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¦^ 10 ^ 1848. .. ^ .¦. . ., , .. _ __ T ...
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THE LABOURER. A Monthly Ifagazine ofPoli...
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rfacte anti Jaimesf *
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' TT* c»B the cfoktst.' HEROE3 A5D COUCj...
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* * And , my lord , the victory is with ...
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[The following letter, with the exceptio...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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¦^ 10 ^ 1848. .. ^ .¦. . ., , .. _ __ T ...
_¦^ 101848 . _.. _^ _. ¦ . _. ., , .. __ ___ T HE , , _q , rtH _^^ N _. STAR _^ ¦ - - ¦ _, - " ' _% . ' „
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- " ~ Rh£ Tree Of Liberty. Bt Bose*T Irl...
- " ~ rH £ TREE OF LIBERTY . BT BOSE * T _irlSS . the tine of the first French revolution , but * riSe 3 _** h _* jeirlS 3 S .
Yt Bletiinr* . «Y »«Ena See Cm«, To, P I...
yT _bletiinr _* . « y _»« ena see cm « _, TO , p itied _GalUa ' _s slave , man _Kui tto *' d _hraacb , spite o' the de'iL , _jrae yos t the weitern waves , man Pair virtue watered it wi' care Asd new » MS wi' PrIde » _» CT gw _weel it feadi and blossoms there , Its branches spreading wide , man . Bat vicioss folks ay hate to see -tee worts o * virtue thrive , man . lbs courtly vermin ' s bauu'd the twi , And _grat to » e « It thrive , man ; Sine Louis thought to cut it dovrn ,
When it was unce sma man ; For this the watchman crack'd hit crown Cat off his he 3 d and a ' , man . A wick _? d crew _eyjae , on a time , Tj i 3 tak' a solemn aith , man , ItRe ' er _ehoxld Sourish t » itB prima , I _trat they pledg'd their faith , man ; Awa' they gaed , wi' mock parade , Like be & _z ' es banting game , man But sods grew weary o' the trade , A . nd _wiih'd they'd been at home , man Heard ye o' the tree o * France I wstna what ' s the name o ' t ; _Aroaad it a' the patriot * dance , Weel Europe kens the fame o ' t . It stand * where once the bastile stood , A _jrisoa _, built by kings , man , When sopEntirioB ' i hellish onnd , £ _spt France iu leading strings man _.
Cpo' this tree there grows sic fruit , lis virtues s' cm tell , man ; It raises man _aboon tho brute , It makes him ken _himeel ' , man . Gif ance the peasant taste a bit , He's greater _tkaa a lord , man , An' wi' the beggar shares a mite 0 ' ' he can afiord , man . This fruit is worth a' Afric _' s wealth , To comfort us ' twas sent , man ; To give the sweetest blush o * health , An' mak * as a' content , man .
It clears the e ' en it cheers the heart , Mat ? high and low guid friendB _, maa ; And hs wha sets tha _traitor ' s part It to partition sends , man . For freedom standing by tke tree , Her tons did loudly ca ' , man ; She sang a sang o' liberty , Wbich _pleas'd them sue and a ' , man _. By her _inspir'i , the new-bora face , Soon drew the _avesging steel , mia ; The hirelings ran , her foes _gied chase , And bang'd the despot weel , man .
Lst Britain _baait her hardy oak , Her poplar snd her pise , man , Auld Britain ance could crack her joke , And o ' er her neighbours shine , . But seek the forest ronnd and round , Aad soon ' twill be agreed , man _. That sic a tree cannot be found , ' T wixt London and the Tweed , raan . Without this tree , alack , this Ufa In hut a vale o' woe , man ; A scene o * » orr » w mix'd wi * strife , Kae real joys we know , man ; "We labour soon , we labour late , To feed the titled knave , man ; And a , ' the comfort we're ta get It that ayont the grave , man .
Wi plenty o' lie trees I trow , The world would live in peace , mas ; The iword would ielp to mak' t plough , The din o' war would a ease , man . Like _brethren in & common came _. We'd oa each other smile , man j Asd equal rights and equal laws Wad gladden every isle , man . Wu worth the loon wha _wadaa eat Sic halesome dainty cheer , man ; Fd _gi ' e ray _sboon frae _cffiny feet , To taste sic fruit , I swear , man , Syn 9 let um prxy , auld Englxad may , Sure plant this far . fam'd tree , man ; And blythe we'll tin ; , and hail the day , That gave ni liberty , man .
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The Labourer. A Monthly Ifagazine Ofpoli...
THE LABOURER . A Monthly _Ifagazine ofPoli tics , Literature , Poetry , & c . _Xo . XVIII . Juss . London : Xorthem Star Office , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymarket ; J . Watson , 3 , Queen ' s-Eead-passzge ; Manchester : Abel Heywood . This _deservedly popular magazine has now re & ehsd its tVud volume , the concluding nnmber of which is devote ' , t * a most appropriate and timely treatise on Labour , by F . O'Connor , E-q ., M . P . Notwithstanding the phrase , ' rights of Labour , ' is continually on the tips and in the written productions of a great _minj persoES , it is undeniable that those rights have hitherto been but very ob * carely snd imperfectly defined . Mr 0 'Conno ? 8 essay dispels the obscurity which has hitherto surrounded this question . A few extracts wili show the character and value of this treatise .
Mr O'Connor commences by reviewing the hostile sections of society arrayed against , because living by tie plunder of , the labourers ; and implores the latter to look only to themselves for their own _regeerstion . 'Ever _. ' ssrs Mr O'Connor , 'bear tbis tct in mind , that itis madness to suppose that tha _apitalist , whose whole profit is Hiade of the _labourin' dependence , will acquiesce in securing bis inlependenee . ' Mr O'Connor then traces the direful consequences ii the non-te _; _rasfintation of Labour in ths _legisla _* enre ; proving that the labourer is the most heavily _iied when least able to stagger under the burden . laving shown how aristocratio idleness is quartered _npen _ill-rtqsited industry , Mr O'Connor proceeds to -dminister the following honest raproof to the _lai . arers themselves : —
POPCLiE JOIXT . _"ffhta trade is good , and the majority ofthe people are « nplojed , taej measure their condition by tbe _comparattre icalt , snd the parings from tee board of each win go ftr provide for unwilling paupers , as to hu 3 h their _toicb iathedinofsatisfection . Tbese temporary gleamg of _rssitine break and interrupt the continuous chain of Uboar ' _i apposition to _despatie misrule ; they doubt etch _5-ier , rival each other , compete with eaeh other , nd contend against each other during thit sea-; _a of _compsratire prosperity ; and when _adverilty jmss upon them like a _thitf in tha dark , the labourers ' -inr . now for the most part from hand to mouth ex . _ters , turn In _freDsy , and with Impetuosity , to their _aders , and gay , ' Here we are gtarving , why do yon not _irshal us and prepare ns for the _struggle ; ' while in the tour or comparative prosperity wera deaf to _; words of wisdom , and laughed at him who was ' y enough to foretell the coming cloud and the storm . In the following paragraph Mr O'Connor _poweruTtietchesthe
_KI-DII or THE WEALTH-CB . Ei . TOX ' At home , you cannot consume the prodace ofyourown > our ; _tbemsn who weave * shirts for _otheri Is shirtless _JJJiEelf ; tbe E 3 _& S wbo makes shoes for others is bare * _it ; the man who spins for others Is buried without t _ndicj sheet ; the man wbo makes coffins fer others la _mself buried in a shell in a pauper ' s grave ; he who vss and he who reaps mast put np with a scanty fare , while those who neither reap nor sow , live _inaSsence US luxury . How comes it then , that the Englishman , v _ic cannot _KCEra s _mtre snbiistence at home , is to be tile as a foreigner and an outlaw to _purchs 5 _» ths _pro--tte of his own _esontry In foreign lands , _glamped with * it brand of English taxation , and increased ia price by _teiiptnseofimportition , rhk _, freight , and _ininrence ' j ! raw material , and exportation of ihe manufactured _t'ticle , with double risk , freight , and insurance !
Mr O'Connor argues the great truth that the _in-Crests of all who live by labour , are identical and " _^ separable , and _imoresses upon the working men ¦ ie duty to _themselves , as well as to their fellows , of ; ctmg upon the principleziCH TO ! All , ASH ALL FOE IACH . _^ ibe _Etontmasons _, _plasttrew _, bricklayers , andcsrpeH-¦ ' - 5 , and all otheri connected with the building trade , _* ioDBT be engaged in the erection of the Houses of _^ Hsmenr , or in building new streets in the _neighboure d i f I _^ _na 0 Il i CSBI , ot vfbile so employed see the effect _^ * tte poverty of the Spitalfields weavers , the destltu-• --2 of the framework knitters of Nottinghsin . or the --Kress cf thewoolcombers oi Bradford , can possibly _^ ¦ _'e _npoa their order . The shoemaker can recognise „ - 'at : tv between tii own _intereit and tbat of the ia who
; y _^ r workhouse , lhe tailor cannot see how he _j t , _^'"^ ' _? lb « poverty of the weaver is _shirtlegg vt : XH _ILii 6 t of hi ' _surplut produce , hor c _« h the 'Jv - " ''"' Tri 3 st "earing the condition of tbe costless tsfc C : _T haTe nf ' oa bi ! _hipless fate ; bnt I tell all , that . _ » - _mtirtets of all wfco lire bv labour are Identical and _tC at , ! e _< I ttll the well-employed building trades , ' " _; . ; . ' fiW € _iVt _t-Sth £ Etockingers and _weolcombas , rX _^' _P- _^^ s _ofthsnsands , would , if will _remnneiv-r . ' ¦ ' _-t ; * " _l-t-anr , b _« better employers of their _iniri '( "' .. : X : 3 n _culIoiD masters , corporation ? , or single U- ' . V . " sIl 0 sm 6 k « B , thatthe _well-emp lojedlabourer
¦ X _^ _., ' a bsv . tr customer than ths idle pauper . I tell 4 V ~ ¦ " ' that tfas free labourer and the well requited ' -Vif _* _l' * ° . wtsr fflore coatf tnan tbe hire ( J _tJaTe ' - ' _l- X ' " _^ re is an _? I 3 * n _vfho doubts _thelllustrationg that _-uV .. . _^ ' ! wi ! 1 £ u : r ! 'JP tlie power of the millions ~ f _^ .., ' " ato 1 " the single ones thus : — ' o _fX ' _^ _V-es _tvtry shopkeeper of high end low degree it l " _., * _& credit to his _trUtorratic customers ! Itis _blU _; ' _Ar'ei ! te Kblch _co * _2 e across the counter from tbe ! fc 8 ? ' S _tina of the _toL' er _, asd yet so disconnected Is _^ : _iC . tbu tustabing force , that , upon a general i : _;! ' l _^ e _s-ojietpir , who was enabled to _accommola ' e arhto : rat by the ready peace of his ready
The Labourer. A Monthly Ifagazine Ofpoli...
_maney rastomert , la alw _. y , prepared to sacrifice the Interests 6 f tae class to tee patronage of ths aristocrat . Let the working mftH read the following , and he will at once form a clear idea of the
_TALUE OP iiBoca . A farmer who rents 200 acres of land , will be an ex . tensive employer , if throughout the year he employs eight labourers ; and out of the profits of their labour he will pay his rent , the interest of his capital vested in his operations , be will support his famil y and educate them make provisions for them , keep hi « hunter and his " horse to take him to mill and market , and his family to church ; and he will _alsa have the fond anticipation of _ilther adding to his amount of territory , or of _sscuring a sufficient amount to enable him and his partner to retire in ease and Idleness , leaving the farm to his eldest son , and _prsmotlug his younger children .
Now yoa can form some estimate ofthe value of _thets eight men's labour ; and it I am told thatthe whole _sys . tem rests upon this state of dependence , I answer , that if the eight are satisfied I am satisfied , but they must express their satisfaction after they understand that the two hundred acres , if beneficially applied , would support one hundred families in affluence , instead of eight in penury . Having reviewed the causes which haye led to the prostration of labour , and the reasons why labour never has had its reward for any -victory it hss achieved , Mr O'Connor proceeds to affirm , in the following startling propositions , the
CEBTAIK _BESDLTS Cf THE _rjCAKClriPIOH OF LABO 0 B . ' 1 st . —That tbe association of free labour and hired labour _, of tree labour expended upon agriculture sad hirei labenr measured by the value of the amount that the free labourer could earn , end by his increased ability to employ himself an additional portion of hired life our—that Great Britain and Iraland could maintain iu _lusury s population of OTer ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY MILLIONS . 2 ad . —THAT THE REALISATION OF MT PLAN WOULD MAKE THE RICH RICHER , AND THE POOR RICH .
3 rd , —THAT IT WOULD MAKE THE COMMUNITY MORE INDEPENDENT OF ALL MONETARY SCHEMES . 4 tb . —That it would destroy the necessity of taxing one portion of the community for the support af idlers , for the punishment of crime , or for the education of the people . We now call attention to the follewine convincing and unanswerable illustrations of Mr O'Connor ' s argument , showing the
HODE OF EKANCIPATIOH . Labourers , I can _illustrate the subject as well by the state of a district , as b y the state of the nation , _Soppes _* _, then , that thsre is a district wherein the employers require the labour ef 3 , 000 hands , and suppose that there em enly 3 , 000 available hands ; In sneh case , asof old , the 3 , 000 hands required to do the work will be courted and bid for , snd ths _empleyers , _notwithstanding tho _additional amount ef wa _^ es paid , will make a profit upon their labour . Bat suppose anether 1 , 600 comes , makio _$ 4 , 000 . into the same district , where labour before bore a fancy , but yet a inst , price ; in that case the
4 , 0 M will not receive as much wages aa ths 3 , 000 received , while the masters will make more profit ; bat suppose tbat the scantiness of employment iu other districts augments tht number to _i , 080 , the additonal numl » er constituting a still larger competitive reserve for the masters to fall back upon as a means of rsdaclng the price ef labour , will not receive as much wages as the 3 , 009 , which was a scanty supply ; while those employed , besides being compelled to submit to a redaction ef wages , will also be compelled to sspport tke surplus in idleness , as labour pays every tax , and capital not a farthing , bat , on the contrary , makes a profit of taxation . '
In Great Britain and Ireland there are sixty million acres of land not cultivated to a tenth part of its capability of yielding ; there are five million paupers , besides a large majority who exist in a stats of comparative ia . tisfaction , being reconciled te their condition by the worse state of their pauper order , while that amount of pauperism presses hardly upon all classes , bat mest hardly upon the labouring clasi . * * e Give me then _thres million acres , or one twentieth of the soil of ths empire , and upon those three million acres I will locate the one million _hesds of families , repre . senting the five million paupers ; and from their increased comfort and increased power of consumption , I will make them better customers ia tie artificial market than all the world beside .
There are six hundred and forty acres in a square mile of land , and I will take two miles square , ( or four square miles ) as my landscape . Two miles square is four square miles , and in four square miles thera ara two thousand fire hundred and sixty acres of land , which would give three acres each ts eight hundred famdies , and leave a hnndred and sixty acres for roads and a rural village standing in the centre of this little paradise . You will observe , by this arrangement , no cottage epon any one of the eight hundred allotments wonld be _mach above three quarters of a mile distant from the rillege , while tbe distance of the majority would be lees than half s mile . * * * We beg those who sneer at the Land Plan , to take into account the following illustration of the effects such a plan , ii put into _operatios on a national scale , would haTe upon all classes of artisans and mechanical labourers , not excepting female workers : —
THE _MXD AKD THE TRADES . I find that eight hundred families located upon the land , and recipients ofthe produce of their own labour , would give employment to the following numlaer ef tradesmen : — Tailors ... .,, ... ,,, 20 Shoemakers 20 Carters 15 Blacksmiths 10 Wheelwrights ... 6
Butchers & Bakers ... ... 4 Barbers 2 Schoolmaster * 8 Provision dialers » .,, i Agricultural gardeners ... ... S Bonnet maksrs _., 4 Dressmakers „ . 15 Hoose carpenters ... i Sawyers 2 Bricklayers and stonemasons ... 4 Pissterers and slaters ... 2
Plumbers , painters , and glaziers ... 4 Linen and woollen drapers ... ... 4 Hatters 2 Hosiers and glovers 2 Basket makers ... 2 Grecerg 4 Schoolmistresses ... ,,, ... 8 Timber dealer 1 Coal merchants 2 Cabinet makers ... ... ... 4 Toy makers 2 Carriers and leather sellers ... 4 Saddlers and harness makers >¦¦ 2
Cutlers and grinders ... ... " Whitesmith 2 Dealers in earthenware i Booksellers and stationers , 2 Seedsmen 2 Umbrella msker I Wireworker ... ... ... ... 1 Ironmongers _, 2 Tim-plate worker ¦•• 1 Dairymen ... ... ... •¦• - _Ceopers ... ... ... ... 2 Tobacconists ... ... ... ... 2 Clock and watchmakers ... .. i 2
Cnemists and surgeons - Cow leech 1 Miller and cora factor i Tradesmen of all descriptions 2 C 4 Thus , I show you the number of tradesmen actually required to snpply the wants of an agricultural population of eight hundred families , or four thousand people at five to a family ; and as butchers wear coats and shoes , snd as shopkeepers eat meat and bread , aBd are customers to all those who deal with thtm , if eight hundred families require the number of trades to supply them that I have set down , those two hundred tradesmen resident in the village—allowing that they live no better and are no better customers to one another—would
require an _addition ef fifty to those I have already stated , making a total , sustained fey the agricultural population , of two hundred and fifty families ; and to wbicb may be added trade 3 of a different class , for instance , printers , confectioners , _dancing masters , music masters , greengrocers , artists , glovers , fancy drejsmakcrs , and the snppliers of the thousand and one little luxuries which comfortable tradesmen are in the habit of indulging in . I hava not made any allowance for bricklayers' labourers , or _plasters' labourers ; for shopmen , porters , and agricultural kbonrers , employed by the shopkeepers ] and tradespeople in the cultivatioaof tbeir gardens ; which , if every five emplojed only one between them , would give _ensplojraent te fifty . I have allowed no marginfor the _increaiein the employment of those engaged in mines and minerals , in tan-yards , and the factory . I may asgnme , as tbis would be an agricultural village standing allow
upon nearly one hundred acres of land—as I sixty for roads and a pleasure park iB the centre of the village _ i may fairl y estimate that twenty ratirod tradesmen , and widows wiih small allowances , would be but too happy to flock to this paradise ; so that , upon the most minute calculation , I om bold _enough to assert , that this rordl population of eight hundred families would be the means of sustaining nearly an equal number oi trades ; end If you , the labourers of England , understood the _difference between well-cultivated and _ill . cultivated land you would not start ; were I to add a further population of six hundred families more , or three thousand _p-rsons _, to lhe number . From the first of February to the first of November , every ene ofthe eight hundred bu » baudmen would employ a labourer at remunerating wbsc . « , and eight hundred men employed for nine months in the year , ie equal to six hundred men in
theyear . . You will perceive that I have assigned no house tor the banker , tbe lawyer , the parson , the publican , the _pawnbroker , or the brothel keeper , because they are the
The Labourer. A Monthly Ifagazine Ofpoli...
¦ _eitroyers of peace , the fomenters of discontent , and the neraies of true _rsllgion . It may be presumed , that I have named trades whose work conld be better performed by ths housewife ; but I reply no—b & _cauie the rule of society Is _ajust competition and is establish _^ upon ths true _bwls of co-operation as it is cheapsr fer a man to give _sevenpence a ponnd for a pound of beef to a butcher , than to make a slovenly use of an os , a sheep , or a calf , which be should sell wholesale for sixpence a-peund ; while I further believe , that the baker , under the _iuflaeace of fair competition , and with a large trade , can sell a loaf cheaper than a
housewife could make it . However , in my estimate of the several number of tradesmen that a rural population would require , I have left a large margin for fancy , as I assign only four bakers to eight hnndred families , or one baker to two _hundredfamilles ; and if each family consumed four pounds of bread a-day , each baker should supply eight _hundred pounds of bread a day , and if he made half a farthing a pound profit , or a halfpenny profit upon the four-pound loaf , he would realise a profit of a hundred and fifty pounds a year ; and quick gale and light profit being the dealer ' s motto , if the mother bad not the benefit ofthe light profit , she would take cars that the dealer should not
have the benefit of quick sale , as I assure thoBS who estimate the genius of the working _clasBea by the necessity that misery imposes upon them , that there is a great difference between the housekeeper taking her account book and her brass to the shopkeeper en a Saturday night : in the one case she is obliged , in the _othsr tbe obliger . We must refer the reader to the Treatise Itself for the fall explanation ot the beneficial results which would be reaped by all sections of the industrious order , bythe employment of comparatively a small number of the unwilling idlers and paupers upon the land . We append a description o
_raxs _LiBoua's village . In the two miles square there are 2 , 560 acres ef land . _- 2 , 400 I have assigned to agricultural purposes ; fifty for fences and roads ; ten for a green in the centre of the village , surrounded with trees , for the villagers to walk in and the children to play in . Around tbis green should stand the eight school houses for the education of the agricultural population , and which , by a proper distribution of time , might be also made to serve fer the education of the village _populstien , or rather four hun . dred f aallies— -while I _havt only estimated two hundred and fifty—this would alien- a quarter , of an acre for streets , each house to stand upon , and a garden ; and which , as I have shows , would more than oocupy fifty agricultural labourers , independent of the rural population . This village should be built on the true sanitary principle , and would give you ten squares , at forty houses to a square , aud in these several squares tbe different trades may be conveniently cleBsed .
After unmasking the sophism of the Malthusians , on the question of over-population and _emigration , Mr O'Connor sums up—WHAT HIGHT BI JDOHX IF ENGLAND ' S _SDX 2 SS WE & E W 1 SS AHD HONEST . AH that I require is one million and a half of acres , or the fortieth part of the land of this eonntry , to locate fire hundred thousand heads of familUs , each upon three acres , at fire to a family , tbat would be two millions and a half of our population ; they will give employment to five hnndred thousand tradesmen and
shopkeepers , making at five to a family another tno million and a half , thus taking five millions of tbe surplus population ont ef the idle competitive market , raising the wages of those who remain behind them , andthere ' s the rub—relieving the land altogether of poor rates ; and allowing tbese five millions transferred from pauperism to industry—from the idle to the laborious market—consume one pound ' s worth each per year ot the _raanafaotnrig of our country more than they do now in their present state , there is an inoreaBe in our home consumption to nearly double the amount that America pays te England for tbe goods sbe imports .
We regret that want of space prevents ue doing fall justice to the merits of tbis able and admirable _exposition oi the rights of industry , aud the means by whioh those rights may be practically asserted and established , for the benefit of all elasses ef the community . We trust tbat this namberof the' Labourer ' will have an extensive circulation .
Rfacte Anti Jaimesf *
_rfacte anti _Jaimesf _*
' Tt* C»B The Cfoktst.' Heroe3 A5d Coucj...
' TT * c _» B the _cfoktst . ' HEROE 3 A 5 D _COUCjUBRORS . It is not known where he that invented the plough was born , nor where he died ; yet he has effected more for the happiness of the world than the whole race of heroes and conquerors , who have drenched it with tears , manured it with blood , and whose birth , parentage , snd education , bave been handed down to us with a precision precisely proportionate to tho mischief they have done .
THE PAST . Tho following remarkable resolutions were passed by the English _Parliament in 1649 : —* That the people under God , are the original of all just power ; that the Commons' House of Parliament , being chosen by , and representing the people , haTe the supreme power ; and that whatever is by them enacted , has the force of law , though the consent of king and peers be not added to it . '—Godwin ' s History of the Commonwealth .
IHE PRESENT . 'The legislature of Great Britain consists entirely of a certain _claBi of people , viz ., —the landholders and monied men ; of consequence the laws are made entirely for their interests—the rest of the nation being nothing accounted of , excepting in as far as their labour can be productive to the extravagance , caprice , and ambition of tbe former ; hence the phrase which they perpetually adopt—our industrious poor : as if any man ought to be poor , or would be poor , who iB industrious , if it wera not through their oppression . '—Historical Register .
_THETTjTURB . In his journal , under the date of January 13 th 1821 , the poet Byron writes : — 'Dined , news came , the powers mean to war with the people . The intelligence seems positive—let it be so , they will be beaten in the end ; the kingtimes are fast finishing . There will be blood shed like water , and tears like mist , bnt tie people will conquer in the end ; I shall not live to see it , but I foresee it . ' ' Ambition is a principle which , if it finds a man honest , will , perhaps , never leave him so . —Godwin ,
THE FELON . 'Tis Ireland's rallying cry—We'll raise it to the sky , With flashing sword and eye—The Felon ! It sounds in deathless pride-Thro' the nation far and wide , Wept , cherished , glorified , The Felon J 'Tis _streng as trumpet ' s call To route the sleepers all—To strive—to strike—to fall—The Felon ! Like flame that watchword rolls—Within onr inmost souls As a brazen bell it tolls—The Pelon !
As summer i foliage riven By the arrows of the levin From our hearts is softness driven By that word . Doabti , mists , snd fears ara flowa ' No path for us but one-He show'd the way alone—The ? elon ! That great voice struck the chime Ofa new and wondrous time ; Those deep tones rang sublime Thro' the land .
' Ne ' er combat wrong with wrong ; In truth alone be strong Strike boldly—s nd ere long Ton are free !' Now , in this time of woe , ¦ That gospel truth wa know-No parley with the foe Sball we hold . 'Tis the silent , brooding hour 'Twixt the strife of right with power ; Djrk , lurid glances lower Everywhere ! Each red-hot passion now , In this its liquid Sow , We mould for that dread blow To avenge ! By the laws that maddening mock ; B j tbe convict ship and deck ; By that parting ' s bitter shock ,
Stand prepard ; By the all unconquer'd mien In that last moment seen , Triumphant and _serine , Nerve your hearts By his wards , like sabre swing , Calm , keen , unwavering , To the winds endurance fling From this day ! By the sacrifice that seal'd Ths doctrine he nvealed , _TLiuk now but of the field And of Bim . For one—for tteo—for three 'Ay ! hundreds , _thousands , see ! Eur vengeance and for thee To the last !
Oh ! surely Bball wo show To that base , detested foe That , e ' en in wrong and woe , ' ' _ITte victory' teat thine * BVA
* * And , My Lord , The Victory Is With ...
* * And , my lord , the victory is with me . — John Mit _easi ' s lasi _wobds ,
[The Following Letter, With The Exceptio...
[ The following letter , with the exception of the postscript , was written to appear in last Saturday ' s Stab , but press of matter compelled its postponement . !
TO THE PEOPLE . The French Republic — Limartine ' _s ' policy' domestic and foreign — The ' National' clique—The People again deceived and betrayed—Conspiracy to prevent the Organisation of Labour—Louis Blanc and his enemies—Ruffianly treatment of Barbes—Anti-Republican proceedings of the National Assembly— ' King Smith' and his brood —Joinville ' s intrigues—Bloody designs of the B ourgeoisie—What the Provisional government should have done to have secured the victory of Democracy .
Friends , Couhtrtmbn , and Brothers , As on the issue ofthe experiment at present going on in France , depends in a great measure tbe hopes of the human race—at least for _infill probability a lengtby period to come—I may permit myself some observations on the French Republic , in addition to those I submitted to you in my last letter . For a month past , the last mournful words of RonESPigRRE have sounded in my oars : — 'Tho Republie is los-t ; the brigands triumph ! ' Heaven avert so sad an issue of this second great experiment in Gallic history . _Ifindied tbe Republic is destined to perish ; if indeed the brigands are destined to be once more the victors over honest men , the people ef France may blame themselves fer having eleoted an Assembly , composed of the enemies instead of the friends of the Republic .
In my last letter , I commented at sufficient length on this misfortune .- But blame ib attachable to others besides the ignorant or apathetic majority . I must Dftw trouble yeu with a few observations on the exceedingly censurable conduce of certain public characters , to whose treachery or folly we owe the fact of the rea ' _ctionnaires , lifting up their heads and plotting the destruction of the Republic . The public characters I allude to are—Lamartihe and tbe National clique : — Marrast , Garnier Pages . Abago , Marib . Cremieux , _dsc , _dsc .
I would fain believe Lamartine to be honest , but I confess I have my doubts , when I see him _constantly labouring to increase tb e military force stationed in the capital . When in February last victory declared for the people , the troops withdrew from Paris , and for some time the French metropolis was left to the sole guardianship ofthe National Guard , and the Garde Mobile . These were found more tban sufficient for the preservation of ' order . ' Indeed had there been neither National Guard nor Garde Mobile , Paris weuld have been _justas tranquil . The _lSihof May waa the first occasion on which tHere appeared any
symptoms of distrust and disaffection on the part of the people , occasioned by the infamous conduct Of thu National Assembly . Why , then , haa Lamartins laboured ao unce-singly to bring baok tbe army to Paris ? There can be but one answer to that question ;— ' To overawe the people . ' At first under the specious pretest of bringing the _Boldiern to fraternise with the people , the Parisians were persuaded into admitting a regiment or two . More and more regiments followed , nntil now the number of troops oi the lino in the capital is xaid to equal the number stationed there by Louis Philippe , previous to tho revolution of February .
Lamartine ' s state papers and speeches on the tereign policy of the French Republio oertainly bave tbe appearance of great candour and unexampled diplomatic honesty . But I cannot forget that tbe Belgian and German legions weie permitted to enrol , arm , and drill in the Btreeta of Paris , and were allowed , unchecked by the provisional government , to march to the frontiers , and then only were disavowed by that government—that ia after the unfortunate enthusiasts bad committed themselves to destruction . Again , on tbe question of Poland , I cannot congratulate Lamartine on having pursued a _coursa worthy of himself or his country . His Bpeeoh of Tuesday , the 23 rd of May , in the National Assembly , was one long , laboured apology for doing nothing for Poland . I say nothing for his polite messages to ihe cabinet of
Austria and Berlin , declaring that' the independence of Poland is a _cauee which the French government will never abandon' will be regarded by those cabinets precisely as the hypocritical votes of Louis Philippe ' s Chamber of Deputies on the aame question and to the same effect were regarded ; as so much ' sound and fury signifying nothing . ' In effect , though not in words , ' Peace at Any Price' ia the motto of Lamartine . He can only express his ' sympathy' for Poland . Unhappy Pole * ! what havo you gained by the displacement of Gwz _-x for LuwaMNj * . ? Newly awakened hopes _doomed to produce only new and bitter disappointment -, aod eloquent phrases which , as a member of the National Assembly insinuated , would only be preduotive of a repetition of Sbbassiani _' s sentence on Poland : — ' Order reigns in Warsaw . '
I admit the difficulties of the Polish question for France , and I am not one who would risk an effusion of blood for & doubtful end , But without invading Germany to . reach Poland , means might have been taken to arouse tbe Germans , Swiss , Hungarians , and Bohemians to march fraternally with tbe soldiers of France against the oppressors of Poland . Such a fraternisation will , however _. not be brought about by Lahartike ' _s diplomacy . His sugary notes and eloquent speeches are not likely to move the breasts of savage kings and princes , and his miserable cry ot peace , peace , ' will destroy instead of excite the generous enthusiasm of nations . In short , Lamartinb is , no doubt , a very charming poet and a very pretty speech-maker , but , nevertheless , a very indifferent _atatesman . As we say in England , ' fine words won't butter parsnips , ' and it will be seen—nay , 19 already seen—tbat' the poet of Elvira' is not a political _ARcniMBDSB , able . and willing to raise the world .
Bnt it is principally within the bosom of the French Republic that the evil effects ef Lamartine ' s timid , halting , _do-nothipg policy are moat sadly evident . In that policy he appears to have been aided , if not governed , by the Nat i onal clique aforesaid . Only a few hours after the glorious victory of the 24 th of February , it was proclaimed by tho provisional government , that ' thb revolution
having BEBH ACCOMPLISHED BY THE PEOPLE , OUGHT TO be accomplish !!) por thb people ' yet only three months after that declaration we see the working men suffering all the evils of poverty—their political associations put dewn by armed force—their petitions unheeded—their honest leadera prescribed and flung into dungeons—and their' bourgeois oppressors openly avowing their desire to shed the blood of their viotimB . This comes of Lamartine ' s ' moderation' and the _sceundrelism of Mabrast A Co . It may be well to repeat here the deolaration ofthe principles avowed by _^ he provisional government , when carried to tbe seats of power on the shoulders of the triumphant people . I repeat what has already appeared in the SiaRi but which is well worthy of repetition : —
Whereas , the Revolution having been accomplished by the people , ought to bo accomplished for the people ; whereas , the time bas arrived for putting a Btop to the long and Iniquitous suffering of the workmen ; whereas , this subject is one of immense importance , and worthy of the greatest consideration of a republican government ; It therefore behoves France to deliberate carefully , and to bestow Its earnest attention upon this problem which is now placed before the Industrial natloas of Europe , and to consult , without a moment ' s delay , upon the means of _guaranteeing to tbe people the legitimate fruits of their labour . The provisional government decreesthat a permanent committee he appointed , to be
entitled the committee for tho government of workmoc , with tha express and special mission to watch over their Interests . In order to demonstrate the importance which the provisional government attaches to the solution of this grand problem , it appoints as President of the committee , one of Its members , M . Louis Blanc , and auother of its members , M , Albert , ( mechanic , ) to be Vice-President , Workmen will themselves bo called upon to form a portion of the committee , which will sit at the palace of the LuXtmbonrg . ( Signed ) Long Blanc , Abkakd Mabbast , _Gabnike Pages .
There was also published the following : — That the Republic guarantees an existence to every ono through labour ; that it guarantees work to every _citis * n . It recognises the right of workmen to associate among themselves in order to enjoy tho full bentfit of their labour . It promises to give to the ouvriers tho million cut off from the civil list . Garnier Pages , louis bl 4 no .
These promises have not been fulfilled , and the expectations excited by the first proclamation have been utterly disappointed . The ' _guaranteo'of existence to every one through labour is come to this , tkat the Minister of Public Works calls upon ail able-bodied men , between eighteen and twenty-five , to enlist at ones iu the regular army upon pain of immediate dismissal from the national _workahopB . I acquit Loch Blanc of blame , as I do likewise his colleagues , ( in tho late provisional government , ) Ledru _Rollin , Flocjn , and Albert . 1 believe , had this _minority not be ? n thwarted and outvoted by _Lauartixe , Mau hast & Co ., they would have taken auch cuorgetic _measures as would have ensured the success of the
Republic . But the four _Democrats were from the outset constantly calumniated and _denounced by thc journals and creatures ofthe _Joitn _/ _eo ' _s-conspirators _, and every possible obstacle placed in tho way of their endewours to establish the Republic upon a thoroughly democratic basis . Louis Blanc bavimj specially devoted hia talents to tho great work of promoii : g tho social regeneration of the masses , was for that reason specially singled out for slander . _ The enemies of the people anxiously dashed to bring bis plans and principles into discredit , and havo partly sucL _-eedtd by taking means to ensure tho failure ot the national workshops , and employing masses oi working men on use ' _ess or unnecessary labour . The levelling of the Champ do Mara was very like Betting
[The Following Letter, With The Exceptio...
the men to dig boles and fi . ' 1 them up again , st the same time that vast traots _pfland were lying barren , or but wretchedly _culh vated , for want of labour ! The' peimanent oommittee' _appointed by the provisional government , at the com mencemen & of tbe Republio , charged with the speoial -mission of watching over the interests of tbe workmen , dissolved itself after an existence of two months , beeause it was unsupported by the majority of the- provisional government , and calumniated by the National Assembly . ItB vice-president , Albbrt , ia a prisoner in the dungeons of Vincennes , and its president , Louis Blanc , is menaced with a similar fate . Louis Blanc's enemies have
successfully plotted to prevent him carrying out his intentions , and now they have the shameless assurance to turn upon him and charge him with having _^ organised the labourers , frightened the capitalists , and caused the present stagnation of trade ! Thus it haB ever been . In all countries and times , scoundrels bave prevented the success of good measures , and then represented to tbe unthinking multitude , tbat the failures they had caused were proofs of the incapacity or dishonesty of the true friends ofthe people ! The systematic hostility to Louis Blahc was exhibited in a most rancorous form on the opening of the National Assembly . His first address to that body in his character of ( then ) President of the Commission des Travailleurs , was received with * excessive
coldness , ' and calumniated by the reactionary journals , one of whom , the Prebse , descended to the pitiful meanness of ridiculing hiB personal appearance , on the ground of his littleness , and that he had to stand on a footstool when in the tribune . You see that there is no act too contemptible for these wretches of the press-gang . On his next appearance in the tribune , Louis Blanc called en tho Assembly to establish a special minister oi labour and _progress . Hia speech , we are told in the reports , excited ' great agitation , " expressions of doubt , ' ' violent interruption , ' 'ironical laughter , '' loud laughter , ' 'increased laughter , ' and ' ronewed laughter , ' I cannot sea what there was in Louis Blanc to have excited so keenly the ridicule and wrath of the Assembly . Could our infamous
parliament have done worse ? 'I demand , ' said Louis Blanc . * that labour be immediately organised , toprevent the revolution of . hunger I' Thia was received with shouts of derision and hatred ! Were not the * insurgents' of the 15 th of May justified by the previous conduct of the respectable ruffians of the Assembly ? ' Ruffianly' is the only term that can truly characterise the treatment BAnnua experienced . ' Ilis very appearance , ' said the Times' correspondent , writing op , the lOih of May , * _seems . _sufficient to call forth an explosion . ' The moment he mounted the tribune , he was a 9 _? ailed by a chorus of furies , who never
permitted him to speak but in defiance of their _howlinga . The _TiMEB-servirie correspondent bad the impudence to blame Barbes as the creator of these tumults , when it is very evident tbat the disturbance on each occasion of his attempting to speak was the work of the villains who refused him a hearing . On the 15 th of May , according to the reporters , the members , when Babbss attempted to speak , acted upon a pre . concerted plan of drowning his voice ! Is there any wonder that , witnessing the treatment of tbeir honeBt representative , the working men , through the mouth of IIudirt , proclaimed the dissolution of that rascally Assembly ?
This fury against Barbes one little fact will account ior . A few days before the meeting ofthe Assembly , he had put hia name to an address in favour of Robespikrrk _' s declaration of the Rights of Man and ofthe Citizen ; an offence unpardonable in tbe eyes of the aristocratio and bourgeois intriguers in the Assembly . These worthy successors ot the Thermidorean a ? sassins would , evidently , be only too happy to immolate Barbbs , as their predecessors murdered Robespierre . From the lib to the 16 th of May , the Assembly wasted nearly two precious weeks in disgraceiul personal debates , and the discussion of roles acd regulations , which ( latter ) might have been disposed of at a single sitting . Wisely and honestly , therefore , did BLAi > qui derpaud—that ' the Assembly should , without intermission- _^ without stop , —without manifestation of fatigue , continuously concert together , to give work , to give bread to the people . '
But tbis and every other demand for justice was unheeded , and then only were the people excited to proclaim the dissolution ot the Assembly . I am convinced that this had not been intended . I am persuaded tbat the only object ofthe o ' _uba was a manifestation in favour of Poland . Men who intended to create a revolution , and who contemplated as their first stop the forcible dissolution oi the supreme authority , were not likely to set about tbeir ' work without arms . It was , I repeat , the refusal of the Assembly to vote any one of tbe people ' s demands that induced the motion of Hubert . Ic must bo borne in mind that Babbes and Hubert had but just been released from a nine yean' inoarceration in Louis
Philippe ' s dungeons—hence their patriotic impatience was natural . A man who for nine years has been subjected to the hell of dungeon-tortures , and during that time has brooded over his wrongs , and _pictured to his excited imagination the rapidity with which he wonld right tbe wronged , had he liberty and power—it may be conceived will not patiently endure to see days , and weeks , and months frittered away by knaves , who do nothing but conspire to wrest from the people thoir _newly-won poli . tical freedom , and keep them in their old state of social slavery . I regret the precipitancy of _Barbkb and Hubert , but their motives were _God-like aud deserve our unbounded admiration .
In my last I fully explained the events of the 15 th of May , and vindicated the principles and intentions ofthe patriots . I will here add a reply to an additional calumny of their enemies . The reporter of the Assembly haB stated in tbe Moniteur , that when Barbes proposed a tax of 40 , 000 , 000 of francs on the rich , some ol his followers cried ont' No , no , Barbes , give us two hours pillage of Paris . ' This is of Course either a lie of the reporter ' s , or if such a cry was uttered , it was a cry irom the throat of a villain employed to bring discredit on Barbes and his friends . Men whose vocation is plunder , are not in the habit of shouting their intentions before-hand ; on' the contrary , suddenly or stealthily they set about plundering at once . Common sense shows thiB alleged cry to be the productisn oi the reporter ' s foul and fertile imagination , or , if really uttered , the voice of a Judas employed by the _reactionnaires .
I am sorry to have to add , that Bunqui and several good patrht _* have been arrested . The prisons are filled with the very men who by their sufferings , blood , and valour founded the Republio . Is it not time that once more the towers of Notre Dame rang out the t" _< 8 in , summoniDg Saint Antoine to ths great work of justice and the Republic's salvation ? Since the 15 th of May , the Assembly has progressed (?) frora bad to worse . Questions of etiquette and similar contemptible frivolities , have engaged the attention of the members , at a time , too , when universal misery aad _impsnding national _bankruptcy demanded the moat wise and energetic measures . One feature the National Assembly possesses , in common with a most honest (!) and enlightened (!) Assembly nearer home—we allude to its propensity
to laugh down almost evevyj _ust proposition and every honest man . A bad sign ! When senators laugh , the people groan ! The only exception to _theAf . _sembly ' _s bad aots that I have observed , was its vote , by a great majority , for the perpetual exile of Louis Philippe and his brood . Still this rote is a makebelieve , a sham , to gull the majority of the people into the belief tbat the members of the Assembly are really Republicans ; but I have seen sufficient of their acts te come to the conclusion that nearly the same majority would , under other circumstances , vote for the restoration of 'King Smith' and his crew . Let them only continue their present prosciiption of the real Republicans for 2 short time longer , and royalty , in eome shape , will certaiuly be restored .
The ' protests' of their sublime highnesses , tbe ' Duke de Nemours , ' the ' Duke d'AuidALE , ' and the ' Princode _Joinviju-e , ' against the law _decreein g their banishment from France , are amuBing specimens of royal impudence . These * gents' ought to be very thankful that they were allowed to escape to England upon conditions ao ea 9 y . Although no fiaintB , they would have shared tbefateef St Denie , had they met with their deserts . Let it be borne in mind that , to support Itheir father ' s usurpation and thtir own _pretensions , these ' nice young men' aidei * of their noblest fellow
in the murdering of hundi eds - countrymen , and doomed hundreds more to languish in _dungeons ( where many perished ) , some for the term tf fifteen years . On the 24 th of February , the Duke de Nemouhs exclaimed , ' The cannon must be fi red upon this mob > ' The Dake de _Montpj-iVSIer had ordered the transport of seventy pieces of cannon 11 Paris ; the order was found in his own handwriting . Amiable family ! What cruelty to banish thera ! Truly , did the Reforme say , 'The proscription of _pnaces is tho safeguard of the people . '
_JoiNViLLu _' a tetters , published in the Phksse , were , of course , written for tho purpose of showing that his swaggering ' highness' was open to an engagement , it the worthy bourgeoisie considered things ripe for the restoration of royalty . He has certainly succeededin making himself ridiculous . ' I walk enormously , ' says Joinville . Wonderful ! But stop a minutthear him _again : 'We live an idle life—no _intcre-t animates us , 1 at present read a _^ oed deal . ' That is a good sign . A tew writing _lessens _supc-rarltlcd
would b _3 of service to him . Ho seems to be aghitton for books , for _iigaii ho says : 'Stietched on the » v : isb I read an immensity [ mark what _foilowt . ] whilst our wives work ! ' Now , for a mast _effecting revelation : — * Thfy ( the wives ) make all their _on-n dresses , bonnets , dec , and lean assure you that ihey could earn their own living . " Wo understand th ; _il this heart thrilling picture of Joinville ' gone to grass , ' and the princesses turned 'bonnet _buih'eis , has brought tears into the eyes of all the ' enobs of England .
To return to the Assembl y and those it repre flents - .-the reactionnaires and counter revolutionists Of tkeir treason to the Republic there can be co doubt . The correspondents of the London journals
[The Following Letter, With The Exceptio...
announce that tbe return of Thiers to the Assess _bly for the department of the Gironde is now sura , and ' a constitutional system Jike tbat of Eng l and , under a regency , with _Tiiibbs for Prime Minister , is'the programme ' of the ' _respectables . Of tha Woody _^ intentions of the bourgeoisie , I could give many proofs , but I will confine mytelf to one , a lettef which recently appeared in tbe Liverpool Times ; 'from , ' as thafc paper said , ' tbo pen of a French * man—a raan of property and _education—addresEed to at gentleman in Liverpool . _*'— PAai 9 , » ay 2 o , 1848 .
M » _& EAB —— _, Very far from _improving , iverythinf is getting worse in our unfortunate couatry and I am now no further _advanced than I was en tbo first day . # _# 3 havo received your _Poncb . I mos 8 heartily applaud your John Bull kicking the republican to the other side of the channel . You ouj ; ht mightily to ooBgratulate yourselves on having acted ao vigorously on tbe 10 th April , —It i _» a hideous thing to be in _thfr _power of the mob , * * # * I do not know for what io pnt up my vowa—republio monarchy , constitutional , or absolute , —all is alike tame , provided we can escape from tbis state of _etagnft . tion . * # * *
When tbe horizon appears clearer , I become m & ve < * ~» I fool an interest—then seeing that no advnnco is made , I faU back into a state of discouragement and dejection of _ivbich yon cun have little idea . How happy I should be If , like you , I lived ia a country sheltered from revolutions , where you do not every morning bear the rappel beating , and the Bame air _shouting all tbe day long . # * # * P . S , —I am In bettor spirits to-day . We hare a man In the ministry of war—fifty thousand men surround Paris , anxious to take their revenge ; they will not disarm them this time , I'll promise you . I trust there ui Is _abattlt , and I shall not _spire myself in it ; but I wan to be decisive—let twenty thousand of the ntffians be thrown into the river and 1 shall be satisfied . What I want is great _commotion—eonguerorj and _tonqaered—no game to play over again every doy . Lot ns bill or be killed afterwards we may sing mourir pour la pair le .
Although I have only given extracts from this letter , I can assure tbe reader tbat I have not omitted anythine that qualified the atrocious sentiments of thia incarnate scoundrel , whose name I am sorry to say , thanks to the _Liverpool Timbs , I cannot give , See how tbo rascal deplores having to live in a republican country . Monarchy , co _> stitutional or absolute , would be all the same to him , if he could only escape from the rule of ' the mob . ' Mark his ' dejection' because be and his infernal class cannot have _thiagB all their own way ; and mark , too , what puts him into ' better spirits '—the ? cent ef blood . ' Oh ! delioate monster , ilow he gloats over the fifty thousand soldiers surrounding Paris , ' anxious to take
their revenge . ' * I trust there _* ill be a battle , ' says be ; ' What 1 waDt is a great commotion—conquerors nnd conquered . ' ' Let twenty thousand of the ruffians ( he means the Republicans ) he thrown into thtriver and I shall be satisfied ! ' You see , working men , what will satisfy a bourgeois—your blood ; not poured ont in drops , but in s ' reams and torrents . The assassination of Barbes and a few others would not appease the _bloodthirstiness of this genuine _representative of' ths shop ; ' nothing less than a holo _caust of 20 . 000 victims will' satisfy' this miscreant This comes of' moderation . ' This is the _comequenca of Lamartine ' s ' foothing system ; ' as if anything but terror could make robbers honest , and _assasfi _; 9 humano !
The spirit breathed throughout the ' _respectab a Frenchman ' s letter , is the spirit which everywhere animates thc raiddle ' _otasaes . A letter from a friend ia Germany _sayB : — ' The revolutionary governments are worse than the old ones . The Poles in _PosfQ branded upon hand and ear with nitric acid , and il lgsed to make them give up their arms . The peo « pie disarmed in Manhe m , Aix-Ia-Chapelle , Treves , & c , and Mayence bombarded within the hearing of tbe National Assembly at Frankfort . ' So much for
bourgeois rule in Germany . At home you see the middle class trying once more to hook you into another humbug agitation for their beneGt , snd , oa your refusal , taking up bludgeons to help the aristocracy to crush you . The middle-c ' _ass' _soecials ' would only be toe happy to have 20 , 000 Chartists thrown into the Thames . The profitmnnKers are the same plundering , tyrannical , b _' _ood-thirsty crew all the world over . They would massacre half tbo working classes Jto reduce the other half to a _atate of hopeless subjection to their damnable rale . '
As I havo imputed great faults to the Provisions I Government of France , and charged Lamartine and the majority of his colleagues with having _^ by their treachery or incapacity , prepared the ruin of the Republic , I maybe fairly aBked to show wbat coursa they ought te have taken . In my humble opinioa the provisional government should , within the _firsfc twenty-four _fours of its existence , have decreed : — 1 st —The entire soil of France _Nat-oual Property . All landholders not holding more than a limited por * tion of the soil—Bay twenty acres , to be maintained in possession of the same ;• the surplus to revert to the state . A _commission to report on questions of _compensation to parties deprived of land ? , & j .
2 nd . —The immediate employment of the unemployed classes oa the lands belonging to the nation . Each cultivator to be guaranteed possession for twenty-one years , and to be provided with cottage , implements , seed ; drc , by tho' state . A _commia * sion to fix the rent payable to the State . Labourers desirous of _engaging in the _cultivation of the soil , home manufactures , Ao ., on _-Ommunist or associative principles , to be furnished with the requisite assistance . The funds to be supplied by a special tix on the rich . 3 rd . —The confiscation of the entire property of all persons leaving the country without permission of the government . .
4 th ;—The taking possession of tho Bank o £ France , and all other banking establishments ; all railroads , and other roads ; canals , m _' _nts , woods , fisheries , and every t > ther description of monopoly , as Natienal Froperty ; at the same time arranging for the compensating of the classes _dispossessed . _5-h . —The banishment of all _Orleanist , Legitimist , and known ' English system ' intriguers , _undr . r pain of death if found again on French soil , unless permitted to return by the vote of the French people . 8 th . —The marohing of the entire army to the frontier . The dissolution of the National Guard , and the entrusting the defence of Paris , and all other towns and cities , to a purely oivil force , in which al ! classes ( and all individuals by rotation ) should bo rfquired to serve . _Two-tUrds ofthe fo _.-ce on duty _alwayB to consist of the working classes .
I have said sufficient to show my views of what the provisional government ought to have done , and if suoh measures , and others conceived in the same spirit , had been decreed whilst tbe barricades were yet standing , the aristocrats and bourgeoisie would have submitted to them ; or , if fools enough to bave offered resistance , thej would havo bern beaten , and taught justice by force—the only teacher tbat can enlighten them . Had thecourge I havo described been taken , tha
Republic would have been erected on indestructible foundations . Thc social emancipation of the millions woald have been accomplished , and the promise held out by the provisional governmert , that the revolution having been _accomplidiod by the people , should be accomplished / or the pccple , would have been realised ; instead of being regarded as it is at this moment , aa a lie put forth by men merely intent on tbeir own aggrandisement , or at the best a mockery proclaimed by men not _courageous _CDough to make it a verity .
' Those , ' said St Just , ' who make half revolutions but dig graves for themselves . ' Whether the majority of the late provisional government bave dug their own graves time wili tell ; but most certainly in somethings they did , but in more they did not do , they bave done their _best to dig the grave of the Republic . Ho ! Saint Antoine ! thou alone canat save the Commonwealth ! j _^ MI DU _Pl'UPLE . May 31 st , 1848 .
P . S . —In a rec ; nt number of the _Monj _.-i > o _Cdroj-icxb , the writer of an article on the French Rpoub « lie says : — ' We can well _underntam _' , if wc can mt sympathise witb . the alarm and in _^ _ie-iiitirn of _iho Republicans . It must be admitted il at the National Assembly has gone even faster bacfova : ds than fhe July Monarchy ; and that with a suppressed _conspiracy , andthe prisons full , ive may imagine _onrsrlve . i almost once more in 1832 , while even the Imvs of _September might , withoutmuch surprising anybody , cny morning be re enacted and renewed . '
This is an adnv . s & ion which thnrou _^ hly justifies the hostility of the Clubs to the National Asaemb _' y . Since the above letter vf as written , : v darirg attempt haa been made by the reactionnaires to inip' _-cch and arrest Leuis Blanc . It is true tho attempt tailed . It is true that the majority recoiled frr m tl o res or _.-sibility of throwing down the gauntlet , by _i _r-isi-r bin , ' the man whum the mil _h ns regard ss their friend _,-but it _w also true ( hat the _majority _Jave _give . _i an unmistakable expression of their _? ent roents bi electing tho accusers of _Lr-rn _Blmc to the _t ' _ur . ity (?) of Vice-Presidents of the Assembly . Thus have tho e dastards shown themselves ' willing to would , but jet afraid to strike . '
The reaction . , under _Repsbhcan _cohurs , ia advaccina rap ' _ulj _' . ' 1 he _Cpmmi'Xk de Paris _liiinunnceB that tbe _fvrs of Tans ;> e being tilted uu for the operation 0 - _thrive _mcasorf ? . A _? nn . s : _whoa-i ? Of course the people . How dare _Lkdru-Rolmnxipction a measure from which both I _' recoiled ? I'hi'is not al ! . ' _1 'hc surmise , that tho lav , - * of _SeiUcenacted , is _already in course of Monday _evonini : last the _Miais ' . er presented to the Assembly a lav- ' in th . ' streets— . 1 law of tho m ? _nt cal character . _According to this _as-u-mblie :- which may be calculated tranquillity , ' aro to be treated as ihis means all _assemblages offensive party . ' An _assemblage ia to te if several individuals amongst it openly or concealed . ' Police spies , armed _forthV purpose will thus , b « enabled to give any meeting th
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 10, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_10061848/page/3/
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