not prepared to constitute the middle class , or any other class , the organs of our movement , as you may depend upon it , that once surrender to them they would very soon be lost to you .
As a matter of course yeu will look with breathless anxiety to the reception of the National Will in the House of Commons ; and , if I am not mistaken , there will be * both a very different debate and division upon it than ever there has been before , and always bear in mind that one of our objects is to test the new House upon this great principle , and that many professing advocates may rejoice at being able to call attention to the disorderly conduct of the mob , as they call the people , as a justification for tbeir own apostacy . However , there is one thing , of which you may rest assured , and it is this : that no disturbance will be created
by any but our own party , as it would not just now be the wish or the interest , nor would it serve the purpose of the Government to produce a riot ; while if we should be attacked , while marching peaceabl y and constitutionally with our petition , as we did in 1843 , when the Tories were in power , the men of Aberdeen , of Dundee , of Stirling , Dunfermline , and Edinburgh ; of Paisley , Ayr , Kilmarnock , and Glasgow ; of Dumfries , Carlisle , andNewcastle : of Hull , York , and Leeds ; of Halifax , Bradford , and Huddersfield ; of Dewsbury , Keighley , and Barnsley ; of Manchester , Bolton , and Preston ; of Ashton , _Duckinfield , Hyde , and Staleybridge j of Chorley , Heywood , and
Middleton ; of Lancaster , Blackburn , and Burnley ; of Liverpool , Wigan , and "Warrington ; of Sheffield , and Kotlierham ; of _Birmingham , Stourbridge , and Kidderminster of _Bromsgrove , Dudley , and Walsall ; ol Bilston , _Nottingham , Derby , and Leicester of Northampton ; of Bath , Bristol , and Exeterof Totness , Plymouth , and Penzance ; of Newton Abbott , and Torquay ; of Merthyr Tyd vd , Mimiiioutl ) , and New-pint ; and all the vast tributary streams where the social mind Hows into the ' political reservoir at this side of the channel ; and Dublin , with all the _tOWHS of Leinster ; Cork , with all the towns of _Muns-ter ; _Galw-av , and all the towns of Connaugbt ; Belfast aud all the towns of Ulster , would re-
T O The Old G Uards. Ol.Tj Grakds, I ^ L...
ceive the intelligence as the declaration of war against what is culled the legitimate rights of the subject . Old Guards , herein lies our strength ; in the tact that every town in England , in Ireland , in Scotland , and in Wales , is garrisoned with an inexhaustible love of our princi ples , backed with a firni resolution to make them the fundamental basis of the Constitution ; and while we are thus working for the outposts—while I have p inned my faith upon popular confidence and support , and based upon a life of unswerving devotion , what have we to fear in the citadel ? An attack upon us , while engaged in the discharge of a legitimate duty , would , as if by magic , change the demand for the Charter into something much more unpalatable . . .
Old Guards ! ask the youngsters who would now fain take the command of our movement , what they were doing when we were [ in prison ? Where they were when we were fighting in the Hall of Science at Manchester ; in the Town Hall of Sheffield ; in the Marketplace of Nottingham ? And when , in defiance of proclamation and magisterial orders , we held our meetings by day and by night , and when arrested b y tyranny , and by the apathy of the now enthusiastic , we have invariably started from that point where oppression stopped us .
Old Guards , what is life but liberty ? And where is the man living whose family has suffered so much tyranny and persecution as my family has suffered in endeavouring to secure the liberties ofthe people ? And just think bow the eldest of that family , now in his eightysixth 3 ear , and in the fiftieth year of his banishment for advocating the very principles that I now advocate—think of the reward that that veteran will have received for tbe _persecutionhehas undergone , in being President of the first free Parliament that ever sat in France . Yes , Arthur O'Connor , the Irish
rebel , will be the President of the Parliament of regenerated Fiance . But , lest you might think that I cite this fact from any desire to be equally rewarded for my serrices , I repeat what I have told you a thousand times , that , whilst struggling for your liberties , or when I have achieved your liberties , I will never accept of place , pension , or emolument ; and , if you had the Charter to-morrow , I _^ vould not accept of a seat in Parliament , nor of any office except that of unpaid Land Bailiff , for the
cultivation of your allotments , the erection of your houses , and the liberation of your families ; and if that land were locked up from you to-morrow , I would not give you one penny for the Charter , because , until Nature ' s market is open for all who choose to enter it , the working classes would , under the Charter , be as much at the mercy of the capitalists as ever , while my anticipation from the Charter Is , by giving every man the full fruits of his own industry , to make willing idleness one of the greatest crimes ; and the ' value that I attach to
your position now is that you are in a better condition than the people of any other country in the world to apply the labour of the country to remunerative purposes , and simply because you have had seven whole years' instruc tion upon the subject , besides the benefit of my eighteen years' previous preaching upon the subject , while during my incarceration in York Castle I commenced my writings upon it , and have continued them without intermission to the present time ; while after two years practical operations , I have come to the conclusion that the Land and the Charter are worth living for , and worth dying for , to bequeath them as political and social benefits to generations yet unborn .
Old Guards , read this over , and over again , to your comrades . It will make your old hearts jump with joy . Call every man a slave who has not signed the Petition ; call every man a coward wbo would not rather die a freeman than live a slave ; and call every man a traitor who , by folly or treachery , would mar the prospects now to be anticipated from our perseverance , our persecution , our suffering , and our torture for the last thirteen years .
And , whatever is my fate , though I will not halt in my legitimate course , nor be precipitated into unnecessary danger by the froth of ginger beer orators , yet I renew my pledge , not only to you , but to Ireland , that , if terror and persecution should come upon us I will smile both out of countenance , and , if needed , will die , as I have lived , a true lover of liberty ; Your faithful friend and General , Feargus O'Coknok .
Tue French Nation Andthe National Associ...
TUE FRENCH NATION ANDTHE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . The Central Committee being desirous of using every occasion to advance the great cause they have so much at heart , embraced the e irliest opportunity which the late extraordinary movement in France offered to them , to take such steps as appeared cal . culated to add dignity to the movement , and bring it more prominentJy before public observation . Tkey , therefore , deemed it their duty to send an address to the working classes of France , in the
name and on behalf of the National Association , expressive of their sympathy and admiration—atthe rare combination of unequalled courage , dignified , _magnanimous generosity , wbich bas eo pre-eminently distinguished tbeir lace noble , and happily successful struggles to burst asunder the trammels of a base and perfidious political despotism , and at tbe same time the galling oppression of a grasping and insatiable monejocracy . The attention of tbe trades is invited to that address , published in the Noktiibrs Star of March ISth , asd _als ? in the current number of the monthly report .
No official answer has yet been received by the Committee to that address ; but they are happy to find , frora the _following paragraph extracted from the Times newspaper of Wednesday , the 29 ih ult ., that the address has been received by the French government , and has been deemed of sufficient importance by the president and members of the ' Commission de Gouvernement pour les Travailleurs' for acknowledgment , through the medium of the Parisian press . In the French news of the Times ot Wednesday , it is said : — Tt was _nnderatood that an _addreBS had been received
by M . Louis Blanc from the Executive Committee of Great Britain , for the Protection of Industry , and for the Division of Agricultural and _Manufacturing Labour , of which T . S . Duncombe , M . P ., is the President , congratulating the French people on their late victory , _expressing a desire to bave a league formed between the working classes of the two countries to forward their mutual interests . It declares that the present is the hour for action ; tbat tho organisation of labour ists _eential to the well-being of the working man In . both conn tries ; aad concludes by calling' on the French , now that they have tha opportunity , to maintain that principle firmly , as being the death warrant of the _sjstem of cp pressiou which has hitherto existed .
We give it as our opinion _. mnst distinctly , that this is indeed the hour for action in tbis country as well as in Franee , if tbe working classes are ever de sirious of being anything nobler than wretched tools and serfs to the arrogant and heartless capitalist . It remains now to be proved whether tbe wronged , _robbud , and insulted helots of Great Britain , are prepared to make one determined effort to burst their bonds asunder , or tamely , hopelessly , _iiinominiously , to hug their chains , and biw their willing necks for the iron heel of capital to trample on . The noble-minded working men of Paris , justly relying on _thesacrednessof their fame , undauntedly braved the hundred thousand bayonets , the frowning batteries , and the various * other efficient appliances , so considerately _prepared for tfleru by the amiable aw * of EgalUc , nobly daring , they achieved an almost bkw . dless victory . If the _working classes of Great Britain arc really
_t . esirous ot rising to tbe condition of free men , they possess within themselves al ! the elements ot freed' . m . There is anorganisa'ion formed , by and _through which the means whicii tlicy possess , ma }' be so directed as to _accomplia ' _a much , though not all that ia necessary to place them in their proper position .
In The Eim&E And Propound And Advo Their...
S _*^^ / t "I v
. Tion V , L And ' Respectfull N To Tell...
_ L _'^ N AM ) NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL " - - XL 0 545 , __ LONDON , SATURDAY , APRIL 1 , ~ 1848 ~ _^^ . _SfTO _^ _W 1 ~ ~ ~ — — — ' —
To Tjie Imperial Chartists. Brother Char...
TO _TJIE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS . Brother Chartists and Fellow Labourers , The time has arrived when the mind of this country—which I have mainly created—and its union—which I have been instrumental in organising—will demand , at my hands , its proper direction . Prolixity and repetition are justifiable at this eventful period , because , the system that I have propounded must be accepted as a whole , and the means of its accomplishment is
the material point for your consideration . Let me once more repeat , then , what that system is , and what are the means for its accomplishment-The system is based upon social happiness , arising from individuality of possession , and co-operation ot labour , protected b y the possession of political power . The means of accomplishing the system were—the creation of a sound mind , the organisation of public opinion , and the proper direction ofthe public will .
I have not only shown 3 'ou wherein the Working Classes have been despoiled of every single social advantage-procured by political influences , hut I have further shown you , that even the _Teople ' s Charter would have been comparatively valueless if accomplished when the Reform Bill passed ; and for this simple reason because the mind of the country , inflatedlwith the joy of ari ideal triumph , without previous concert as to the application of
the victory to national instead of class purposes , would have been juggled out of its share of the triumph . It is now different , however , for in consequence of my thirteen years' incessant training the mind of this country , the sound mind , the mind of the industrial classes , sharpened by calamity , and warned by past disappointments and defeats , is now in a situation to extract from any change its own fair proportions of the victory .
And here let me digress for a moment , to answer the ribald nonsense of the Press / when it holds up the unsettled state of France , in its new " birth unto righteousness , ' as a terror and hobgoblin to affright you with the horrors of change . You must understand , as I have explained-to you a thousand times , that the _drawbacks , the obstacles to immediate benefit to the French people , arising from their glorious revolution , are consequent upon the terror
of the system under which they lived , and the oppression of the tyrant under whose treacherous reign public opinion could be but whispered , and that public mind , as it were , could only be created by what the law calls conspiracy . The impossibility ofthe Provisional Government of France at once realising all the hopes [ entertained from a change of system , is chargeable upon the terror of the system that they have destroyed .
France is driven to the alternative of creating a mind , to mould new events to national purposes by a kind of ready reckoner , and hence the necessity of postponing the Election of Delegates to represent the new system ; while in England , if the Charter was proclaimed on Monday , on Tuesday the materials for carrying out a new system would be ready for use . France , if allowed the use of speech , would have hurled the money grubbing Autocrat from his stool many years ago ; but if those changes , which sound opinion is ever sure to accomplish , had taken place
_progressively , after the enthronement of the monster in 1830 , the Monarch of the People might have still reigned as the Executive head of the nation ; the blood of the people would have been spared , and the power behind the throne being greater than the throne itself , would at any given moment have been able to displace the monarch without injuring the _constitution . It was Louis Philippe , thon , who not only created the Revolution in France , hut it was he who . led to the organisation of ardent spirits throughout the world ; and to his intrigues—to his tyranny and
oppression , all fallen monarchs owe their tate . He was the headsman of the league of Kings against the league of People ; to his cunning . to his avarice , and to his treachery , the league of monarchs looked for the protection of their thrones . And here allow me again to remind you of what I have oftentimes stated , namely , that the present movement is a league of the Democracy of each class against the aristocracy of its order , and that the convulsion would end in a league of people against the league of kings . Well , the very , the identical same causes which have led to a change of system by a
_revolutions France , are now existing in Ireland . The mind of the Irish people has been fed on moonshine . The brain of Ireland has heen turned into a kaleidescope , in which the juggler exhibited its varied beauties . Trafficking politicians and political pedlars have held the Irish mind in base and servile subjection , in order that they mig ht eke a livelihood out of the servile prostitution they had created . And now the ardent and enthusiastic young spirit that cannot brook 'delay , consequent upon the creation of anew mind , is precisely in the same situation as the mind of France , debused
and brutilied by its juggler . It is different , however , with the English mind ; for , again I repeat without fear of contradiction , that notwithstanding the glorious feats and heroic de * votion by which tyranny has been struck down _throughout Europe , that yet England is the only country in Europe which , upon the achievement of political freedom , is prepared , on the moment , to establish its secure social system , which will place every man ab once in the situation of living in happiness , contentment , and peace upon the fruits of his own industry .
Now , my friends , in the midst of passing commotion , I am neither going to lose my head nor my courage , nor am I going to allow the syRtem , upon which I hope to base your happiness , to be destroyed either by the terror of the oppressor , or the folly of the advocate . I mean to hold my position with courage and resolution . I mean to secure happiness for your families , protected _. by the law , without trenching upon the legitimate rights of others , or to die , if need be , in the attempt ; hut no folly nor imprudence shall mar your prospects nor my hope .
This preface to the constitution which 1 shall now take the liberty of suggesting to the Provisional Government of France , I have written principall y for the purpose of convincing you and the French people , that neither should be disappointed or intimidated by the fact , of much time and deep deliberation being necessary to produce order out of that chaos which tyranny has established in France , in one shape or other , for the last fifty-six years ; and further , let me again impress this fact emphatically upon your minds , that the revolution of 1818 was marked by extreme humanity ,
generosity , and clemency , because effected by the people themselves—while the revolution of 17 _J > 3 was marked hy deedsthe most sanguinary , atrocious , and cruel , in consequence of tiie English minister ( Pitt ) employing your money to create that sanguinary state ot tilings wliich would affright the world at the very thought of popular rule- and that in the present y fate of _English poverty , the minister relies upon the prostitution of the Press to create that terror and alarm in _18-iS , which English money , English spies , and English ruffianism , created in 1793 .
Form Of Government. Representative Syste...
FORM OF GOVERNMENT . REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM . Every man , ef twenty * one years of age , of sane mind , arid untainted with crime , to have a vote . The kingdom to be divided into not more . than four hundred electoral districts ; each district to elect one representative . Two representatives , returned by the same district , may even , with the protection of the ballot ,
cause an injurious coalition , while the election of one would represent the majority of the people . Voting to be bj ballot . Elections to be annual . The representatives to sit by day . No canvass of any kind to be allowed previous to an election . The elections to be taken in one day in places sufficiently convenient for the voters to go to vote , and return , in two hours . The candidates to send their written
intention , ot offering themselves for election to the electoral district returning officer , ten clear days , at the least , before the day of nomination , and no candidate to address the electors , except on , the day of nomination , and any proved canvass of the electors to disqualify a candidate from offering himself . That all candidates must have attained the age of twentyfive years , which shall be their onl y qualification . . That the members shall be paid for their services .
This , in our language , I will call the House of Commons , consisting of members of not less than twenty-five years of age , and elected by a majority of the voters in each district . The next branch of the Legislature is the Tipper House , which I will call the
HOUSE OF ELDERS , or the Senate , if you please . The Senate to consist of not more than one hundred and fifty members , and , in the first instance , to be elected hy the House of Commons b y delegation from their constituents , who , at the election for representatives to the House of Commons , should also vote in the first instance for Senators . The one hundred and fifty having
the greatest number of votes to constitute that assembly . Every Senator to have attained his thirtieth year , and that to be his only qualification . _One'thii-d of the Senators—those who have tbe lowest number of votes—to retire each year , thus adding new blood to the Senate , no Senator being allowed . "to sit for more than three years , and the third being elected annually—the retiring Senators to be eligible to reelection .
THE EXECUTIVE . The Executive to consist ofa council of five-All _persons of thirty years of age to be eligible . ' Hie Executive Council to be elected by the whole people . The President ofthe Council to be elected for life , subject to removal bythe people . The Councillor having the greatest number of votes to be the President . The Vice-President to be elected for seven years , but removable by the people for cause . The Vice-President , in case of the death of the President , to hold the office of President until the next * meeting of the Commons , when the members , by delegation from their constituents , shall elect a President . The other three Councillors to be elected for three years , but removable by
the people for cause . Those three members of the Executive Council to be eligible to be re-elected , and their election to he made by the House of Commons , hy delegation from the voters . The appointment of judges and all officers of State to be left to the Executive Council , with responsibility to the people , and removable by the House of Commons . The magistrates to be appointed by the people in their several districts within the electoral districts , and , at the same time that ] the election for representatives takes place , and due notice of the intention to oppose the election of any magistrate , or to propose substitutes , must be made in writing to the district officer fourteen days , at least , before the election .
LOCAL GOVERNMENT . Each Electoral District to appoint twelve Justices of the Peace who shall constitute a local board for the due performance of all local business , thus destroying that system of centralisation which has grown up in this and other countries , and leaving the assessment and levying of local taxation as well as the enforcement of education , of instruction , trade , and labour regulations , to be legislated upon hy this local board of twelve magistrates . And one half of this tribunal , added to six persons annually appointed , to constitute the legal tribunal before which offenders charged with the following offences should be summarily tried : —Theft , willing idleness , drunkenness , and riotous conduct or fraud .
Now , such is a brief outline of my notion of a constitution ; and there are two points which require some explanation , —the one isthe appointment of the President for life , — and the other is—the conferring upon the Executive Council the power of appointing judges and State officers . My reason for appointing the President of the Executive Council for life is twofold . Firstly . To avoid those sad demoralising and injurious contests which now lead to faction fights and popular disorder in America , where the President is elected for four years—two
years of which are wasted in canvass , ivhich leads to the formation of factions and parties merely bound together b y some ignorant cry or foolish predilection _. while the subsequent two years are spent in faction fights and party squabbles between the partisans of the successful and unsuccessful candidates , and thus do we rind every day in the year devoted to these useless purposes . And , in my conscience , I believe that thia injudicious method of electing an American President will in the end lead to a National Debt—a standing army —a moneyocracy—an oligarch y and classlegislation . I would , therefore , make the
President free by electing him for life , but removable on cause ; thus unfettering him from all party obligations and fears , and allowing him to develope his mind , his talent , and his feelings , unshackled by any paity consideration , while the ambition of the Vice-President and Councillors to fill his place upon fair op . portunity , would lead to honourable emulation and ambition in the discharge of their duties , while his tenancy for life would secure him against their intrigues , and cause perfect harmony to reign , as a shrewd people would never tolerate those party squabbles or allow them to affect the deliberations of their Executive Council .
The other point which you may suppose to require some explanation , is the appointment of Judges and State officers by the Executive Council , The very same reason operates upon my mind in this respect which induces me to oppose the present system of electing the American President , The appointment « f those officers by the Council may be looked upon as patronage , but it is more safe , as both the officer .--- , aiul the
purty appointing them , are responsible to the people , and removable by the people , than if the people themselves were seduced into party squabbles upon subjects on ., which they could not possibl y be as good or competent judges as those to whom 1 submit the choice . Such is my notion of a perfect Constitution —of course , and capable of improvement in the varied details of perfect local governmentbut 1 merel y propound the system that would lead to it . The Ministers of the people should be elected by the House of Common ? . They should sit
Form Of Government. Representative Syste...
in the Eim & e and propound and advo their measures ; but neither they , nor any official receiving other wages than the salary of a representative , should vote upon any question . There should be no standing army but a National Militia ; every man should be armed , and every district should have its arsenal ; every man , from eig hteen io thirty , should be drilled half a day in every week ; and every man , from thirty to fifty , should be drilled halt a day in every month ; and there should be aa Electoral District inspection upon one day in everv year . in the _Htfnse and propound and advo their
Religion should be free . There should be no State Church establishment ; and no country should possess or hold dominion over anyforeign country or any colony separated from the territory by prescribed or natural boundary . Every three years I would have a Convocation of States , where the President of each Republic should meet in Convention , for the purpose of discussing international laws , of harmonising nations , and of reciprocally conferring mutual benefits the one upon the other , and I would have some one universal language which all people in all States should learn . Trade should be free as the air . The Land
should he subdivided to meet the _^ wants of the people ; the wages ofthe artificial labourer would be then regulated by the standard established in a free labour market ; the manacles should be struck off the limbs of every slave ; the liberty ofthe press , the liberty of speech , the freedom of opinion , and freedom of labour , should be proclaimed ; every nation should govern itself ; your fleets would be turned into carrying vessels , to convey the necessaries of
one country , and to bring back the luxuries o £ another ; those who discharged their public _duties faithfully , should be paid honourably gaols , and bastiles , and prisons , should be turned into schools , colleges , and hospitals ; trades should be taught without apprenticeship ; agriculture should be taught by practice ; education should be received in schools and colleges upon the self-sustaining principle ; the arts and sciences would flourish ; the
country would he a Paradise , * society would be harmonised ; happiness , contentment , and plenty" would reign ; the throne of supremacywould be based upon popular affection ; the cottage would be a sentry-box ; manufactures would flourish ; trade would be prosperous ; commerce would thrive ; no National Debt should be contracted ; the medium of exchange should be simple * , plenty , comfort , and luxury would be within the reach of every industrious man , and the willing idler should be whipped as a criminal . No money bartering , no Stock
Exchange , no profitmongering , except upon honourable competition , and recognised speculation ; and then , if the tocsin sounded to arms , the . freeman would fly to the cry of " M y castle is in danger . " The voice of Knowledge would silence the cannon ' s roar ; bigotry and intolerance would flee the land ; all the best qualities of man would be nurtured into virtuous habits , instead of , as now , being thwarted into vices . Such is a system worth living for , and worth d ying for . Feargus O'Connor .
Immense Chartist Meeting At Nottingham F...
IMMENSE CHARTIST MEETING AT _NOTTINGHAM FOR . THE ELECTION OF A DELEGATE TO THE CONVENTION .
A numerously signed requisition of inhabitant householders having been _presented to the mayor , requesting him to call a public meeting in the Guildhall , for the purpose of electing a delegate to tho National Convention , the Mayor declined calling the meeting , but granted the use of the Hall ; the _Requisitionists called the meeting for Monday evening last , March 27 th . At . seven o ' clock , long before the time of meeting , tbe hall was crowded in every part , and an immense concourse of people had assembled outside . Mr Bostock was unanimously
called to the chair , when the meeting was adjourned to the square in front of the Hall , which was densely crowded . Mr George Julian Harney was elected delegate to tbe Convention , and a resolution _, passed , instructing the delegate to inform the Convention tbat this should be the last petition they , the Chartists of Nottingham , would adopt 50 long as class legislation should exist . A vote of thanks was unanimously passed to Messrs Mitchel , W . S . O'Brien , M . P ., and Meagher , for the bold stand they have made for the emancipation of their unfortunate fellow countrymen .
This was one of the largest out-door meetings ever held in Nottingham . The Towiuhall could not contain one-fourth of tbe people assembled .
( From the Times . ) A very numerous meeting was held in the Townhall ' , and by adjournment in the street , at Nottingham , on Monday evening last , to elect a delegate to represent the Chartists in the forthcoming Convention , whicii is to assemble in London on Monday next . For half an hour previous to the time forthe business of the evening to be commenced—the hall being densely crowded—Mr Skerritt read reports appearing in the Times of that day of proceedings in Ireland , which excited feelings somewhat similar to those manifested in 1839 and 1842 , when attempts were made by the Chartists to disturb the public peace . On the adjournment taking place ,
soon after seven o'clock , speeches were made by Messrs Jonathan Barber , Roberts , Harrison , Souter _, Skerritt , and Bostock , all working men , the last acting as chairman , containing sentiments of an inflammatory character , directed against tbe aristocracy , priesthood , and Royalty , and in favour of revolutionary and Republican principles . A brief extract or two from the addresses will serve as specimens of the doctrines promulgated . The first speaker , who was a leader amongst the Chartists in 1839 and 1842 , and was apprehended at that time and taken before the authorities , said , ' The time had arrived when tbe world could do without Royalty j and to get rid of kings and priests , whom their forefathers in their ignorance had deemed necessary to
be made governors . Royalty ought not to cost this nation £ 360 , 000 a-year besides the salary of the Consort . It was more than probable danger would overtake them very soon ; he would not shrink from danger ; he did not in 1839 . ' Europe , ' said he , ' is panting for liberty ; shall England be behind tbe rest of the world ? ' ( Cries of ' No , no . ' ) Mr G . Harrison , another well-known Chanist agitator , said , ' it was his opinion , whoever should be elected , the Chartist delegate should be prepared to act in case of the government refusing the people ' s petition ; and he and the members of the Convention should not leave London till their object was accomplished . He wished tbe advice of Ernest Jones to be taken , and Lord John Russell to be impeached ; and he would have the Convention resolve itself into
a Parliament , and a struggle take place as to which of the two Parliaments should submit . The moment was assuredly coming when the bravery , the integrity , the courage , and fidelity of the new delegate would be put to the test , for their enemies were making preparation for the day of trial . lie should not say what the Chartists were to do , but their empty pantries , bedless rooms , shoeless children , and empty houses , would dictate what they ought to do if they intended to be free ; the man who had only one life , and feared to give it , was not worthy of living in the land . ' ( Applause . ) The motion was passed with acclamation that no more petitions
shall go to the Ilouse of Commons from Not ting _, bam except the one about to be presented in favouc of the Charter , and that instructions to that effect be given to the Convention . Seven candidates , namely , Messrs Skerritt , Harrison , M'Douall , J . Barber , Sweet , and Roberts were nominated , and the show ef hands was decidedly in favour of George Julian Harney , of London , who was declared to be duly elected a member of the National _Convention After cheers for the Charter , the Irish Patriots , and Feargus O'Connor , and a vote of thanks to tbe Mayor for the use of the hall ( 011 hearing this latter proposition a _yoice exclaimed , ' It will be ours in a fortnight' ) , the meeting quietly dispersed .
Barnsley—The Inhabitants Of Barnsley And...
Barnsley—The inhabitants of Barnsley and i _« vicinity are _rcjicctfuli . v informed , that there wid be a publio camp meeting on _Bsreboner ,, at two o ' clock , on Sunday afternoon , to take into consideration tbe propriety ot adopting an address to the sp _irits ) , _tid . _nUJ , and _pftti-iotio _leader of the Irish , _peonlt-, _iisaiuat whom the base and execrable Whig government ol Ireland have commenced prosecution . Elland . —A camp _meeting will be hAl at this _plac ,-, on Sunday . April 2 nd , at two o ' clock in the afternoon , when Messrs Shackleton , Rusllton Bow den , and others , will address tlio « _neetiS ffi _^ i _-Z _rram thediffcreht _delations in \ _SricT _^ 11
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 1, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_01041848/page/1/
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