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THE NORTHERN STAR. March 7, 1840.
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" VAtt Willi AAlEiiiUA. " ADDRESS TO THE...
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THE GHAUT1ST EXILES. THE EXILES' RESTORA...
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FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. [Important a...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Northern Star. March 7, 1840.
THE NORTHERN STAR . March 7 , 1840 .
" Vatt Willi Aaleiiiua. " Address To The...
" VAtt Willi AAlEiiiUA . " ADDRESS TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF GREAT BRITAIN _ASU TiiE ViiSlTED STATES .
ISllEPESBESCE OF THE _OKEr-OX . Atthe usual ineeting of the Fraternal Democrats held on . Sunday _evening in their place of meeting , Gre . it Windmill-street , ll « : nry _it-j-s , in the clmir , the subject of _thetkreateiied war hi-tw _.-en Great Britain and the Uuited _iitaus was b . - _ousiit under the consideration of the meeting by U . Julian Harney . Several speeches were delivered , and it was ultimately resolved to hold an adjtnirneu meeting _« n Tutsiay evening , then to cunndcr the propriety ot _addptius au address to the working _classes of Great "Britain and the United States .
On Tuesday evening ( last ) a very numerous meeting tot > k place , ther . _iom being densely crowded wi : h democrats _bclonginir to most of the " Eurou-. au States , " _inciudiiu ! ( besides English , ) French , German , Scandinavian , _Swi _.-ss , && , & _. c . Henry IW was again called to the chair , ami fonr secretaries to the meeting , British , French , O ' eriuan , and Scandinavian , were appointed . The chairman _h-ving briefly exp lained tue intended business ofthe cveain _** , U . Julias DjutxEr then rose , and proposed the _a-iopiiou » f tlie following ADDRESS OF THE _FRATEitXAl , DEMOCRATS _ASSEMHLISG IN * LOXDOX , TO THE _WOUKlKC CLAS SES OF 6 HEAT MITA _1 X _AXD TUE _TJXITEO STATES . " All men are brethren "'
Peiesds _asd Brothers , —With extreme sorrow we hare witnessed of late the _attumpts made by interested and _igni'rant parties , to foster enmity bttween the peoj _» V of Britain and the United States ; an enmity which , if not subdued and eradicated , threatens , at no distant < 2 _ay , to involve the two nations in war . We claim the right to address you , on the ground , that alt'toagb no * a-tery numerous party—indeed , not _claiming to be a " party" at alt—we _belong to a variety of natbu ; : , and are thus entitled to _represtnt—at least in titgrce—tlie interests aud sentiments of the _workiitj : o : der of Europe . A few British men belong to our a *& finbly . but the majority is composed of natives of Prance , Germany , _Switzerland , _Scandinavia , and most o tiic other slates of Europe . The working class is oar class ; many of us by birth , and the rest by adoption , Ikl « mg to the working order . Th _« interest of the sons of t _« iil tlir . _iushout the world is our _iuterest , and national < 3 i _~ _tuKtio -a wc have repudiated , contented to regard « sich an .: ail as brethren , members of one family—the
human race . Those of us in this assembly who are not natives of Britain , hare been driven to this country by political prosrjipiiiiii , where wc have found a refuge from the storms which desolate the homes of our fathers . Great numbers of tiur brethren have _sougbt and found a borne in the United States . We , who are natives of continental Europe , mast be grateful to both countries for the asylum each _liss afforded us , and wc shall best exhibit our gratitude by lifting up our voices on the side of the men of peace aud progress , in aid of their < forts to preserve the two nations from a fratricidal aud _desolating war .
Working men of Britain , we are resident _amoncstyoo _, and therefore _wettffcr in the first instance , a few words to you . Tho question at issue _bHtveeii your government and that ol the United States is ( briefly explained ) this — The _territury in dispute covers a surface of 350 , 060 square miles , and is bounded on the north by tbe British and Russian possessions , on the south by Mexico , on tbe east by the Rocky Mountains , and on the west by the Pacific Ocean . _Tfeis territory is callud tbe Oregon , and v « s originally claimed by Spain ; subsequently that _c-. _nratrv ( as is asserted by the British Government ) ceded to Britain the joint _sovereignty , or _occupation , of tlie territory , and at a later period transferred all her claims 0 : 1 the country to the American U-. ion . The British
Government claim a jiortion of this territory , the United Slavs claim the whole . The limits of this addr _. ss will not piirmit us to review the claims of the two governments : suSsce it to say , that four several attempts have hrea _madj to settle tlie question by negotiation , whicli _attempts have _resulted in within- beyond mere temporary arrangements . The existing arrangement is tbe "joint oi-cup .-iti . in" of tlie territory , subjsct to be set aside by e't _itr of the contending parties giving the other a years notice to that effect . Such _notice , the American _Congress have uow under consideration , * and as the British Government « esuis _notincltned to yield tu t ' te demand ofthe _ciairrU _States , war is rendered imminent . If neither j « _vty-vviii _cinnpn-miM ' , an appeal tohrutefo _; ce appears to ! 'e _incritalife .
Strongly deprecating and protestingagainst any such * " appe . il , " we a'k you , trorking men of Britain , are you jir _.-jKired to sanction a war ? What will ysu proSt by a war ? H _'/ iat have gou gainru by past war- ? from the time of VtTiliam tlie Xonnan to the time of William the Dutchmau . the records ol" yuuv Mttntrj _' _sjhismry attest the fact , that " the history of kings is the _mariyroingy of nations . " Without going any further back than tli « . numwneement of y _« iur _muderusjstyin of government , tinder the _auspices of the Dutch prince of " pious and _iitiuiurtal memory , ( 3 ) " to whom you owe the foundation iff y _« ur monster " debt , " aud the other bbssings wliich _h-. ve flowed from tlie rale of the fund-mongers , we must r .-mii » i > ud tl _. at the war cgainst France , which COulli _:.:. _ctd iu _lUSg , and _n-liicH _wa * _. uihKi _wKcil to UWtitr
the ambition of tiie ne « ly-impor : ed king by thwarting tue amlii ion of Louis XIV .. _las-ed nine _jenrs , and cost , in taxes ra : se < l _st the time , sixteen millions , and in loans sweaty _¦"¦ _iilioiis , being a total of thirty-six miliums . The war ofthe _Sp-mith succession followed ; it lasted eleven ye : r-. »« dcn _» . tin taxes aud loans sixty-two and a half millions . The _SjianWi war , whicli _commenced in 1739 , lasted nine years and co .-t . in _tases and Joans , iifty-t ' our _wiiii'iii-. f inn came " the seven years war . " which had its ori gin in a dispute _beim-cn England and Fiance respecan- _An . irican territory , wliich now neither country ] hi ~ .-c _» p « . This « ar cost the English people , in taxes and loans on hundred and twelve millions . In alt these ware , ton , the British _penjilc , bad no interest whatever , tut in uie ware _u-e haiv ue « t <» direct your attention to ,
your tr' <« -interests were " ' really blciniiicd _uith the prin-< _-: ; wVs .- n m-n you c « : nbate < l against . We speak of tlie *• _Acicru-asj War " aud the "French Kcvolutiunary War . " The war : _ij ; ain _> t American liberty , which _resulted in the _justnudiiai- _^ _itm of th » i < rtttsliari « t « cravy , nnd iheglorimis _onsuaimation of American _iii-. icpciideiice—that war , which lasted eight years , cu _^ t y « n , thellritwh pcple , in taxes ana lou'as . one hundred and _thiny-six millions of jn . mey . This Frviwu Kero . _' _utionary War , or , more _proprriy _^ _r-.-iAtai , tlie war against the French Republic , i »« _-te < _i nine years , and cost you , in taxes aud loans , four lmn . ir .-. aii . i _s-. x : y-iour millions . Almost innuediutely _toiiowed t ' _je « ar against Xapoleon , which _lasted twelve years , and cost ih- _Uriti .-. U peop _' . e , in taxes _ntttt loans , the
_riui-. oj .- -urn _. u _' one _iiiiihui , one _liuudrcd and fifty-rime _cr . _iiiu ::.-. _VTe say _m-thuig of tlie "Hale wi . rs" since 1815 , jmr ol ills i ' u-ri : _i < . us cost of your army , navy , and other f > revs _siiu-e that tate . In the course of one hundred and tueaty-sewn year ? ( from lfi & _i to 1 S 15 ) , more than half that _tiicc was sp . nt in nar . Tbe taxes Were increased fr-m wo _iniiiiocs tii their present amount , ( about * fiirytno : ii : lii < m-. ' in K $ _~ , the year _beiore your "glorious _revo'ntwa _f'J" tlie _"Xatioaal Debl" was unknown ; now , in sj . il « 01 " _tl : e almost _countii _ss millions you have paid as princip _^ ' and interest , you _stagger _uncer the load of _i'lrlst iiuuiired isiilliiciiS ol debt , the _paymrnt of tlie }•• _arly _iiitvre-it « u whicli swallows up more tliau half tlie iiftv-twu _iisiiimus of ta _» c _« .
Is it u : re _»« ary to repeat the question , "What have yoa gaiu <; by war V _Vvoni th « : niian _^ Ull WC now _vroswd to » he m _. mUr ar _coiut—the emulated number oi British atone , who were _filaiu orp _ilshed . In Uie war which began iu lr > S 3 were ... 180 . 000 Ditto 1 T _<« „ ... 25 _D _. 000 Diuo ... ... 173 J „ ... _^ U _. OOO D ' . no „ . ... 175 ? „ ... 'J 5 » , 000 3 > ino _warajainst A : KCric . _il 77 . _'» „ ... i'OU . OHO Ditto war against France _17 i « 3 „ ... lilOMli
Toial in one hundred and _twciity-seven years l , S 2 O , OS 0 Tii : _i-e _f-irts and figar _.-s _, understand , estimate only your 1 «« and sufferings—tlie _taxation _uud-luuglucr which yov , til- i'ritish _jieojile , have _boine ; _« e say uo'liing of the ei :. «« i -us _ireahh dissi | ' . i *« . _' , and nii ( i 2 c _« _. a »' e slaughter , widen all the nations « t _Eurnpc , and tlie people ofthe Uuited > _tatef , have suffered iu Ui . > se wars . We contiue _Ottrseites to your losses and _MilFeriiigs , lav our hutmicis is _witli _tf & rt—tiur object is to _dissuade tint from war , by she < ving you the folly of _rencwiiijj the mudacss of former times . We address 50 a , _ttie worliing classai . _fptfiallr . _V > _eansc on you has fallen ail the _cust , and the greater share Of _theuutrtler occasioned by lluse wars . Wc say oil the tost , _beeause the taxes paid by the rich and the
_mm-productive classes are all wrung from your labour- AU that tlie idl-r * of society possess , they have pluudercd from yoa . Consequently , although they _sttm \ o share the _burdensdf the State , yoa teaUppsyall , anil ) _.-avcbe ? Wes to support these idlers in their luxurious exisiem-e . As to _tliemwnlerofwar , you Save always the largest snare of it , ttithoutany _ofthelylns' " g l _" _*) ' . " _Tuni _ytiur eyes at th " s moment to the banks of the Sutlej , where your "order , "" mowed down in masses , " are gazetted as so many thousands " rank and file" killed and wounded . For only thearistocratic officers isreserved the " glory " of being recorded by name in the annals of national homicide . True , the poor soldiers have the " glorious " privilege of dying on the "bed of honour . " _AmVition ' s honoured
fools-Yes bononr ! decks the turf that clads their clay 2 Vuiu sophistry , iu them behold the tools , Tlie broken _toolf , that tyrants cart away I " "Wc have shown you , British workiug-mea , that your fathers had no interest in the wars above enumerated , unless where their interest was on the side of their socalled ' * enemies . " Let 11 s now show yon , that as regards this threatened war with America , you have no _interest iu ''The Oregon territory . " The empire of Britain is already immense . On that empire , we are told , * the sun never sets f for "the ehfirtofyour colonies iss chartof the world in outline ; you sweep the globe , and touch every « hore . " Surely , this might gratify even * _ioxnoN , _Tscbsdat .- —Since the above address was adopted , news has reached London from America that _tllcrcs' _^ _iufj _* _. _ns _fo _*¦ the abrogati on of the Convention of 1 S 27 hare passed the House of Representatives , by a _tnajurity of U'S to 51 votes , and there is no doubt that they hav itii ubteu adopted by the Senate .
" Vatt Willi Aaleiiiua. " Address To The...
a Roman lust for conquest . But what benefit are these colonies to vou ! Like the native land of your fathers , the land ofthe British colonics is monopolised by _aristocrats and speculators . nt » i »»> fi * _<•/ land , either m _Britaiuorthecolonies , that y »« , _theicorkiug-dasses , cancaU your 0 ! c * . The _eolonies are useful to your . masters , because those colonies add to their wealth , power , and _ma-niScence ; but to you they are barren acquisitions , or add but to your burdens . Should the British _gorentmentaequiretbe 0 _ie !; 0 U . iUflCqukition » vill benefit only jour masters . Thei will take the land—they will fill all the hig liei'situations , civil and military , of the n , ewcoIony —yo « r share will he the slau _« hter ofthe combat , and the cu > _= t of winning and retaiuiug the conquest , T ne privileged classes only ean benefit by _& e acquisition of the Oregon ; if there must be fighting , let them fight their own battles .
We now turn to our American brethren . The speeches in the American Congress , tlie addresses of popular orators , and the editorial appeals of _ihe press , satisfy us that a large party exist in the States hostile te everything _British—uttfortutiately seldom making any distinction between the British people and the British aristocracy . Much of this hostile feeling is the natural result of the yet-remembered struggle in which your fathers had to _cmbat for liberty and life as a people . Much is also to bv excused on the ground that u mistaken idea exists in the States , that the British people of all classes are infiuenced by ambition an 4 the desire to prevent the growth and spread of tiie-repuhlican institutions of America . Thi < may be true of _Unprivileged classes of Briiain , butit is not true of the working class , who are as little cursed
with the folly of national ambition as any people on the face of the earth , and who , so far from being jealous of the republican institutions of the New World , earnestly desire die establishment of like institutions in the Old . The _nationality-uoHseiise which appears to so _largely influence political discussion iu America , is rapidly disap . pearing in this country , and we are convinced that the British working men _wouU much rather fight / or republican institutions than _against thetn . We need not here recapitulate tlie cost and horrors of war ; it will be sufficient to remind jou that the war of 1812 caused an enormous increase of your public _expeudituie , which the custom duties failing to meet , recourse was had to heavy direct and indirect taxation . The English Excise Laws were engrailed upon the States , and domiciliary visits wer «
directed "at all reasonable times . " Besides which , though the war lasted only two years and eight _montlm , the United States government was compelled to borrow enormous sums , and incur an amount of debt which it look twenty years to pay off . Supposing you win , take and keep the whole of tbe Oregon , its acquisition will be but abarren compensation for the loss of life aud wealth which even a two or three years' war would cause . Like the working class of Britain , you , the working mcu of America , will have to bear the cost of the war ; you will suffer most of the slaughter ; you will have but little of the " glory" ofthe contest , aud reap no more of the profit of the victory , if you achieve it . If you engage in this contest your folly will be without excuse . Do you desire au extensive , national temtw <* _? \" ovi have it already ; your republic is even now of almost illimitable
extent . You owu the sovereignty of land which , to even moderately cultivate , would require your _present population to be increased ten-fold , and to call forth the full resources of which , your population should be enlarged at least a huudred-fuld—yet you clamour for miire laud ! Suppose you take the Oregon , who will be its masters J Not you , the working men . Like the working men of Europe , the great mass of you are landless in your own laud . The old states , the states of more recent creation , and your newly-acquired territories , arc for the most part , in the hands of landlords and jobbers , to the exclusion of the great body of the people—the same system will be established in tbe Oregon _fhould it be ' * annexed " to the Union . > Working men of America , Would it not be Well to insist upon having landfor yourselves , rather than fighting to add to the enormous possessions of landlords and speculators ?
Working men of America , we have warned you that tlie present cost and suffering of war will mainly be borne by you ; but this is not all , nor the worst . Increase of territory will bring with it a permanent increase of your navy and " standing array , " an increase of naval and military officers , aa increase of tax-gatherers , and other locusts who , having a disrelish for honest labour , will strive to permanently quarter themselves upon you—first by prolonging the war , and afterwards by voting the continuance of " war establishments" in time of peace , to retain your force-won possess " » ns . The result cannot fail to be the corruption of public morals , and the ultimate destruction of your . Republican institutions .
There is one argument which the advocates of war address to tlie cupidity of the two nations—namely , "Whichever nation shall command the ports of the Pacific , will ultimately command the trade with China . " Suppose so ; let the men who profit by " trade , " _andmake fortunes by " trade , " let them struggle for commercial supremacy if they will ; but the victims of trade hare 110 _go » d reason for fighting fur tlie ports of the Pacific , or any other ports . While in Britain manufacturers and merchants have gained princely fortunes , enabling them t « out-rival the old territorial aristocracy , the working men whose labour and skill have beeu so successfully employed by the " traders , " have been reduced to the lowest state of social existence . _Deprived , of their labour by the operation of machinery , or earning but a miserable
subsistence , their wives and children immolated to the "Juggernaut Of Steam , " they have become poorer and poorer , as their masters have become richer and richer . Britain boasts the most wonderful " trade" the world has ever yet witnessed—her commerce brings to her ports the riches of the world , but these riches are not shared by the toiling classes ; work and want , the Poor Law prison , and the pauper ' s funeral , arc their sole rewards . We have good reason to believe that a similar state of things already exists in tbe United States . In the commercial and manufacturing portions of the Union , the tyranny of eauital is absolute , and the " slavery of wages" not less galling than in Britain . The existence of _trades' unions , the statements of public journals , and the facts narrated
in private correspondence , leave 110 deubt as to the increase of destitution , the social shivery of the workers in all the large manufacturing and commercial cities , and the advance to absolute power of the holders of land and capital . The progress of commerce has served but to extend and consolidate the tyranny of the rich and tlie slavery of the poor . What matter .- it , then , to the working-men of either country who commands the Chinese trade ! When the working-men of Europe and America have the sense to insist upon a just distribution ofthe products ot * their industry , and a fair exchange of their superfluities , commercial ports will be of equal value , and open to all nations ; no one nation will have the _monopoly of them , and wars , for their acquisition , will be but a tale of the past .
Admitting , for the sake of argument , the right of Britain , or America , or bofli , to lay claim to the Oregon , tt careful examination of _tbej claims set up b y each party leads US to the conviction , that the claim of one country is about as good as that of ihe other . An equal divisiou of the _territoiy would ( under this view ) be , therefore , an equitable adjustment ; and this , we believe , the British ' government is willing to assent to . Beyond this—alivajs _adoiittiiu ! the claims of the two governments—there is but one resource , that of referring the matter to arbitration . _Tltii t / _tc British gocentwoit has proposed , and the American Government has rejected .
Intelligence has reached London this day ( March 3 rd ) , _lltat aU arbitration whatever in Vie question of the right to the Ore onterritory lias been refused by tlie government of lite United States . By the American jcuruals received from Sew York , we learn that on the 27 th of December , 1845 , the British Minister proposed to the American Secretary of State , that negotiation having failed , the question of _» just partition of the territory should belcit to the arbitration of a third and disinterested party . This the American President _rejected . Ou the 16 th of January , 1 S 4 C , the British Minister proposed to the American
Secretary , that if tlie United State ; - have an objection to kings , to subinit tlte question to the arbitration ofamixedconccntion , « c _t * _t < ik umpire ; or to a body of distinguislied cioiliaus . lie proposed to meet the views ofthe United States b y submitting the question of title , and in case it be found that neither party has a title to the whole , then to submit the question of equitable partition . To this last proposition , the American Secretary returned answer , ou tlie _Jth of February , that— " To no powsr , however intelligent or respectable , nor to any body of citizens , could tlie United Stales consent to refer a claim of a character lite that she possesses to the Oregon territory . "
Working men of America , docs this mean war % Does it mean that your Republican government , which should set an example of justice , moderation , and peace to the rest of the world , is determined to lig lit up the flames , and " let loose the dogs of war 3 " We are no admirers of the institutions of Britain * , on the contrary , our sjmjiatliies ate entirely with the institutions of America , but we Fay it with a sorrow we will not dissemble , that the obstinacy of your government , if persevered _iOi will do more to stay the march of Republicanism in Europe , than all the persecution which aristocrats can wage or kings decree . Working men of Britain and America , one course is yet open to both countries , by adopting which neither the interests nor the "honour" of either could be C ' _linpro . uiised , wfcile its adoption would be a positive benefit to mankind .
If , for the sake of argument , we have admitted the claims of the two governments , we have no hesitation in asserting , that in pure right and justice neither country bus the slightest claim to the territory . The supposition that any particular government can acquire a ri _^ _ht over au unclaimed part of the earth , merely from the circunu stance of its having dit covered that there fa such a part in existence , is au outrage on every principle of justice _. Such countries are free by nature , and should be leit free . The actual settlers on ami cultivators Of the Soil , these Ate i ! _i « _rightful sovereigns of the soil , and _sliould he at
perfect liberty to choose their own form of government , and their own _institutions . The British fur-hunters and American squatters are the present occupants . The country is large enough to form an independent state , or indeed several states ; and when the population is sufficiently numerous , institutions « ill doubtless be formed in accordance nidi the wants of the people , and the enlightened principles ofthe _lue . To prevent future contentions , Britain and the United States should agree that whatever institutions or laws the new state might adopt , should , as _reiiarils Britain and the United States , be the same fur both and independent of both .
Such appears to us to _b-. _'thc nest means of sidling tin ' s' •' vexed _question . " \ tither Britain nor the United "tales _liave any need of the _Oregon , the * hare bolls more huiti than tiny _citn cultivate , or than either ot tliem properly govern . Well will it _bs fur the human race when
" Vatt Willi Aaleiiiua. " Address To The...
these territorial disputes will be known no more . That teill be when the land shall be no longer monopolised by governments , classes , and individuals ; but made the com mon proper ! j 0 / att , Oie common fund for the sustenance of all earth ' s children . Working men of Britain and America , if you approve of the view we have taken of this question , be up und doing , and act forthwith to preserve the peace of the world . Gatherinyoarpablicassemblies , tuemttria ) _iWOU Parliament and Congress , create and guide au enlightened public opiniou to this end , and influence your respective governments to act justly , honourably , and for the welfare , instead of the misery , of the human race .
Working men of Britain , your interests are altogether on the side of peace . War would distract public attention from your grievances , would add to your burdens , might probably afford a pretext for your governmen t curtailing your scanty liberties ' , under the pretence of " providing for the public safety , " and would indefinitely postpone your political emancipation . Exclusive institutions , bad laws , and a vicious social system , are your only real " enemies , " and against these only you should raise the shout of war . Working men of America , you are , or should be , the pioneers of freedom ; such was the mission bequeathed to
you by Washington and his great brother patriots . That mission you will best fulfil by perfecting your institutions—by abolishing the slavery of white and blackwages and the whip—bv driving from your legislature * the landlords , usurers , lawyers , soldiers , and Other idlers and swindlers ; by making the veritable people , the wealth-producers , really " sovereign , " and thus establishing a real , instead of a nominal , liepublic . War will not aid , bat will prevent you accomplishing these reforms . Achieve these reforms , and ' everywhere the people will demand jour institutions , aud your triumph will be complete .
A war between the two nations would revive the barbarous national prejudices and hatreds , which happ ily are now fast perishing _beforls the light of knowledge aud the advance of national interpoinmucieation . Our desireJs to promote tUefvaternity , freedom , and happineES of nations , In this spirit we have addressed you j iu this Spirit we salute you as brethren . IiENitr Koss ( native of Britain ) , Chairman . Thomas _Wkbiiee ( native of Britain ) , \ Cabl _Scuappeb ( native of Germany ) , I Semtar ; es . Jean A . Michelot ( native of France ) , | *" Peter Holm ( _.-. ative of Scandinavia ) _,, J London , March 3 , 1816 . Cakl Sciiapper seconded the adoption of the address , and addressed the meeting ill English and Gonnan . After brief addresses from other speakers , tbe question was put , and the address unanimously adopted . It was then ordered to be published , signed as above .
The following resolutions were then unanimously adopted : — 1 . That the British and American journals be requested to give publicity to the address adopted by tins meeting , " 2 . That tkis meeting appeals to the working men of Britain to immediately assemble in public meetings to protest against the threatened war with America ; aud to take into consideration the propriety of advising _tht British government to assent to , and propose the indeptudence of the ¦ Oregon territory . G . Julias IIarxky gave notice that at tlie next regular meeting on Sunday evening , March loth , he would call the attention of the assembly to the war in India . The chairman then vacated the chair , and the proceedings terminated . .
The Ghaut1st Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
THE GHAUT 1 ST EXILES . THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE , TO T . B . MACAULEY , ESQ ., M . P . Sir , —Having been constituted a committee for promoting the return to their native land of John _i-rost , Zepbaniah Williams , and William Jones , we ltild it to be a duty wliich we owe to the exiles , and to the community at large , to address a few words to you at the present time . The motives which impel us to pursue this coars * are , in the first place , devotion to the cause of these _expatriated persons , and iu the second , a desire to prevent , as far as possible , the minds of others from being imbued or warped with those heartless notions of political expediency which appear to be the most striking characteristic of your implacable nature . The immediate circumstance which induces us thus publicly to address you , is tlio appearance in some of the newspapers ol two letters to which vour name is attached . We have read
these lotters with deep attention , and our impression is , that they neither cuitain your celebrity as a classical ¦ writer , nor redound to your ' chavacter as a philanthropist or a politician . TheoHc referring ( 0 the exiles evinces an obduracy of heart , a vindictiveue ? s of mind , an implacability of spirit , which would harmonise better with the character of some semibarbarian despot than with that of an enlightened member of the British legislature . The other is a miserable , an iusulting attempt to prop the _totterini * fabric of class injustice ; to _m . 'ike the people believe that you know their _interestsbetter than themselves ; that they are benefitted by being voteless , and that
it is perfectly consonant with reason and justice that tbey should be liable to compulsory enrolment in the militia , and thus become instruments in the hands of their oppressors for upholding the very system that robs , degrades , and enslaves them . In this letter , sir , you feebly urge doctrines which aro waning fast —doctrines , at the erroneousness and absurdity of which the intelligence of the nineteenth century laughs ; doctriues which render thoir supporters objects of the contempt of all reasonable men , while just as impotent !) ' you make a Quixotic attempt to as-ail those great principles of political science which hav * nature for their basis and philosophy for their exponent .
In one of these elegant epistles , you assign your reasons for refusing your support to Mr . buncombe's motion for the presentation of an address from the House of Commons to the Queen , praying the award of the Royal clemency to Frost , Williams , and _Jonos . This letter is the harshest thing of the sort it has been our lor to peruso for some time past . It really appears to us , judging from its tenor , that if you had the power you -would revoke the commuted sentence , and with exquisite pleasure carry the horrific , the brutai , the sanguinary original into execution \ _ But , thank God ! such dispositions as yours are the fewest in number .
You , sir , characterise these men as " great criminals . " Wc shall not go into the subject of their criminality now ; it is too well understood to _bw . necessary . Everybody knows what they did , when they ( lid it , where they did it , and how they did it . Neither shall wo dogmatise as to the motives which impelled to that course of conduct , resulting in such disastrous consequences . We will , however , hazard the presumption that they were the purest—the noblest that can stimulate human action . Wc arc not , sir , justifying the conduct of Frost , Williams , mid Jones , neither shall wc unqualifiedly deprecate it . Much , sir , might be said , if not in defence , at least in palliation of it . The world has an arbitrary rule by which it judges rebellions : according to it , their success is their justification—their failure is
their condemnation . Tlte principal actors , in the one case , are great heroes ; in the other , great criminals . But the impartial thinker should take into his estimate the motives to action , irrespective of the COllSBquences . We do not believe that the conduct of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was the effect of a ruthless or depraved disposition . The excellent character as good citizens , good fathers , and good husbands , maintained by these men , furbid the harbouring of any such thought . That their conduct was rash and imprudent in the extreme , we readily admit ; but wc cannot discover in it that glaring criminality which you tell us is so obvious to your mental optics . Their criminality appears to us to be akin to that of Washington , of Tell , of Wallace ,
of Hampden , of Emmett , of Fitzgerald ; names which virtue has hitherto pronounced with veneration—names wliich fame has inscribed upon the scroll of immortality ; memories which , ages hence , will be enveloped in the brighthalo , a world ' s reverence , when that ot a Macauley will only be mentioned in connection with political tergiversation , Whig jobbery , or schemes for upholding a grinding , oppressive , and anti-Christian system of class mis-rule . You say that the law has not yet been satisfied as respects Frost , Williams , and Jones . This , sir , when put In more understandable phraseology , is simply that vengeful natures , like thai ; of Thomas _Baliington Macauley , is not yet satisfied . Instances , however , recur to our minds wherein the law was satisfied with
a . few months ' expatriation for greater crimes than those alleged against Frost , Williams , and Jones much greater , to use one of your own similes , than the crime of robbing a hen-roost . The Canadian rebellion must be fresh in your recollection : a _disastrous event brought about by the injustice of that expiring , that execrable faction of which yon are so worthy a member . That rovolt was crushed ; many wore killed and wounded ; a yreat . number were made prisoners ; the majesty of the law gloatod its royal eyes over the strangulation of twenty-nine of them ; while several were sentenced to transportation lor life . Their cause was eloquently pleaded at the bar of the House of Commons , by Mr . Roebuck ; the Royal clemency was exercised , their sentences were revoked , and they were restored to those homes made desolate , and to tliose hearts made
_diueonsolate by their absence . Thus , J'OU _perceive , there are weighty precedents in favour of the release of these " great criminals , " whose punishment you tell us , with seeming regret , is less than that of poor huls for picking pockets . All we ask is even-handed justice ; all we implore is the same mercy fur the Welshman which has been extended to the Canadian . We would advise you to alter your opinions , or to keep them from the severe eye of public scrutiny . They will not stand the ordeal of investigation . Your opinions upou ihe subjects of the franchise and the militia are too _despicable lor controversy . You < f _* _u-e not enunciate thein before audiences of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh . At the last gencrai election you received a must significant hint of the abhorrence in which they hold your principles , in the fact that , when tlie . show of haiids was taken , year Chartist opponent , Mr . Lowery , had a majority of four to one over you . Depend upon it . tl » : _\ . 1 _tviv
The Ghaut1st Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
refusal to do a simple act of justice will not be forgotten , when you again solicit the favour ot the in-Habitants of Edinburgh . Change your notions , good sir , if you would have the respect of the 4 peoplc ; cherish them , if you prefer the . favour , ot taction . Your opinions are far in the rear of the spirit ot tue age ; the public mind has long passed that point in pro _. ress , when crafty logicians could palm the ortnodoxy of your views upon it . , L _, ae nf The lriends of the exiles entertain strong hopes or success in their present efforts . These hopes are nw depressed by your menaced opposition . ill < - . _^ founded upon the intense feeling abroadfavourable to their release ; upon the integrity of character preserved to the time of the calamitous _outoraiK .,
up upou the fact , that the highest law authorities , including six of the fifteen judges , have most solemnly declared their trial illegal ! and , upon the fact , that during the six gloomy vears of their captivity the conduct of these great criminals has been _irreproacliaUfe . We say , emphatically , that if these men are not worthy to be made the recipients ot the _lioyal clemency , that the prerogative of mercy had better at ouce be declared a nullity . The friends of the exiles appeal with confidence to the benevolent and humane —they appeal to those who square their conduct by the golden rule ot justice , to do as thy would be done by—the ? appeal to all , through whose hearts flows cue limpid current of _phiiauthtopy , to lend them a helping act in the cause of humanity aud justice .
1 have ihc honour to be , Sir , on tke part of the committee , yours _< rery respectfully , Thomas Martin _Whekikk , Secretary .
TIIE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE TO THE ELECTORS Ai \ D 1 NO 1 N-ELECTORS
OF EDINBURGH . Gentlemen , —We trust that apologies will not be required for the liberty we have taken in thus publicly addressing you . We feel urged to the pursuit of this course by a high sense of duty . We have , gentlemeu , undertaken the management of a cause which we are resolved to guard with the most scrupulous vigilance . And whenever , or wherever , that cause is assailed , we consider it imperative upon us to rush to its vindication . The _causo alluded to is the restoration to their native land of tbe exile patriots , Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones . Gentlemen , we have to prefxv a . complaint against your representative , T . B . Macauley , Esq ., for au attempt
to obstruct the accompiishnunt of the object wliich we have in view . Two letters of hiss have recently appeared in one of your local papers , and , judging from the tenor of one of them , Mr . _Duncombe _' s motion on Tuesday evening , in favour of the exiles , will be met with his determined opposition . One part of the policy of the Restoration Committee Juts been to illicit the expression of the greatest amount of sympathy in behalf of those friends of the rights of labour . Our object in this address is to give effect to that policy ; our purpose is to ascertain whether the views of the enlightened iuluvbvtants of Edinburgh , in regard to the liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones , are in unison with those put forth by T . ii . Macauley , Esq .
Gentleman , these individuals , although according to the _higher authorities illegally convicted , have now suffered six years of gloomy bondage , and your representative says the law is not yet satisfied , because their punishment is less than that of poor lads for picking pockets ! The wives and families of these men have endured six years of torturing anguish , produced by the absence of their nearest and dearest friends . They are about to appeal to the humanity of the British Parliament , and your representative tells thvm to banish hope from their hearts —that their sufferings . are interminable ! We ask whether the principles of such conduct are compatible with that clement disposition , which forms the brightest adornment in the human character ? We cherish strong hopes that Mr . Macauley will very soon discover that there ate but few hearts in Edinburgh to throb responsive to the promulgation of his heartless principles .
Gentlemen , your representative holds opinions , upon other important subjects , which we deem totally at variance wi th j ustiee . You will see , by the letters already alluded to , that he is favourable to the compuliory enrolment of the militia . He has the effrontery to tell the young men of Edinburgh , that it is for their benefit to be forced to pursue tho throat-cutting trade lor 7 s . _a-week . ! lie appears to be tyrauc enough to force youth into the army , and , as a consequence , age into the bastile , and hypocrite enough , to tell the people that his impelling motive
is zeal for the public good ! He would fine you ten pounds for refusing military service , or send you to the treadmill for three months , all the time assuring you that he was the friend of your interests ! lie would , to our monster war establishment of 250 , 000 men , add 40 , 000 more , because his imagination is haunted with the spectre of a ' * _aostitc armament " in the Forth ! He would considerably augment the fifteen millions sterling , annually abstracted by taxation from labour , to uphold the army and navy , yet takes to himself credit for being an economising reformer !
Non-eicctors of Edinburgh , you are most grossly insulted by your pseudo representative . In one of these letters he gives his " best consideration" to the subject of the franchise . He gravely assures you that he refused the people the suffrage on the same ground that he would refuse a razor to a man who wanted to cut his owu throat ! Mark the insulting arrogance of this Whig pensioner— "Irefused them the franchise . " Who , or what , we ask , is this presumptuous upstart , that dares to uity to the people of Britain , " 1 refuse you the franchise ? " Whence derives he authority to use such daring _language 1 Who is he that attempts to deny his fellow creature those rights which he has equal capacities to exercise—those privileges , not of man ' s , but of God ' s institution ? The haughty , despotic mortal , capable of all this , is T . B . Macauley , Esq ., Whig M . i \ lor
the City of Edinburgh ! He is afraid , he says , that the possession ot * the _fvauduse by the people would change them from peaceful , moral subjects , into ruthless coufiscatovs of public property ! And hence , to prevent so direful a consummation , he withholds from thciu the suffrage . Gentlemen , this crafty Whig refuses it for reasons the very reverse of those which he assigns . He withholds it not , as he says , to prevent spoliation of property , but that the spoliation of your labour by landlords , landlords , and profitlords , may proceed without interruption . To use a simile of his own , he is fearful that the razor ef the franchise , in the hands of an intelligent people , would be used in lopping off such excrescences from the nation ' s burden as his Indian pension , or in exterminating those voracious monstrosities _whose'destructive fangs are ever stuck in the vitals of industry .
Gentlemen , we conceive that the avowal of these heartless principles by your representative , imposes upon you the necessity of declaring your real sentiments . Your silence at present , will identify you with these odious views entertained by Mr . Macauley . He is opposed to the release of Frost , Williams , and Jones . If , gentlemen , you think otherwise ; if you deem them worthy of restoration , we call upon you , in the name of humanity , to proclaim your philanthropic aspiration to the world . If you consider the compulsory enrolment of the militia tyrannous and oppressive , now , while government is concocting its new militia laws , is the time for you to speak out ill Uiunistakeable language . If you think the principle of uiiiversalenfhinchisementtobc just und truthful , then let the world know that there is no similarity between the politics of Thomas Babington Macauley and those of the inhabitants of the important town which he so foully represents . Thomas Mahtis Wheeler , Secretary .
Exiixs' Restoration Committeb , Friday Evbxiso . —Mr . Godwin , in the chair . Mr , Stallwood reported from Finsbury respecting the getting up of a public meeting for the exiles , in that borough . Mr . Moore also reported the movements made by the members of the National Association in favour of the return of tbe exiles . Mr , Clark reported the result of au interview with Mr . Duncombe . Mr . Milne reported a favourable result of the _deputation to the carpenters . Mr , Milne also reported favourably from the tailors of the Blue Posts . Mr . Luke gave in a favourable report from the broad-silk weavers , the City _shoemakers , the cabinet-iu .-. kcw , and the farrier ' s . On the motion of 'Mr . Clark , it was resolved , — "That a tea party , concert , and ball , should be
got up , at the Parlhcnium-rooms , on Friday , March 21 th , in aid of tho funds of the Committee ; " and Messrs . Wheeler , Stallwood , Souter , Milne , and Whiimorc , were appointed to make the necessary _ammgements . Mr . Dunn reported from the City locality , and Mi \ Simpson from Camberwell . Ou the motion of Messrs . Clark and Stallwood , it was resolved— " That an address should be got up to the electors and non-electors of Edinburgh , calling upon them to do justice to Babington Macauley , for his cowardly attack upon ' the Welsh patriots ; and also , that copies of the address be sent to the various metropolitan and provincial papers likely to insertit . " The meeting then adjourned . —On Sunday afternoon the Committee again assembled , Mr . Milne in the
chair . Messrs . Clark , Doyle , and M'Grath , reported the result ot their labours , and read favourable replies from several M . _IVs . Messrs . M'Grath and Mills gave in a favourable report from the skein-silk dvers . Mr . King reported from the broad-silk weavers . " Mr Ihorno was added to the committee , _luivinr been deputed from a party of friends meeting at " the Hall of Science , _Goswell-streef . Messrs . White and Henley were also added to the committee . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved— " That tho se cretary send to Newport , Walts , to induce _tUern to get up a petition , signed by the town council _alsn
one by the _mliabitanty . " It was also resolved' lhat the secretary of this committee should write to the secretary at Manchester , requesting him to endeavour to get the trades of that town to petition ill favour of the object . " On the motion of Messrs . M'Grath and Rogers , it was resolved- " That the Executive should be appointed as a deputation to tlie various editors ot newspapers in London , requesting their assistance m this humane _undcrtakim-. " Ou the motion of Messrs . Simpson and Clark , it " was resolved- I hat the various members of the committee , with suck help as they can procure , should wait Willi a petition on the ministers of religion , in their
The Ghaut1st Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
districts . " It was then resolved— " That the secretary should iuue collecting-books to the committee , to raise subscriptions in favour of the object . " Deputations were then appointed to the five divisions of the shoemakers , to ; the farriers , cabinet-makers , typefounders , silk . hatters , plasterers , stonemasons , the United Trades , and to Mr . Duncombe . The meeting then adjourned until Wednesday evening . The committee again met at the Parthenium , St . Martin's-lanc , on Wednesday eveniug , March the 4 th , Mr . John Arnott in the chair . The deputations to members of Parliament , the public press , the Finsbury and other meetings , and the address committee reported . The reports were deemed satisfactory and received . The committee were delighted with the very cheering prospect of success likely to attend their humble efforts . After according a vote of thanks to the chairman , they adjourned until Sunday afternoon ( three o ' clock ) , at Turnagain-lane .
MEETING IN SOUTHWARK . A numerously attended public meeting was held at the South London Chartist Hall , _Blackfriarsroad , on Monday evening , March the 2 nd , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr , Fairthild was unanimously called to the chair , and said , the purpose for which they had , that night , met was purely philanthropic , and no man could more desire the restoration of the much-injured men than he did . He thought their longer continuance in a felons' land would be a disgrace to a civilised nation . ( Cheers . J Mr . T . Clark , in an able , energetic speech , which elicited the loudest applause , moved the first resolution , similar to the resolutions adopted at all meetings held for this purpose . Mr . Bell , in an able
aud argumentative speech , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . Doyle , in a speech of much eloquence , moved the adoption ofa petition , embodying the foregoing resolution , which was seconded and carried unanimously . Mr . Thomas Cooper , with his usual ability , moved the adoption ofa petition on behalf of William Slierrat Ellis , wliich was seconded by Mr . Alfred Hunnibell , late of Stafford , and an acquaintance of William Ellis . Tlte petition was unanimously adopted . Mr . John Gathard said , he was intrusted with the following mo & t iva _{ KHUH \ t resolution : — " That this meeting have read with extreme disgust , the base and inhuman letter of Babington Macauley , M . P ., relative to the unfortunate yet noble-minded Welsh i
martyrs , and hereby express their aeep conviction , that any human being who can hold and utter such , worse than brutal sentiments , is totally unfit to represent any enlightened constituency . " Mr . Gathard read the letter above referred to , and sat down by moving the resolution . Mr . Philip M'Grath said , he felt great pleasure in seconding so forcibly written a resolution , and lie had every reason to believe it would be unanimously adopted . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed such an hatred of inhumanity existed in the breast of Englishmen , that must induce them to execrate such sentiments as those enunciated by Thomas Babington Macauley . ( Loud Cheers , ) The case of Frost , Williams , aud Jones , was well known , and understood by them , and henco
they were ail favourable to the return of those men ; therefore ; he would confine himself to the dissection of the letters of Babington Macauley , who was reckoned among the clever of the Whig Malthusians , and hence it was necessary that the people should understand him . Mr . M'Grath then read the letter relative to the late national petition , and said the man who could put to paper such falsehoods was a wilful slanderer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) We do not Cllll for national bankruptcy , nor for the destruction of property . ( Hear , hear . ) We , in that petition , simply asked for the just right of all , namely , that every man of sane mind , non-convicted of crime , and of twenty-one years of age , should have a voice in the making of those laws he is called on to
obey . ( Loud cheers , j We still contend for this , and are still . determined to continue the struggle until success crown our efforts , despite all the base calumiiicsof glib philosophers . ( Great cheering . ) Again , we asked in that petition that the religious rights of all should be respected , that every man should be allowed to worship God in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience and which , he believed was Btrictly in accordance with philosophy , reason , justice , aud common sense , ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Macauley had charged the Chartists with having a desire to confiscate the soil . So far from this being true , we declared that it had already been confiscated . We did more , we pointed out the robbers , among whom numbered Babington Macaulcv .
and we demanded that those robbers should restore the stolen property to its rightful owners . ( Vociferous cheering . ) Babington . Macauley said , he " refused the franchise to the working classes by the same rule as he would refuse a razor to a man who would ask him for it for the purpose of cutting his own throat . " He refused!—who gave him Unfranchise to bestow or withhold as he pleased ( Loud cheers . ) He knew some , of whom Mr . Macauley was of the number , that said tht franchise was a trust ; , * but he ( Mr . M'Grath , ) wished to know who had invested them with the trust ? ( Great cheering , ) There was another subject deeply interesting to them , on which Mr . Macauley had passed some flippant and impertinent remarks—he meant the embodiment of the militia ;
and which he trusted , notwithstanding the sublet } of Mr . Sidney Herbert , they would be prepared to reiist to a man . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . T . B . Macauley contended that the state had a right to call on an to serve in the militia . Now , he ( Mr . M'Grath ) contended the government had no such right , * and theii right was cuntined to those who had the franchise , ( Great cheering . ) He had not in the course of his life read or heard anything half so brutal as tin letter of this sapient legislator . Even the great bulk of the middle classes were in favour of the restoration of those " great criminals . " As a proof of this , a friend of his had waited or the shopkeepers , _calling at every house in Great Windmill-street , and onh met with one refusal to _' signa petition in their behalf
( Loud checre . ) In what did their criminality consist J In then- patriotism , in their love of country , in their humanity , in their burning desire for tht welfare of humanity , and their aspirations for the establishment of a universal brotherhood . ( Great cheering . ) In those ennobling sentiments that warmed the breast of a Russell , a Howard , a Sydney , a Pyni , or a Hampden , that glowed in the hearts _, of an Emmett , a Fitzgerald , or immortalised the names ofa Skirving , Gerald , Margarot , and Palmer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) lie viaa _antpriseri that it being professing to be the representative of the Modern Athens , of the Scotch metiopolis , should venture to pour forth such brutal and inhuman sentiments , seeing that scarce ten persons in all Scotland
could be found to agree with him ; so great was the veneration for patriotic martyrs and heroes , that the Scotch grave-yards abounded with monuments to those twin-brothers of the Welsh martyrs , Skirving , Gerald , and Palmer . ( Loud cheers . ) Notwithstanding the malignant slanders hurled at the honiU of the suffering exiles by their Whig persecutors , he could congratulate the _meeting on the near approach of the day of triumph ; and theu every man among them , when hailing the return of Frost , Williams , and Jones , might lay his hand on his heart , and say , " This is indeed part of my work . " ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was put , and carried amid great applause . A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , who _brittiy responded , and the meeting dissolved .
IlA . MMERSMiin .--At a public meeting held at the Dun Cow , Brook-green-lauc , on Tuesday evening , March 3 rd , Mr . Cook in the chair , it was unanimously resolved— " That Colonel T . Wood , one of the members for the county of Middlesex , present the petition on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , for this district . " " That Mr . G . H . Cook be subsecretary , and Mr . J . Newell sub-treasurer . " " That the best thanks of this meeting be tendered to Mr . J , Harris , late editor of the 'English Chartist _^ Circular , ' for services rendered to this locality . " " That steps be taken with a view to holding public meetings once per month , in the spacious Temperance Hall , Bridge-road , for the furtherance of the Chartist cause . " " That the petition sheets now out for signature be returned to Mr . Stallwood , on or before Sunday night , March 8 th . " A vote of thanks was «; iven to the chairman , and the meeting dissolved .
. MEETING AT PAISLEY . A public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley , on behalf of the Welsh patriots , was heW in the Chartist Church , Canal-street ,- on the evening of Monday . Councillor Campbell was called to the chair , and in a very able and appropriate address opened the business of the meeting . Duncan liobertson proposed the first resolution , which , having been seconded by Mr . James Fleming , was put and carried _unanijnously . Mr . _ltobert Cochran then proposed the petition prepared by the committee , which was seconded by Mr . William Campbell , who made a powerful appeal to the sympathies of the meeting on behalf of the exiles . The petition was unanimously agreed to . It was then agreed tbat the petition be _forwardad immediately to Mr . Duncombe , and that the four M . Fs . connected with the county , viz ., Messrs . Ilastie , Stewart , Bouverie , and Baine , be severally written to , and requested to support tbe motion of Mr . Duncombe . A vote of thanks was
carried by acclamation to Councillor Campbell . Mr . Campbell having replied , the meeting separated . BnoMSOROVE . —A meeting of the Chartists wns held at the Horn and Trumpet , _Bromsgrove , on Thursday , when the petition sheets for the restoration of Frost , Williams , and Jones , were brought in , containing two thousand four hundred _signatures ' whicli were forwarded to Mr . Duncombe for presentation . The comity members for the eastern division of Worcestershire have been written to to support the prayer ot the petition , but answers have not been received .
_Barimsm-t . —Letter to Lord _Mo-ukm—My Lord ,-As secretary to Frost ' s Restoration Comnuttce , I have received your letter from the chairman , to wnoin it was addressed , and 1 think it calls lor a reply . You very delicatel y tell us that vou " not vote or the hb -ration of these brave men ; „ bteai . se they are Chartists , but for being " re J tuid " sheddcrs ot blood / ' Now mv 1 _m-, 1 _Ti ., 1 ., the liberty of telling you that they X _toJfiS _' _S
The Ghaut1st Exiles. The Exiles' Restora...
what you state them to be . It was because their noble and philanthropic souls recoiled at theshedu ' _uif of blood , that caused them to be in the unhappy con . dition they are now in . My Lord , let as just test your dislike to shedding blood by your actions . Tha system that you bol _> ter up sends thousands annually to a premature grave ; how many , at this very mo , mont , are languishing with hunger , while your lord . » hip and those of your kidney are wallowing in licentious indulgence ? And , my Lord , where was your dislike to the shedding of humani blood , _wlien you voted for that atrocious , blood-thirsty , and in . Human Poor Law , which accursed law has caused thousands of human beings to commit suicide as the only means of escaping its brutal barbarity ? My
Lord , it may seem right enough for persons in you " _, station of life to philosophise and calculate how many filthy crumbs will keep body and soul together , jf those whose fate it may be to become the victims of your worse than _Algerine Whig Poor Law ( _poc , enough , God knows ); but , for my part , I would sin . _c-erely thank Almighty God to swallow up the universe with an earthquake , rather than such an unnatural state as at present exists should continue any longer . My Lord , I should like you to demon _, strate your superiority over me , to prove your right to be a lordly drone , and my right , or rather wrong , to be your abject slave , deprived of-everything that can make life at all desirable . Yet such is the _relalion my class _Btands in to your class . If you think
that you , and the whole unfeeling crew , whose flinty hearts cannot only let them refuse to lend a helping hand , but yield their demon-like assistance to continue the bondage of the glorious and ever-beloved John Frost and his brave _associates , can reconcile the people to such brutal conduct , either by your deceitful 6 milesoryour savage frowns , you will find yourselves miserably deceived ; as I can promise you , iu the name of theoppressed millions of this country , there shall be no peace for the wicked till our land is adorned with the presence of the illustrious and hallowed John frost and his co-sufferers . This you will find the case if ever you take another elec tioneering tour through the West Ridine of Yorkshire .
The very name of John Frost is considered by the productive and useful portion of the community to be synonymous with everything that is excellent and virtuous ; while , 1 assure you , the name of Morpeth conveys a very different impression . I remain constantly , no very great admirer of your lordship ; yet 1 would not injure you , I would only prevent your Wing mischief . —John Ward , Secretary to the Frost Restoration Committee . Barnsley , Feb . 26 , 1 S 46 . To Lord Viscount Morpeth . Shsfmejj ) . —The petition in behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , and Eliis , has been forwarded to Mr . _Ou' _-cowta , containing 13 , 000 signatures . The borough and county members have been written to , and the following are the answers from two of them : — London , Feb . 23 , 1846 .
Sir , —I have been favoured with your letter , requesting my attemion to the petition from Sheffield entrusted to . Mr . Duncombe . I have every wish to attend to all the wishes of my con » titueirts ; but , in this ease , I make no promise of support . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your humble servant , — Mokpeth , 1 G , Suffolk-street , Feb . 24 , 1816 . Sir , —I have received your note of the 21 st , and wil j endeavour to he iu my place upon Mr . Duncombe britig . ing the subject it refers to before the house . I need not tell you , that the interference of a popular body , line the House of Commons , with the prerogative of the Crown in matters which aii ' ect the administration of public justice , has always been looked at with great jealousy , and is liable to very serious objections . At the same time , there axe sometimes cases which justify it .
Whether the present is one in which public justice mny be considered satisfied , I must hear a little more of the intermediate conduct ot the parties before I presume to decide . I shall be glad , however , you may depend upon it , in this , as in all cases , to make punishment as lenient us is consistent with the safety ofthe community ; and , as you ask for nothing in your note but a fair consideration ofthe statemont , I can assure you , that I shall approach the subject with a strong desire to find a justification for giving my support to this petition . Yours obediently , Mr . George Curtis , J . _l-musa .
Frost, Williams, And Jones. [Important A...
FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . [ Important article from the Morning Advertiser Wednesday , " ] Our readers must have observed , from the frequency with which petitions have of late been presented to Parliament for a remission of the sentence of transportation for life , which Frost , Williams , and Jones are now undergoing , that the public mind has recently been much occupied with the destiny of these unfortunate men . The feeling is strong and general , that a free and full pardon ought to be extended to them , and that this pardon should be granted without further delay .
It is gratifying to find that , amid the profound and universal sympathy which is felt for the state convicts in New South Wales , no disposition has been anywhere betrayed to attempt to palliate the offence for whicli they are suffering . The grounds en which it is sought to obtain the remission oi * the remainder of the sentence passed on the unhappy men , are two in number . The first is , that the majesty of the law has already been sufficiently vindicated . They have now endured the honors of transportation for six years ; and considering the hardships of their lot , that term of punishment must have amply satisfied the claims of justice . As they are men of intelligence , and had moved in a better sphere of life than the generality of convict * , they have suffered as much during their six years of transportation as others would do in three times that period .
The mercy of the Sovereign may , therefore , bo solicited with peculiar propriety on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . There is not , we believe , a single individual in the country who would not be rejoiced to see the clemency of the Crown extended to them . It would add greatly and deservedly to the popularity ot * the Sovereign , and would be regarded as a gracious act on the part of the government . But there is another reason why the friends oi humanity may , with a peculiar propriety , approach the Queen ou behalf of these individuals . Serious doubts are entertained by several of the Judges and most distinguished legal gentlemen in the country , as to the validity of the proceedings at their trial .
It is the decided opinion of the legal authorities to whom we refer , that , inasmuch as the list of the witnesses to be brought against the prisoners on the ! trial wns not delivered until five days after the deli-¦ very of the copy of the indictment and the list of the jurors , the whole _proceedings were vitiated . The law , according to Sir Frederick Pollock , now the Lord Chief Baron , requires that the list of witnesses , the list of jurors , and the copy of the indictment , should all be delivered to the prisoners at one a 7 id the same time . It was proved on the trial that a copy of the list of wituesses was not delivered until five days after the delivery ofthe list of jurors and ol" a copy ot the indictment .
Lord Brougham is of the same opinion as Sir Frederick Pollock . The _non-delivfry of the list of I : witnesses at the proper time , his Lordship holds to > bo fatal to tho whole proceedings . "It applied , " ' says his Lordship , in a speech in the _llouse of Lords i in 1 S 40 , on tbe subject , "to everyone of the wit- - nesses . A stronger case for absolute acquittal I have e never known iu the whole course of my professional d experience . I consider , looking at the circumstances s of the case , that the unfortunate individuals are e entitled to a total release—an extension of mercy it it cannot be called , because I consider that a total _re-elease is a legal right and justice . " There is no mis- staking language like this . Is is as plain , unequivocal , d , decided , energetic , as language cau be .
That the Judge who presided on the occasion , felt _; lt that there was much force in the objection referred ed to , was clearly shewu by the fact that he reserved ed the point for the consideration of the fifteen Judges ; cs of England . But a still stronger proof of the validity tty of the objection urged in favour of the prisoners , is is to be fouud in the tiicd that nine out of the fifteen , en . Judges declared tbat the _uoii-iiolivery of the list of of witnesses with the other two documents would haveive been fatal to the entire proceedings , had the objec-ec tion been taken in time . A ' ine out of the fifteen sen held that it had not been taken in time . The other ler six Judges held that it was not only a fatal objection , an , but that it had been taken in time . Here there is a large minority of the fifteen Judgesges of England , solemnly declaring , after the deepesbest deliberation , and tho most ample discussion of the the merits of the point at issue , that the tvi ; vl , _con-sonvictiou , and punishment of these unhappy _iudividualsial ' were illegal .
It was at the time the source of surprise in _West-estminster Hall , that , under all the circumstances , the the men should ever have been sent out of the countryjtry It surely then would be but doing a gracious act , act , now that they have suffered six years of _transporta-irta tion , to remit the remainder of their sentence , and and restore them to their country and their friends , The myriads who have petitioned for the release o ! se oi Frost , Williams , and Jones , are not only justified ird k doing so for the reasons to which we have referred / red , but they have a case in point to as a _precedentient , rlM
urge . _ n !• - ii . The Canadian rebels have received the mercy of the _tl Sovereign . They hove been pardoned . Some of _thenthei have returned from the penal colonics to their owv ou country and friends , and others are filling responsiblasib situatious . in the British Colonial Government . Is . afforded us at the time great gratification to find thai th the Royal clemency was extended to the Canadiaiadi ; rebels ; but if either of the two classes ot " convict-vie had a preferable claim to the mercy of the _Sovereigmsig itwas , for the reasons already stated , Frost , _Willianisiani and Jones .
At all events , we arc sure there will be a _uuaniuar mous concurrence of opinion with us , when we sac si that it would not only be _ungracious , but absolutellutc cruel , and monstrously unjust , to-exact from thn t Welsh convicts a further term of the terrible punislunU incut they are enduring , after having extended i ) pd t _clemoucy ut ' llic Crown to the Canadian rebels .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 7, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_07031846/page/6/
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