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TO-THEIMPERIAL-CHAItTlSTS
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Mr DeasFriekds . -I trastih atby this tu...
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' '' ': T&.MW^KL TRlfel s* IqPrIaL. - ; ...
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VOL. X. NO. 442- LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY T...
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¦Imperial tolwmeut
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HOUSE OF LORDS-THBBsnAY , Aran, 23. - RA...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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To-Theimperial-Chaittlsts
_TO-THEIMPERIAL-CHAItTlSTS
Mr Deasfriekds . -I Trastih Atby This Tu...
Mr _DeasFriekds _. -I trastih atby this _tuneyou entertain the _^ ef ftati did _. not _venture upon a _mereh _^ na _^ _ttd gness wheri I pointed out the _"many collateral _questions _^ Bol _*^ PeeiV _«» _imnereial policy , and that I did not make muehof amiscalcnfetion as toihe period when ihe measures still debating would be brought toa final dose . "Doubtless you recollect tliesangurae _anticipations of the free tradeparty upon the conversion of Peel and Wellington to their policy . Youalso recollect my predictions for the last eight years , tiiat three years , at least , _would be the period that any
Minister would -require for finally adjusting the question . Ton remember my several retorts npon the guesses of the lime * as to the certainty of TOTAL REPEAL . Youremember that a fortnight More Sir Bx » * bert * 8 present policy was hinted at in tlie City article of the Times , thatlhad faithfully sketched the very project with which he met Parliament ; upon . Ton recollect that for months the Times was occupied in allaying the fears ofthe landed interest , with the assurance that every country in Europe , as well aa England , required an additional supply to meet the year's scarcity . Well , now read the following from the Times of this ( Wednesday ) morning : —
COBN-EXCHA 3 JGE , _Mosdat , Aran . 27 . The arrivals daring tbe past week were moderate of an British grain , bnt ABUNDANT OF FOREIGN . The supply of wheat from abroad equalled _abont 20 000 quarters , with about 20 , 000 "barrels of flour from America . The continued delay of the Corn Bill operates very prejudicially for basinets in this market , and is beginning to work with serious injury npon the interests of both impor ters and- ' purchasers . The OVERLOADED STATE OP THE 6 BAXARTE 3 ASD THE _COSTIHUUD
ASRIVALS , _-without aay immediate prospect of clearance , keep the foreign trade in an altogether stagnant state , and disarrange the coarse of badness to an extent only known to those' engaged in it ; * •' ¦¦ '* Sow , what do . joa think _oT _0 _^ 'ABJ 3 M ) A _^ T it _^^ _mmBSms _^^ m _^^ _sM oveiu LOADED STATE OF THE GRAIN RIES AND EXPECTED ARRIVALS ? " —while we . hear of frightful scarcity in Belgium and other countries on the continent of Europe . "Bear in mind , that in reply to all the rigmarole _fastiaa of hired editors , I have been constantly dinning the fact into yonr ears , that foreign prices , however high , would not
rnle the English market : that , however scarcity may prevail in 'other _conntrfes , free trade in a . rich market would Invite foreigners to export to that market , not their _Burplus , but what was actually required for the necessities of the exporting state ; in short , that the foreign merchant or English specula tor never entertained the question as to the ability of any country to spare the amount exported . Well , I think the abore admission from the Times of this morning fully establishes the truth of my assertion . Then , with regard td the policy of the free traders ;
yon recollect that in my several letters io Mr . Cobden I warned him that { he question of free trade would merge into one of political intrigue , and that , when that day arrived , he would merge the commercial in the political question . Well , S 3 far as _parsing events can sustain this position , they daily strengthen it ; because we find Mr . Cobden dining with Lord Monteagle and others of the Whig Ministry and expectants of office ; we find Lords Palmereton and Grey contending for the patronage of "Mr . Cobden , and we find him on all hands an _expectant for political power .
My friends , when I have been right upon so many questions , upon which the entire press of the country and a large amount of priblic opinion has been in error , I consider my opinions entitled to some weight with your order . The future prospects of this country—her difficulties _andjdangers—are mapped very clearly to my view , _hoveyer the press may attempt to obscure them from "vulgar vision ; or however confidence in thestrength ofa Ministry only now powerful by an unnatural coalition may appease the fears of the trafficking community . I tell you that , however the present great question may terminate , Peel , like Acteon , will be torn by his own dogs . I
have told you that it was one thing to reconcile a party to be Bh ' orn of a portion of their political power , while they still possessed sufficient to uphold their sway aad preserve their privileges , because they well knew that resistance to tiie national demand might be followed by the requirement of Jarger concessions—but that it Was another thing to reconcile thero , at one and the same time , to a loss of property , patronage , station , and power . It is not the interest , nor has it ever been the policy , of Sir Robert Peel
to court popular support as a means of Ministerial strength . He boasts of being a Constitutional Minister , yea , so confirmed is he in the usage of Parliament , that , like thB Welsh Judge who preferred being drowned in his carriage _because there was no precedentfor a Judge sitting on the box with his coachman , that I verily believe Peel would prefer being buried In the rains of the House of Commons , rather than commence business before the Chaplain of the Speaker had sanctified the building , aud asked a blessing for the members .
Neither would it be the interest of the Whig party or ofthefree trade party to promote agitation just now . The fall of Peel must be constitutional and the restoration ef the Whip must be unpremeditated and unsought : for- It must be an act of necessity indadire necessity , anecewitjtheevilsof which may be averted and whieh may be turned to good if you are PREPARED FOR THE DAY OF ACTION . Let us now take a brief view of the many dangers
that threaten both at home and abroad . America , Tvith a vast influx of Irish vengeance and English Chartism being daily wafted to her shores , _isincreasbg in growing hostility to her imperious parent America feels and knows that the standard of democracy once practically established in that conn try , and the non-intervention principle once decided upon , English oligarchical power must tremble and fall before the growing genius of aa enlightened people .
France holds her peace npon the fragile life of an old man . Spain is in revolt Portugal is in rebellion . Prussia is demanding aconstitution . Switzer land is looking to the remodelling of her Republic . The Italian states of Austria are only held in bondage by a military sway and police surveillance that is becoming too expensive for their tyrants . The Northern tyrant is trembling upon his throne for the atrocities he has committed in Poland . The Austrian is co-partner in Ms misdeeds , "particeps criminis" in Lis guilt . England thus threatened from abroad is surrounded with domestic difficulties . Ireland , outraged by her foul dominion , but watches the
opportunity to throw off her yoke , while at home her every town is garrisoned with its myriads of nnwilling slaves who never have been reconciled to her policy or her law , with minds growing in intellectual greatness , eachinspmng the other with thehope of a better future , aU communing together , all preparing to act together ; all mclining to the one opinion , t © tbe same reserve , that the POSSESSION OF THE LAND , and that alone , can place them ia the situation of freemen , make them independent of the mystery of the law , the caprice of capital , tbe whim of the justice , the' _centralination of government and the dominion of class legislation .
In my letter of last week , I told you , that all who looked beyond ihe present machinery for the adjustment of _party squabbles are now directing their attention towards that very project which , for years , I have been _incessanfly instructing you upon . I have made calculations ofthe amount of revenue thata wise and honest application of Irish subscriptions would have placed at the command of the Irish leaders . But , alas ! there were too many claimants for the dribbling pence , too many mouths open for the seducing offering . At length , however , the
Nation newspaper , as you will find from an extract published elsewhere , has been compelled to _recommead ihe adoption of our policy . Nay , reviled as we are , I defy the nicest critic to point me out one ¦ ingle improvement made in the machinery ef free trade or repeal agitation tbat has not been taken from Chartist policy and adopted after successful trial by ns . This is not wonderful , because those who wear the shoe are the most likely to feel where it pinches ; those who have suffered the most heavy persecution are the most likely to discover the pro fl table time for braving its vengeance , and the
seasonable period for abstaining from conflict . My friends , I have shewn you that it ia not the policy of Peel , of the Whigs , or free traders , to exhaust public opinion just now in premature agita tion , and I have laboured hard to convince you tha it is not oar policy to do so either ; butit is the policy
Mr Deasfriekds . -I Trastih Atby This Tu...
of the Protectionists who watch -the tide of events a a godsend , in the hope of stren gthening the pretensions of Lord Stanley and the old Tory party who grasp for an opportunity to restore the dominion of their faction in this country and in Ireland . Now , herein lies our difficulty ; while we avoid Scylla we must not fall npon Charybdis . While we pronounce " against old Whiggery we must not enlist under the banners of old Toryism . Infightin g the battle of protection under Stanley Bentinck , and Miles , we
, would be fighting against ourselves and nvettmg chains which it may cost us years to throw . eft whereas _remaininga party of observation _. determined to act as an army of occupation when the squabblers of the several factions shall have weakened their united power , we become respected , strong and dreaded . I am induced to write in this tone because an attempt is being made in the mannfactunng districts to seduce us into an unnatural coalition , to force us into an unseasonable agitation . ' _^
Wherflhave beenengagedin unravelling the whole question of free-trade for yoa , ihe very "Pimps " who are now seeking to cajole you described me as the hired tool of the landlords . I told yon a thousand times , that , if I protected _tbeU-plunder from the ravaging power of the free traders , I merely , did somitil yon should bep _1 _« p _^ t ! _eTtm establish yonr cWm and h ave yonr full share in the partition . The value that I havesnbwn you to exist in the land , the great , the mighty , the cheering progress that you have made in the knowledge of agricultural science , the longing , wishful eye with which you look upon the land as the only means of . your redemption from slavery ; the trust and fervent hope that its possession will restore yon to . _your just position in society , mate von kind and fostering parents instead of crue ]
taskmasters " ; that it will make your virtuous wives amiable instead of disreputable in the eyes of society and the world ; that it will make your little children grow up tonature ' sstandard instead of _beingstunted to the growth prescribed by machinery ; that it will make yon demand , not beg , fer equal , . laws , with the aristocracy to protect your inheritance , your rights , and your privileges ; all these cheering anticipations confirm me in the belief that you areprepared for the division of party , for THE PARTITION OF THE SOILandforihe assertion of your rights .
, 1 strengthened in this belief by the fact tha * every pen now writes about , every tongue now talks about , every brain now thinks about—the MAD POLICY of Feargus O'Connor J If ever inclined to betray you it would be less than ever worth my while at the present moment , when you are npon the eve of victory , and when the several contending parties will be compelled to [ court and supplicate your aid . I owe a debt to the Irish oligarchy _^ and it is the twin
brother ofthe Englisholigarchy , which no other man living does owe them , and just at the time when their broad dominion is tottering and must fall , I am not the man to " prop their staggering corruption , to uphold their ill-used power . Who , may I ask , is now the paid tool ofthe landlords . Those who are in counsel , those who are in league , those who are in collusion with the hired tools ofthe Buckinghams and the Richmonds , or Feargus O'Connor ?
My friends you have never thought soberly for an hour on the plant and growth of Chartism ; yon have never reflected upon its purity and virtue ; it has never struck you that its strong sense of right and justice , and not the denunciation of Feargus O'Gonnnor , has roused the profligate and driven the faithless from our ranks . The history of Chartism has never yet been written . It Bhall be one day , and then , if not fouled or deformed by its own supporters , it will stand fair contrast with any movement that the world has yet witnessed . It is a great and mighty monument ; a tower of strength to tbe righteous and a terror to the evil doer . Men of
Manchester , I learn that the emissaries ofthe English oligarchy , the boasted supporters of Church and King , the duckers of the Jacobins , the mortgagors of your labour , the -usurpers of your rights , the suppressors of your privileges , the abridgers of your amusements , the despoilers of your homes , are amongst you , and I have been invited to meet , oppose and expose them . ; Bnt , think for a moment what a reflection my acceptance of the invitation wonld be upon the courage and wisdom of tbe strongest of our garrisons . In Manchester there has ever been a home for the persecuted , even amongst the starving ; consolation for the oppressed , hope for the timid , and encouragement for the faithful .
What , then , could my pigmy power in such an unnatural war as the whole people against a few hired emissaries be more than as a drop of water in the ocean ? I tell you , men of Manchester , that I was warned of this move three months ago by an honest weaver in Spitalfields , who told me , that , although dangerous to him , I might publish his letter . He wrote to me that the agents of Buckingham had mistaken his house for that of Shenard , and that they had acknowledged to his wife that they had purchased the services of Shenard and others of his trade . It appears now that this man and his
coadjutors have enlisted the art of one who has long lived upon the defamation of Chartism , and that nnder such auspices you , the men of Manchester , are called upon to rally on Saturday next , at Stevenson's square . It wonld be presumption on my part even to hint to soldiers , every one of whom is a general officer , and therefore I merely write upon the subject fo tell you that your duty calls yoa to the battlefield—that to stay away will be set down to acquiescence , and that when youarethere I have little _, doubt that you will teach the pigmy foe the folly of seeking to convert a great movement into an oligarchical struggle for the preservation of landlord ' s
power . _«¦ Bide your time , " and if you cau believe that there is philosophy in Tory idleness , Whig idleness , and Free-Trade idleness , believe also that there is policy in Chartist idleness . The good general will always bring his troops fresh to the conflict—the reckless and foolish will offer them as an exhausted prey to the enemy . I have ever thought that execution should follow design as the thunder fallows the _lightning , and if we were now to exhaust our resources by fighting against the air , while there is no antagonist in the field , the Directors of yonr movement would be charged with imbecility if they presented an exhausted agitation to a fresh and
vigorous burst of factions strife . Had we called our Convention a fortnight ago we should have been engaged in talking about things that might happen , whereas , by watching events , we will cs . ll it when we cau MAKE THINGS HAPPEN , So with agitation . The country feels disappointed , when it is uselessly promoted and mischievously dissipates without leaving even the semblance of benefit behind Rely upon me when I assure you that tbe approaching Trade Conference at Manchester , and the approaching Chartist Convention to be held in London , will develope an amount of national strength never before exhibited in this world \ but then the intent must not be foiled by trafficking pedlars , who would as soon live upon dead as upon l _' mng Chartism .
I trust 1 have now paid enough te convince you of the duty you owe to _yourselves , your country , and your party ; as well as the debt you owe to those who would seduce you from yeur allegiance to one and al ) . It was my intention to have written this week upon the healthful state and future prospects of my rosyfaced infant , but I consider my first duty due to his eldest brother who is just gaining strength and re . covering from a long fit of illness , and I remain , my friends , Your ever faithful friend and servant , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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Vol. X. No. 442- London, Saturday, May T...
VOL . X . NO . 442- LONDON , SATURDAY , MAY _0 _ii 846 . * "~ " - _^^ _t _^ _S _^^ _T
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House Of Lords-Thbbsnay , Aran, 23. - Ra...
HOUSE OF LORDS-THBBsnAY , Aran , 23 . - RAILWAYS , — The Earl of Dalhousie brought forward the government measure for enabling Railway Companies tbat bad not obtained a corporate character to wind up their affairs and dissolve . The machinery by which" this object is to be effected having been * detailed by the noble earl at considerable length , he proceeded to observe , that as the bill would necessarily occupy Borne time in its progress through Parliament , and as it was not intended to adopt the recommendation , so strongly urged by the best authorities in commercial and mercantile affairs , of stopping _alUhe Railway Bills in progress , —the further proposition of the government was that a sessional or _* < ler
should be agreed to , to the effect that no bill should be read a third-time unless evidence was given , that a meeting of the stockholders ofthe company had been held , that that meeting consisted of the representatives of one-third of the stock of the company , and that three-fifths of that meeting voted in person or by proxyi'desired that the bill should pass . * He admitted that the course now recommended by the government waa an unusual one , but it waa one he thought called for by the unprecedented circumstances of the case . ¦ A short discussion ensued , in which Lords Brougham , Wicklow ,. Eglintoun , Clanricarde , and others took part , the bill was read a first-time _. and the house adjourned . - . > . ; -. •; _.-n- _- ! i _-
HOUSE OF _COMMONS—Thcrsoat , April 23
RAILWAY LEGISLATION . Sir R . Pbbl moved the following resolutions : — 1 . That this house will not read a third time any bU ' to empower any company ( whether intended to be incorporated by such bill , or already incorporated by act o f Parliament ) to construct a railway , unless three clear days before the third reading there shall have been deposited at the Private Bill-office , there to be open to the inspection of all parties , a certificate signed and authenticated in manner hereinafter mentioned , and comprising the particulars hereinafter expressed , and stating the following facts , viz .: —1 . That a copy of the bill was submitted to the consideration of a meeting of the scripholders of the company , or ( in case of a company already incorporated ) of the _shareholders or stockholders of tbe
company , specially called . for tbat purpose . 2 . That such meeting was called by advertisements , inserted once in each of two consecutive weeks in the London Gazette ( if the railway be an English or Scotch . railway ) , or in the _Londtm-and the Dublin Gazettes ( if the railway be an Irish railway ) , and in each case in at least three London daily newspapers , and not less than three times in each ¦ neb paper , in each of such two consecutive _weeks . 8 , In the case of the _coniptmy being intended to be incorporated by the bill — that such meeting was constituted of persons producing thereat scrip of the company representing not less than one-third part of the whole capital proposed to be raised by the company under the bill ( such scrip having been actually issued , or the deposits in respect thereof having been paid
before the 31 st of March in the present year ) . 4 . In the case of the company being already incorporated—that such meeting was held , except so far as is herein otherwise provided , according to the constitution of the company , and was constituted of shareholders or stockholders thereof competent to vote at the ordinary meetings ef the company , and representing either personaUy or as proxies not less than one-third part of the whole capital or stock of the company . 5 . That at sueh meeting thc bill was approved of by persons producing thereat scrip equal to at least three-fifthB of the total amount of scrip produced at the meeting ; or . in the case of a company already incorporated , by three-fifths at least ofthe meeting , the votes being given and computed acoordimr to the constitution of the company .
" II . That for the purposes of this order it shall be competent for the chairman of any meeting called in pursuance thereof , in the , event of the above prescribed quorum of scrip , shares , or stock ( as the case may be ) not being represented at such meeting , to cause the votes ofthe persons constituting the said meeting , approving or not approving of the bill , tebe taken and recorded , and then to adjourn the same to some day , hour , and place , to be declared by the chairman , such day not being less than three days , and not more tban one week from the original day of meeting , and such day , hour , and place being , in the meantime , advertised twice in each of three London daily newspapers ; and at such adjourned meeting it shall also be competent to the chairman thereof to cause to be taken and recorded the votes of such of the persons constituting the same as have not voted at tbe original meeting ; and the total amount of votes given at the original and adjourned meeting shall be received as if given at one and the same meeting .
III . That such certificate shall also comprise , in a tabular form , the following particulars : —1 . The day , time and place of the meeting , and of the adjourned meeting , if any ) , 2 . The dates of insertion of the advertisements for the meeting , and the names of the newspapers in which they were inserted . 3 . The names and addresses of the persons producing scrip at the meeting ; or , in the case ofa company already incorporated , the names and addresses of the shareholders , or stockholders , present at the meeting . 4 . The'denoting numbers , and the amount ofthe scrip respectively produced by the person- ; _s * producing the same at the meeting ; or , in the case of a company already incorporated , the respective amounts of shares or stock held or represented by the
shareholders or stockholders attending the meeting , 5 . The fact of the approval or non-approval of the bill ( as the case may be ) by the several persons producing scrip at the meeting , or by the several shareholders or stockholders attending the meeting . 6 . The total amount of scrip produced at such meeting , and the amount thereof produced by the persons approving of the bill ; or , in the case of a company already incorporated , the total amount of shares or stock represented , either in person or by proxy , at the meeting , and the amount thereof so represented by persons approving of the bill , 7 , The total amount ef the capital proposed to be raised by the company under the bill ; or , in the case of a company already incorporated , the total amount of the capital or stock of such company .
IV . That sueh certificate shall he signed hy the chairman of the meeting and by one of the solicitors of the company ; and the authenticity of such certificate shall hi verified by the signature of the Parliamentary agent depositing the same . He enforced the propriety of Parliament adopting these resolutions by a reference to the unwholesome extent to which railway speculation had attained , and which ; _was causing the greatest inconvenience to the monetary system of the country . Private individuals also were sustaining serious injury and vexation from the uncertainty of the law ; and these two _inwiBvenienceB combinetl to render it highly desirable that the present moment should be seized for making some legislative reform . A lengthy debate followed , in which a great number of the leading members expressed their opinions on the proposed
resolutions . These were generally favourable , but at the same time blame was thrown upon the government for hot having interfered sooner . Sir G . Clerk seconded the motion . Lord G . Bbntuvck charged the government with having largely contributed to the encouragement of that railway speculation which was now so generally reprobated ; it had not only diminished the rate of deposit _roquiredfor the prosecution of such projects ; but the head of it had actually himself become the hero of the silver trowel and of the mahogany wheelbarrow , when he broke the first sod of the Trent Valley Railway . Mr . Cardwell defended the conduct of government in reference to their transactions ; they were no further censurable than there was demerit in giving a stimulus to trade , and thereby easing the money market .
Mr . T , Dcncombe observed that the government might be responsible for not having proposed these ¦ re solutions earlier ; but that it certainly was not responsible for any encouragement given to the railway mania . He thought that these _resolutions came too late , and did not go far enough ; and therefore , after they were carried , he _wouldfsubmit to tbe consideration of the house another resolution , which , if adopted , would show the composition of these provisional committees and the objects for which their projects had been got up . He should propose that it be an instruction to the committee on every private bill originated in that house , relating to any railway , to institute a preliminary inquiry as to the persons , the time , and the means by which the enterprise was got up . No honourable committee would object to such an inquiry ; but all your bubble schemes would dissolve into thin air before it , and would be no more heard of . lie then read the following resolution : —
"Thatitbe an instruction to the committee on every private bill originated in this house relating to any railway , before proceeding with tho merits of such bill , to require to be produced before them , and verified by the promoters , without the appearance of counsel , —1 . A copy of the original return made for tho purposes of provisional registration , with the names ofthe promoters as then registered . " In explanation he had to state , that any man might go and get any scheme , how absurd soever , provisionally registered on paying £ 5 . In November and September last every man who dreamed almost of a railway got it registered . It would generally be found that most of the parties who registered were only solicitors or surveyors . " 2 . The names , _raidences , nnd descriptions of the _prejent and past provisional directors , treasurers , solicitors , secretary , and other officer * , if
House Of Lords-Thbbsnay , Aran, 23. - Ra...
any . " " Ho pro-visional directors could object to _having their , names placed before the committee appointed to . consider their own bill . . " 3 . The present and proposer ) ' amount . _dl- _^ ae capital of the company . 4 . y T he number of shares air "' the amount of each share . ' ' 5 . ' The number _ofanares _Mda _^ l _^ _Otted 'With thenamiig ; residences , aim _description _^ _' of me original ailbttees ) and the number of shares allotted'to each . " ' At present " ' the house compelled the prioSuctibrtofsuch information in the case of ' certain bills : " . ";;¦« ' . ft , . ' The ' amount of subscriptions paid by ; such , orh _] lhai' _' allot _^ eS' 7 ' Tne amoU of shares retained by _^ qr ' frif _^ 8 . 'amount : of _Subscriptions ; actually paid up by sueh _provisional committee and'the number of shares now held ¦ by _^ them . " _^'; : _^"" ' _'"<»"*; . _^ _- - - ¦ , , _'/¦ :, In ihtroducifig these' ' resolutions ; ho dwelt at some length upon _^ _tfte ; a ( _i _iajjfantiMni devices which had benresprl _» _tft _»;* fpr the purposes" of eh trapping contributorstoyanous bubble schemes . . The clergy , Mr .
Duncombe . complained , had lent , to a frightful exteht , their'Spiritual influence , to vamp up various illusory schemes ; and the laity , led by the example of their ghostly guides , had fallen into the snare . ¦ After-a ' smart-and < sarcastical . speech , from Mr . _D'lsniELi ; ' and a desultory discussion in which severa 1 members-joined ,. the government-resolutions were adopted , as were . those proponed . by Mr . Duncombe _withson _^ _verbatamehto , a ? _--.. ; ; H 0 _^ 6 . _\ W _^^ sf 0 _\^ _^ _y- ii _^ _% ' ¦ ' ¦ ' - ;' vvtbrd _^ _ii _^ BKi _, t . moved < th " e , , second ; reading ol tlie _peoflafflp _^ _iitioniiand _^ th _^^ Accidents Compeniatio _^ _fiiiisrbbser _^ _ngJfiat h _^ iad been told tbatihe railway interest in the Ilouse of Commons was " so great , that there was no chance ofthe billi _" passing that house . He trusted , however , that the hon . members connected with railways would feel disposed to do justice to their fellow-creatures .
Lord Littleton and Lord _Brouohas _^ supported the bills which were then read a second time . ; The bills oh the table were then advanced a stage , and thaw _Lw-dahip" ! adjourned . ; . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Fbidat , April 24 . Upon the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate upon tbe Irish Coercion Bill _beinp read fromthe chair , Mr . W . S . O'Brien returned to tlie subject of Irish distress . He quoted various returns to show the inadequacy nt the , Government arrangements . He reproached the English Liberal party in the House of Commons with having afforded a too feeble co-operation to the Iiiih members in their endeavours to resist the Government measure of coercion . The proposed free-trade concessions he
contended were likely to prove less benencial to Ireland than to England , and , as far as the condition of the former country was concerned , a fixed duty upon corn was preferable to total repeal . lie concluded by invocating Lord G . Bentinck to declare Us budget for the relief of . Irish grievances . Lord G . Bentinck promptly responded to the call of the last speaker ,, and explained , amid frequent cheers from the Protectionist party , and also from the Irish members , the terms he was disposed to offer for an Irish alliance . He premised that he and his party had no confidence whatever in either the repeal or the suspension of the Corn Law as a panacea for Irish distress . Such a measure could give no temporary relief , while its ultimate tendency must be to ruin « wery class in Ireland . Lord Essex had recently predicted thnt the repeal of the Corn Law would be
no gain to the class of farmers without skill and capital . But , if ruin seized ; this valuable class of the Round Frocks of England ,-what would become of the 558 , 000 Frieze Coats of Ireland _^ The entire Irish landed interest must be swept into the vortex of destruction by the change ; and such a catastrophe , _argued his lordship , would necessarily convert the Irish aristocracy to Repeal opinions . He then announced that , if the Irish party proposed _asuspenbion of the Corn-law , he and his party would givethat proposition a steady support . As asubsidory measure he proposed the hitherto much-reprobated scheme of pure eleemosynary aid . Mr . Vbbnon Smith called upon government to return the names of tho Irish landowners who had re . _ceived funds from government in order that justice might be rendered to the . contributing members ol their order .
Sir James Graham promised future information _, should be furnished parliament upon the subject . Mr . E . B . Roche expressed his concurrence in the opinions of . Lord G . Bentick _, and hailed in no measured tesmB hislordship ' s offers . ¦ .-.- > After speeches from Mr . Stafford O'Brien , and Mr Bellew , Mr . D . Browne contended that , in consequence of the forgetfulness exhibited by the _Irisli landlords , of the great principle , that property had its duties as
well as its rights , it was necessary to extend the principle on the English Poor Laws to Ireland . Mr . S . Ciuweord expressed his delight , that the house was at last becoming a convert to the doctrine which he had so long propounded , that it was necessary to tax the landlords of Ireland for the support of the poor . He recommended his friends from Ireland not to protract the discussion on the Coercion Bill longer than was fairly necessary , __ as the delay which had already taken place in passing the Corn Law had been productive of great embarrassment to the commercial interests ot the country .
Mr . 0 'Coknei , i , was sorry to nnd that Mr . S . O'Brien was so adverse to the repeal of the Corn Laws ; for he believed that that measure would bu as beneficial to Ireland as it would be to England . What was wanted in Ireland was wages , and agriculture would not give them . He wished the house would set about passing the Corn Law , and would postpone to a distant day all further proceedings on the Coercion Bill . Mr . Cobden recalled to the recollection of the house the actual position of the Corn Law question _, that question was already settled by public opinion throughout the empire , and was no longer matter for privatearrangement or stipulation between parties in that house . Lord George Bentinck seemed to forget this , " but the people living in towns will govern the country , "added thehon . member , " and they will accept ne such compromise as you have suggested . " In reply to Mr . S . O'Brien ' s question ' , Sir R . Pbbl announced , amid loud cheering , that he unhesitatingly declined any compromise affecting the Corn
Bill . A scene now ensued which imparted somewhat of piquancy to the debate . Mr . £ >' Israeli replied with some warmth to the speech of Mr . Cobden . That hon . gentleman had treated the house with a definition of what he meant by the . people of England , and had then threatened he country party with its reprobation . They had been told that the people of England were those who lived , in towns , and that definition had been loudly cheered and accepted by the First Minister of the Crown . That cheer bad struck him as most extraordinary , coining as it did from Sir R . Feel , who had once been so proud of being at the head of the gentlemen of England , admitting also , as it did , the principle Chat they were to be governed by the towns _., Sir R . Peel . —I totally deny it .
Mr . Jj'Isbaeli . —If the right hon . baronet means to say that anything I have said is false , I sit down . After a few moments , Mr . Newdboate rose , anil with much solemnity inquired of Sir Robert Peel whether his ( Mr . _Nbwdbgatb _' s ) ears had deceived him during the recent confusion . This inquiry was answered affirmatively . Major Macnamara suggested that the time ' of the House might be spared , by some other place being selected aa the _rendeavous for explanation . Lord Gboroe _Behtinck rose to dispel , however , the belligerent tendency of the debate . Mr . H . Hinde followed the same course . Sir James Graham , Mr . Miles , Mr . Stuart _Wortlev , Mr . Buotherton , and . Mr . Corbaut , cleared away whatever remained of bitterness , by bearing witness to Sir Robert Peel ' s complete innocence ot Mr . D'Israeli ' s charge , . _{" ome civil words interchanged by the disputants themselves terminated to the satisfaction of the house what promised at one time to be " a very pretty quarrel . _' . *
TIIE ADJOURNED DEBATE Upon the Irish Coercion Bill was then resumed by Mr . J . O'Connell , who defended the proceedings of the Irish _ members in Parliament as conformable to publie opinion throughout Ireland , whatever might be thought of them in this country , Government themselves were chiefly responsible for tbe existing , Irish disaffection , by having , until very recent times , fostered those very prejudices which now theytVhad so much difficulty in putting down as inimical to the interests of that country . It was monstrous for government to come to Parliament foi _increased powers for the suppression of crime when the powers already given them by law had not been shown to be defective , The hon . member referreo at some length to the system of ejectments now prevalent in Ireland , quoting a variety of document * to illustrate tbis and other topics embraced in his speech . The debate was then adjourned till Monday .
HOUSE OF LORDS-Monday , April 21 . The Duke of Wellington presented a petition from the mayor and corporation of Winchester , praying for the adoption of some plan to provide employment for prisoners on their disharge . The Marquis of _Sausburv presented more than
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forty petitions , praying that there maybe noremova _^ of protection to agriculture . A great number of petitions were presented against theCharitable Trusts'Bill . CORN'LAWS . —STATE OFPUBLIC BUSINESS . Lord Brougham moved for five returns connected wiih the importation of foreign corn , and also of corn from Ireland , and these returns could not be objected to , as they had been already given to the other house . It might be said that he was anticipating the discussion of a bill which would come before their lordships from the other house . - He saw in Various places in the votes of the other house , that , at various times , this subject had occupied , ninny days of the present session of Parliament ; but the state of the business
ol * this great country had been brought , according to thevotes , which . were the only record to which lie could have access , —by the constitution of this country , he was bound to say , —by the law of Parliament , he was bound to admit—with the most perfect regularity , he would not deny—to such a state that in thu foreign capital from which he had just returned grave doubts were entertained by some friends of his from whom he differed in opinion , and : who were _opposed to a popular system of government , with respect to the expediency , of our system . The ' answer he had given was , that the nature of the British constitutionicwasisueh , that where : there was a temporary mischief , from the friction of the parte . of the macliine . or , from the resisting medium , there was in
_this . _great political engme-7-in this perfection of human , polity—as ' he ; firmly , and conscientiously ,. and seriously believed , a well regulated constitutional monarchy , acting with a well regulated representative system , to be , —such a power of re-adapting itself that it never failed to get rid ot the temporary obstruction , and to restore harmony to the machine . If the delay in the other house was likely to prevent un ample discussion of . the commercial policy of the government during the present session , then he said that they had the remedy in their own hands . They had the power of anticipating the discussion , and of coming to a deliberate . and well-considered opinion on this subject . ( Hear , hear . ) This was his reason
for moving for these { papers , and if , in the course of a fortnight or thereabouts , he should perceive , by a recourse to the same record , that there was the same obstruction to this and to all business else , he _Bhould feel it his bounden duty , as it was unquestionably their lordships' right to discuss the _suliject by themselves without waiting for any bill , to give them an opportunity of deliberately discussing and pronouncing an opinion on the general principle of this great aud important commercial change . He confidently expected they would pronounce in favour of the government plan , and thus prevent all further obstructions elsewhere . The _rttuvna were then agreed to .
RAILWAYS STANDING ORDERS . The Earl of Dalhousie then moved , that a similar set of resolutions to those given b y us last week as having been moved in the Ilouse of Commons by Sir Robert Peel , should be adopted as a sessional order . A discussion ensued , in which the general policy of the government with reference to railways was approved , though several objections were made to its uetai . 8 . The resolutions were agreed to , and the house adjourned at eight o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Monoay , April 27 . The house met at four o'clock .
BRIDPORT ELECTION . Mr . C . Wood appeared at the bar with the report of the committee appointed to try tbe merits of the petition against the late return for this borough . The report stated that Mr . B . Cochrane was not , duly elected , and ought not to have been returned ; but that Mr . John Romilly had been duly elected , and ought to have been returned . The report was ordered to lie on the table , and the clerk of the Crown was ordered to attend on Tuesday to amend the return .
[ At a subsequent period of the evening this report gave rise to a conversation on a question put b . v Mr . Christie to the Chairman of the Committee , to ascertain whether that committee had not , as was the general impression , been a party to a compromise between the rival candidates , by which the investiga _> tion into the charges of bribery had been prevented from proceeding . The Chairman ( Mr . C . Wood ) denied in effect that the Committee had been cognisant of any such compromise . Mr . Bankes , Sir G . Grey , and other members , joined in the conversation , whicli was ultimately stopped by the Speaker , as disorderly . REFUSAL OF AN IRISH MEMBER TO SERVE ON A SELECT COMMITTEE .
Mr . Esicourt reported , from a committee in group 11 , that they had met that day , and that one of the members ( Mr .. W . S . O'Brien ) did not attend , and that the committee having waited for his arrival for one hour , directed him ( Mr . Estcourt ) to report the circumstance to the house . He now moved that Mr . \ V , S , O'Brien be directed to attend the committee to-morrow ( this day ) . The question was then put and agreed to nem . con . Mr . W . S . O'Bkibn begged respectfully to sayand for the reasons which he had formerly given—that he would not attend the committee .
EVICTIONS ON THE WATERFORD ESTATE . On Sir . J . Graham moving the order of the day that the adjourned debate on the first reading ofthe Protection of Life ( Ireland ) Bill be resumed , Major Bkkesford availed himself of the opportunity to reply to the statement made on Friday last by Mr . J O'Connell , relative to certaiuevictions from the estate of his noble relative the Marquis of Waterford . Considering that that _stateineut was taken from the columns of a public newspaper , he could not refrain from expressing a wish that Mr . J . O'Connell had exercised the same caution with respect to it as he had recommended the public to exercise with respect to a statement affecting the property of his
own father , emanating from the same quarter . After reading the statement in question and a leader from the Times ou thc subject , the hon member proceeded to give a counter statement , lie _asserted thatnot one tenant and that not one cottier had beeu ejected from the estates . Some persons who had squatted on the property had been removed from it , but not an angry word had been used on the _occasion * _, on the contrary , after they had received the compensation which the Marquis of Waterford offered thera , other individuals in the same situation expressed their readiness to pull down their own houses , if the same compensation were paid to them . So ruthless , then , had been the extermination practised by the Marquis of Waterford , that , strange to say , many persons who had witnessed it had requested to be placed in the same " exterminated" condition . The noble MarquiB employedn inety men in draining
in one place , and gave employment todUO in another , and every improvement was promoted by him . The kindness of the Marquis of Waterford to his tenantry and dependants was constant and unvaried —( hear)—he lived among them for nine months in the year out ofthe twelve—( hear )—he spent a large income among them ; he endeavoured to do good to all around him , and set an example to all landlords in Ireland . ( Cheers . ) he was assisted by a lady—( loud cheers)—whose charities were unostentatious but most liberal , and such was the nobleman who was said to be " an alien in the land of his fathers . " The Marquia of Waterford was not afraid to go out at all hours—he requiredno Coeroion Bill to protect him . ( Loud cheers , particularly from the Irish members . ) He only wished for protection from anonymous assailants , w ) - o either knew nothing of his character , or entirely misunderstood it ; ( Cheers . )
Lord Inoestrb corroborated the statement of Major Beresford , and spoke in high terms ofthe conduct ef the Marquis of Waterford towards the tenantry . Mr . J . _O'CoNNBih expressed his gratification at hearing the statement of Major Beresford . He had heard individuals in Ireland , the most opposed in politics to the noble MarquiB , express a wish that there were many landlords in Ireland like him . He had likewise heard that the burning ofthe Marquis ' s stables was the act of a refractory servant , and had been much lamented by all the peasantry on his estates . He then expressed hia great sorrow at having given additional notoriety to a charge which he now believed to be without any foundation . Mr . O'Connell bore willing testimony to the merits of the Marquis of Waterford as a resident
landlord , and also to thc charitable disposition of his most excellent lady the marchioness . He was one of the best landlords in Ireland , and was as safe in any part if that country as he would be in that house . Alluding to the remarks which Major Beresford had made upon the conduct ofthe press , he observed that he was not inclined to concur in them . He had himself been attacked for similar alleged misconduct to bis tenantry , in the same paper ; and his reply to it had been by printing the charge against him in the most public manner . The universal press of Ireland had taken part with him . and his justification had been most complete . We ought not to take part against the press on such subjects ; for the press was the only defender of the poorest of the poor . Mr . P . Sorope was convinced , from all he had heard , that the Marquis ; of Waterford was a most excellent landlord ; but he contended that Parlia-
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ment was not justified in maintaining a s ystem ° _» law which permitted the'landlord to turn out any _numberof his tenantry _at"the risk of exposing . them to absolute starvation . The- persons who had beep ejected on the -Marquis of Waterford ' s estate , although it appeared that ,, in strictness , they were not his . tenants , had yet _occupiedVhouBCS as teriante on his ; property V and by the neglect of the noble marquis vn not preventing the system of _subletting , those individuals were by chance brought under h » protection . " It certainly appeared rather a harsh measure to eject bo many of these persons at once , without some more ample means than the £ 2 or £ 3 which _** were given them to remove . It had been
stated that they quitted their houses willingly ; but he ( Mr . Scrope ) entertained some doubt on that sub * ject : It must be remembered that the money _qffered them would , in the present destitution of many of those persons , be regarded as a great boon ; and thai they were aware , if they evinced ( any _hesitationTii quitting their houses , that notices of ejectment would he served upon them the next day , and they would be compelled to quit without receiving any bonus . He hoped the house would draw a moral from the cases of this nature which had been brought before thero , and that they would interfere ' to i give thatprotectionto the tenantry of Ireland which had been enjoyed by the people of England lor cent uries .
OUTRAGE AT _SHEFFIELD ; Mr . C . Powell said , a few , nights ago he ihad taken the liberty of calling , the ; attention of the right hon . the Home Secretary to _abatement , in a : newspaper , whicli excited in , his , mitid feelings very , different from those which appVared to be exhibited _Ijb the right hon . baronet , and yefy _^ different from what he manifested at accounts ihJrishhewspapBrs of Irish outrages . Itappeared'from '' a Sheffield _^ _paper-init very great devastation had been cau 8 ed . 'ih that'towft by an infernal machine . After-readingthe _Btaterne'Bfe referred to , the hon . member " aaid _i _' _* it appeared from that account tha _^' 'de ' teetion' % _M ;'' n 6 _^ Sheffield than in Ireland .: 'He ' _understood tHat _^ n _^ eSe
acts of disorder were not -newin ' Sh _6 hield ;" but haji prevailed more or less since 1887 ..-When he first called the attention of the _righfehbh _^ the Homo 'Secretary toancli an outrage _in'Sheffielu _, the right nm baronet appeared to _reeeLveathefstatement with . aft . incredulous smile , but be-ln _? d _;' rea " sohtovbe ] ieve that since then the right _honiiftbarbhet considered ' the matter to be more _Berious ' . 7 _* It >; had been inquired into by'the-local ' magistrat _^ i _^ ho *" deemed-H indispensable that _aome remeiay 8 limild ' ' uf _* 'i _0-pl & d , _'iiBd under these circumstances he " wished to know from the right hon . baronet whether he intended to introduce a clause into the Irish Coercion Bill providing for the protection of life and the prevention of assassination in Sheffield ?
Sir J . _Gbaham admitted the ' correctness of , the statement ; at the same time he was bound to say that Sheffield was the only town in England where crimes of this description were committed ; and with respect to Sheffield , he could also state with satisfaction that the mayor and common council , who were chosen under asystem of a largely-distributed suffraga in that city , had corresponded with the Government , and manifested the most earnest desire that the persons guilty of that terrible offence should be brought to justice . ( Hear , hear . ) The representatives of Sheffield had communicated with the Government , and it appeared that all the most _respectable inhabitants of the town concurred in the desire that the perpetrators of this crime might be discovered and brought to punishment . The working classes also , understanding that if this crime were not put an end to the trade of
Sheffield must be destroyed , partook in the desire that the perpetrators of this infamous offence might be brought to justice . ( Hear , hear . ) A large reward for the discovery of the offenders had been offered , and Government had instituted such proceedings as they thought were calculated to bring to justice the guilty parties . He certainly was not prepared to include Sheffield in the Irish' bill , but ha would say , that if the law as it stood should be found inadequate to put an end to the perpetration of this offence , and any additional legal measure should be necessary for its prevention , he should not hesitate , under his official responsibility , to propose such measure to the house . ( Hear , hear . ) Messrs . Parker and Ward , the Borough members , corroborated the remarks ofthe Home Secretary as to the feeling of the inhabitants on the subject .
PROTECTION OF LIFE IN IRELAND BILL . The order of the day was then read , and the adjourned debate was resumed . Mr . _M'Cartjiy declared liis intention of giving every opposition to this bill , which , in point of means , was ill adapted to the end which it had in view . He then entered into an historical account of the English conquest of Ireland , for the purpose of explaining the source of the agrarian outrages whicli afflicted and disgraced the country . Ha called upon Sir R . Peel to do justice to its population ; for if he did not , he would find that Irelandwhich he had called a great difficulty—would become an impossibility for his administration . Upon that Irish rock Administration after
Administration had gone to pieces—each in its turn had left its sting in the Irish mind ; animasque in vulnen ponwnt . ( Hear . ) If they wished to govern Ireland , they must go rightly to work . He called upon tiiem to look to that country , not as a battle field in which adverse parties were to contend for preeminence _^ but 10 look upon it as a portion of this great empire—a portion on whose success must depend the well-being of the whole . ( Cheers . ) They had tried coercion—they had from time to time ex _» hausted all the resources of force and penal legislation . Had they ever tried simple justice ? ( Cheers . ) Even in this , the eleventh hour , let them not be afraid to retrace their steps—be not ashamed to turn from injustice to justice . He had entered that house
unconnected with either of the great _jiarties that governed it , —with neither Whig nor Tory had he any ties . He belonged td an ancient race whom all those parties had in turn persecuted and despised ; ( Hear , hear . ) When they entered Ireland , they found them powerful , and in the exercise of authority . After a series of conquests , continued throughout centuries , they succeeded in putting them down _; and now , after the lapse of 200 years , he , one of their descendants , had , for the first time , the privilege of holding a seat in the great council ofthe nation , and telling them what were the feelings and sentiments which he entertained in reference to the country of his birth . ( Hear , hear . ) He begged to say to the right hon . baronet at the head of the government
that he had witnessed with great admiration the firmness and drcision with which , on another question , he had shaken himself clean from all parties . ( Hear . ) . Ho had observed with satisfaction that when the great commercial interests of this country were at stake , lie had disregarded all those considerations which swayed and controlled ordinary minds ; he had disregarded them to obtain what appeared to him to be a great national good , and he had shown wisdom and ability in his projects of redress ; projects which , in his opinion , were entitled to the approbation of the country . ( Cheers . ) Now , he called upon the right hon . baronet to exhibit the same wisdora and firmness in dealing with the affairs of Ireland : he asked him not tn follow in thc traces of
others ; he called not upon him to tread in their foot * steps or adopt their half measures ; but let him take the same comprehensive view ot Irish grievances which he had done of commercial policy . ( Cheers . ) Lethim . be his own example , and , having supplied the wants of commerce , let him turn to the social andjuolitical evils of Ireland , and there emulate him * self . ( Loud Cheering . ) Mr . Baillie supported the bill . Colonel Vsknbr defended the landlords of Ireland from the imputations made against . them . The course he would adopt towards Ireland was very different from that recommended by Her Majesty ' s Ministers . He would put down with a strong hand
agitation and agitators , and every species of association which kept the people discontented and 'disunited . He would also put an end to all miscalled conciliation and to all uncalled for conciliation ; for he had observed that every concession to the repeal party had been attended by fresh insults to and by fresh demands from the Imperial Parliament . Mr . Hawes , after observing that little good had hitherto been derived from the strong and vigorous measures whicli Colonel Verner and his party had recommended for the Government of Ireland , contended that nothing could justify this bill except a pressing and overwhelming necessity , He showed that the undetected crimes committed in Ireland
were tewer now than they had been in former times . There had been a decrease of 28 per cent in the amount of murders eoramitted , and of 53 _J- per cent _, in the amount ofthe attempts at murder in 1845 , as compared with the year 1844 . Trouble and discontent had tracked every coercion bill which had been presented to Parliament from the first down to the present hour , and would continue to track them so long ' as such miserable instruments were employed for Government . Sir R . Pbel _, after giving a history of thc progress of the bill , contended that the Government had no alternative but to proceed with this preliminary stage . As to the injurious surmises that Government had interposed this measure for the purpose of getting rid of their measure on the Corn Laws , it was enough for him to say at present that the lapse of time , and many intervening events , had confirmed
the impressions on which he had originally proposed the final and pevmanentadjustment of the corn laws . Events had proved to him that the restrictions , whicli he once thought to be only impolitic , were now absolutely unjust ; and his colleagues and himself were lully prepared to certify by any public act the sincerity of their convictions on that point . He then proceeded to an explanation of the reasons which had induced the Government to propose ameasure of this harsh character towards Ireland . It had been stated that the Government , before it called on the house to assent to such a measure , was bound to establish 1 line facts—first , that from the extent , frequency , : ind nature ofthe crimes , a necessity for a chance in the law existed-sccondly , that all the powers ot MIC existing law had been exercised and exhausted—ana _[ Continued to the Eight P _« fft . \
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 2, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_02051846/page/1/
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