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"'r /§gp'?'- - . '"'.. '' ¦ jo m&mm kmG cusses.... ;• i f. i T?~*rsr****-g-
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feio much "Wffl-k'for-an ihfeht ~ !or-ev...
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THE NATIONAL CONVENTION TO THE " CHARTIS...
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The Explosios of a Steam-isgixb Boiler at
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•Datikihu. Ikoswobks, near Coleford, lat...
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Jv^^^t^i^ {S< crCe^o^tCc^ / i/^ r^^
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>AND MTIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL. J1 ~""**—m...
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VOL. X. NO: 457- LOOTON/SATUKtoffl; itf&...
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^ HOUSE OF COMMONS-Saturdm , August 8. A...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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"'R /§Gp'?'- - . '"'.. '' ¦ Jo M&Mm Kmg Cusses.... ;• I F. I T?~*Rsr****-G-
"' r _/§ _gp '?' _- - . '"' .. '' ¦ jo m & _mm kmG cusses . ... ;• i f . i T _?~* _rsr _**** _-g-
Feio Much "Wffl-K'For-An Ihfeht ~ !Or-Ev...
_feio much _"Wffl-k'for-an ihfeht ~ ! or-even for a full grown _^ _jff ldforthe _**^^ to be _jggdyfor"the ' ie _^ biB _^ on Monday _^ we work from firt in the _omoni _^ _T _^ Uje _« ht _^ at- _* _ai ght—it is now _jjlfyastfour on'DHnsH ) i p , jind , _^ alt'boug h my secre _fcr / has been with _^ me _^ _^ anit »; Tn _«& y _jnbraihg , as J _jjpped -to steal an hour ortwo to write toTou ,, vet it
_yas all k vain , and , as my work is not _orar till nine " it night , and as I cannot dictateih my " sleep , I _jiust g ive np my intention of . sa _**| ag _^ By re for _jhe present , than to _renetfcmy ple _^ tbat I will _aitomsb thousands _on'Mbuda _ji and ! that ybu shall lave a full and true account of the whole _proceeding qu Saturday next , together with a correct engra ving of the People ' s First _Estate-till then I remain , ? : " _** ' _-i _"' Your faithful friend and baiUff _, Feargus O'Connor .
The National Convention To The " Chartis...
THE _NATIONAL CONVENTION TO THE " CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . _Yriexds , —The important mission upon which _« u have sent us having been fulfilled to the best of onr ability , we now feel it our duty to lay hefore you in this brief address the future policy of the National Charter Association . We have -with deep attention considered the subject of a national petition
to Parliamentin favour of thePeople ' s Giarter , and have unanimousl y resolved upon the presentation of on ? early in next session . We think that the present House of Commons should not he allowed to dissolve -without again testing it upon the great question of the franchise , so that at the general election ( au event rapidly approaching ) , instead of . _asr suming the mask of hypocrisy , the candidates _% 31 ascend the hustings cheered as the" friends , or execrated as the foes , of the people .
"We are aware that there are to be fonnd Democrats who are averse to petitioning , as futile and fruitless . Yrom this "riew _, we must respectfully dissent . We are not so sanguine as to expect the Charier as the result ofa national petition , but we "Jo regard that course as a most efficient means of imbuing the public mind with the truth of our course . Our hopes of success are founded npon the xig l-. tcousness of oar object j bat ere these hopes ean be realized , . an intense , determined , and fervent public opinion must be created in favour of freedom
* n & its blessings ; and such mind having been created , _jaust be brought to bear in all its _foreefolne's , upon these classes who have usurped the rights which the millions should exercise . Every means should he taken to bring our objects and principles prominently before the world , for there is a majesty in truth that commands respect ; there is in it a native vigor , if allowed fair play , wliich will ultimately render it triumphant over every obstacle . A national petition sre conceive to he one means of giving free action to lie influence of onr cause upon the public mind _.
Oar cause has struggled , and still struggles , a gainst an ocean of difficulties . The venal , factious press , day after day and week after week , pours out its calumnies upon onr conduct , and its misrepresentation of our objects . Even the pulpit , whence charity and truth should flow in commingled streams , not unfrequently resounds with hitter tirades against a party whose only object is man ' s amelioration—• ssiose only motive-is the love of freedom . The presentation of a national petition will enable us to . command a hostile press ; for , although reporters hesitate not to misrepresent and distort the proceedings of a Chartist meeting , they dare not garble a
debate in Parliament . The presentation of a national petition g ives rise to agitation , dispels prejudice , strengthens faith , and creates mind , hy placing before the civilised world the cause of democracy in all its sublimity of conception and grandeur of purpose . Then , brother Chartists , up to the work of the national petition ! There is no time to he lost ; it must be presented early in April next ; and this time , as heretofore , we must make it a thing _unprecedented in the annals of the British Parliament . We must have fire millions of dona fide signatures J Surely it is not too much to expect , that out of the millions who now writhe under the lash of class
misrule , five millions may be found to denounce the ruthless career ofthe oppressor , and to demand justice as the rig ht which man owes to man . Friends , the case of Frost , Williams , and Jones , has not been forgotten by your delegates . Wehave resolved to seek the restoration of the Patriots , through the medium of a Memorial to the Home Office . We were told , lately , in the House of Commons , that this was the proper course to pursue ; lex r . s do so now , with all the _energy and 2 _eal which
so pYilantliropic an object must inspire in the minds ofa generous People . The Patriotic Exiles expect the performance of this duty at your hands , and justly so—they have heen enduring captivity , in all its aggravated horrors , for demanding the rig hts of which reckless despotism has deprived you . Let us cheer them wilh a knowledge of onr gratitude . To memorialize for their return is but a poor duty , whieh , however , we owe , and which , we trust , will ere long be blessed with the return of these nobleminded men to their native land .
We have likewise resolved upon carrying into operation the p lan laid down in the Hand-Book of the Association , for securing the return to Parliament of a few Members pledged io the support of the Charter- The Central Election Committee will speedily be formed , with Mr . Duncombe as President , when its plan of proceedure will be laid before you . We have resolved upon several other matters connected with the movement , of which you are cognizant , which we hope will conduce to the furtherance of thePeople ' s cause .
In conclusion , friends , we call on you once more to rally round the old standard . It is fruitless for ns * to deliberate and resolve unless you act . A nation ' s freedom cannot "be gained by talking—it is by action well directed , and vigorous action , that the invaluable blessing can be secured . You have now an excellent organization , exert yourselves to extend it . Many , during the calm of Chartism , have sunk into apathy ! to such we appeal , at once to assume their former proud position in the movement . The present is not the time for _indolence > _yoitf
treacherous foes , the Whigs , are in power ; you should at the same time "be at your posts . The sworn foes of Chartism are in the field , let not then the stigma of desertion attach to a single friend of the cause . In returning from onr labours , we are resolved to do each a man ' s share In freedom's vineyard « anil trusting that our humble efforts will receive that powerful aid which your union , energy and _jiersevelancj can afford , We remain , _Yonrs , ever faithfully , On behalf of the Convention ,
PHILIP M'GRATH , Chairman , THOMAS MARTIN WHEELER , Secretary .
The Explosios Of A Steam-Isgixb Boiler At
The Explosios of a Steam-isgixb Boiler at
•Datikihu. Ikoswobks, Near Coleford, Lat...
• _Datikihu . _Ikoswobks , near Coleford , lately lias _occasioned the death ot three persons . It appeared that , in consequence of some repairs , the blast had bees taken off thc furnace , and thc engine stopped ; but that the safety valve had not been opened , when _suddenly the toiler exploded with a terrible crash . Ths engineer was frightfully scalded , and a little girl who « -. _* is standiK ? by shared the same fate . Both were taken up alive , but ciicd soon after . Two of tue _workmen , near the place , were also dreadfully scalded : one of them died oil Thursday last . _Execution jit Youk . —On Saturday John Bnddy suftVred the extreme penalty of the law at York Castle , for the murder of his infant at Skipton , m Craven .
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>And Mtional Trades' Journal. J1 ~""**—M...
_> AND MTIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL . _J 1 _~ _"" _**—m _~ _~~~ ——— ' - —*—»———— ¦ _^ ___ J . - r - > _:.,.-,-, _-... ¦¦ _-.
Vol. X. No: 457- Looton/Satuktoffl; Itf&...
VOL . X . NO : 457- _LOOTON _/ _SATUKtoffl ; itf & _fost _^ _^ — ¦ ¦ - ¦ _-- ' ¦ ' ' < ' " " * _¦ _* - -- _- > ¦• _" _¦ - •'* -. - - _•* ' ¦ - _--. - - _¦ :- - ' - _. " ' ¦ JFire Shillings nnd Sixpence n « r On niter
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^ House Of Commons-Saturdm , August 8. A...
_^ HOUSE OF _COMMONS-Saturdm , August 8 . A -variety of bills were advanced a stage ; after which ... _-.. : _^ Lord Mobpeih stated that it was the intention of the _Government , next session , to bring in a general arid extensive measure on the subject of sites for dwellings . Captain Osboene considered the Government had not given any satisfactorv answer as to what they intended with respect to tlie Bills relating to Ireland . It appeared to him as if they only proposed proceeding with the Arms Bill . , , ' Lord J . RnssEii said that the attention ofthe Government , regarding the Irish -BUI * before the house , had been principally directed to the means of providing emplovment for the people in that coantry during the winter months . With respect to the Arms Bill , it could be discussed in committee .
Captain Osbobse said the noble lord admitted that the Anns Bill of the late Government was a failure , vet it appeared the present Government intended to proceed with a similar measure .
THE SUGAR DUTIES BILL wa 3 read a third time , and in reply to Sir J . R . Reid , who advised the Government _tojpconrage free laboar in the colonies to its _fullest" extent , in order to enable them to compete with the products of slavegrown sugar . The" Chancellor ofthe Exchequer said that in caminitCse on the Customs BiU , _thisdayj _heshonld propose a reduction of the duty on rum ; and next session several measures would be introduced in order to carry out the principle of free trade . Mr . Parses obtained leave to bring in a Bill to empower the Commissioners for the issue of Loans for Public Works and Fisheries to make loans to the Commissioners of her Majesty ' s Woods , in lieu of loans heretofore authorised to be made in Exchequer Bills . The Ilouse adjourned at one o ' clock . i
BOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , August 10 . SUGAR DUTIES . The Earl of Cjlare . vdox , in moving' tbe first _reading of the bill , stated , that it had been considered that it wouid suit the convenience of their _Lordships and it would be likewise convenient to tbe public , that the discussion of this measure should take place upon its earliest stage , fie observed that Parliament had already recorded its deliberate judgment , that the protective system was an erroneous one , and that legislation should not be for the benefit of particular classes . Protection had been withdrawn from British Agriculture , and this measure was a corollary of that which had been adopted a few weeks ago . The people of this country understood
that when tbe Corn Laws were settled , the principle of f ree trade should abolish tbe distinction between colonial and foreign sugar ; and the colonists conld expect no more protection than was enjoyed by the British agriculturist . The people of this country had been an annual tax of three millions for the purpose of a short allowance _t > $ one of tbeaecessaries of life . He was convinced that the protective duties were prejudicial to the producers of sugar themselves , who , under that system , relied almost entirely upon manuel labour . The object aud intention of the Government were to remove all the restrictions which retarded the progress of the colonies and cheeked their improvements ; to encourage the immigration of free labourers thither : and if the colonists were thrown more upon their own resources they would better compete with their rivals . With respect to the ilave trade , if he thought that the existing system of differential duties would put a
atop to that inhuman traffic , he would be no party to thismeasure ; but , notwithstanding the sacrifices we had made , and the international-dangers we had exposed ourselves to , our efforts for thirty years had accomplished tittle or nothing : and he now called on their Lordships to deal with that traffic as they dealt with any contraband article—endeavourto make it unprofitable . We professed to abstain from all slave-grown articles , but we did not reject slavegrown maize , and slave-grown tobacco , aud we imported Cuba copper without repugnance . Nay , we traded with Cuba and Brazil , and with their returns of slave-grown sugar purchased the products of other countries . All our morality on this question stood npon a mere fraction , the narrow edge ofa principle ; whilst the great rule of commerce , our relations with foreign states , the claims of our revenue , and the demands of the people for a necessary of life , called for an abandonment of the present system .
Lord _Staxlkt expressed his concurrence in the observations of the Earl of Clarendon as to the convenience of discussing thi 3 measure at the first reading ofthe bill , and said he should bave felt himself justified in entering Lis protest at the earliest period against this change in our legislation . Hestatedhis deep and insuperable objections , first , to the details of tbe bill ; secondly , to the principlesof themeasure ; and , above all , to the circumstances under which , and the period of the session at whicb , tbis bill had been introduced . After exposing the inconsistency of those who had adhered to the principle of protecting the colo nial sugar trade against the competition with slave-grown sugar so late as 18 * 4 , and who now took an active part in undoing their own work , the noble
lord met the argument founded upon the principle of free trade . Free trade , he observed , was now all in all ; cheap sugar must be had , and , compared with the benefit of free trade , slavery and the slave trade were as nothing . But anything less like free trade it had never been hia fortune to see . The noble lord theu proceeded to show that this principle of free trade had not been applied to the tea trade , and that in the present position ot the East and West Indies a competition between them and slave colonies could not be carried on upon equal terms . When our colonies had not the command oflabour , to taik of their competing with slave colonies was a mere mockery , and a cruel one . fie objected to the bill on the grounds of expediency , policy , and humanity . With respect
to its expediency and policy , he showed that the prices of sugar had decreased , under a system of protection , from 43 s ., a cwt . in 1 S 40 to 32 s . lid . in 1 S 45 , whilst the supply had augmented from 103 , 000 tons to 245 , 000 tons . This waa his answer to the argument founded upon the plea of a sugar famine ; and there was the prospect of an increased supply in future years . Lord Stanley then contended that this measure would tend to encourage the slave trade , and give £ 5 per ton to the profit of the slave proprietors and slave importers of Cuba and Brazils . If so , could it be expected that the West Indies could contend against an additional premium of £ 5 per ton to the producer of slave grown sugar ? Her Majesty ' s Government should sav whether they intend to keep
up the establishment on the coast ot Africa to put down the slave trade . If they did , they would be doing with one hand and undoing witb _^ the other ; and did they believe they would not become the laughing-stock ofthe world if , for the sake of an abatement of one halfpenny a pound upon our sugar , and ofa . temporary augmentation of our revenue , we undid all the work we had been doing for years past 1 lie asserted that the We 3 t India colonies might compete with foreign sugar-growing countries if they had a dense . He was assured that the country would hesitate long before it would accept a diminution of the price of sugar at such an expense as that of rendering nugatory all its efforts for the last 12 years at such a sacrifice of money and of blood . He should
mOTe that this bill be read a first time this day three months ; but in the present state ofthe house , and at this period ofthe session , he should not trouble their Lordships to divide upon the question . ' Lord Desman considered it to be his imperative duty to himself , and to all whom he had been connected with in political liie , and to the people ol England , to declare bis direct and invincible hostility tfl the principle upon which this bill was founded , which was that which the noble lord at the head ol thu Government had in" 1841 declared would be the consequence of such a measure , namely , an encouragement of aud a stimulus to a trade in human beings . If ihere was not to _bsan immense increase in the number of slaves , he was at a loss to understand how thc vast supplv of expected from this measure
sugar was to be produced . The great argument for the measure was derived from the inconsistency ot dealing with different slave-grown commodities In a ( litferent manner . But if there was such inconsistency —if our policy was in one part good aud in anoiiier ba * I—wc were not , for the sake of consistency , to sacrifice the good and take the bad . Before this measure was introduced , the resources ofthe East Indies and Mauritius should have been considered . *> hen it was said that the principles of free trade was allpowerful and irresistible , was tliat principle to be applied to a traffic of bloodshed , piracy , and murder . II we must submit to the domineering principle of tree trade , he wanted to know why our own su ' iiects should not be permitted to engage in the slave _trallie . .
The Marquis of Lansdowne applied himself to the ohj-ciions of Lord Stanley , with reference to the principles of free tr _.-ide , observing , that _undi-r the existing _sy-U-ni we did nut diminish the growth oi slave sugar , but , on the contrary , we fed and maintained slave-cultivation . We supplied the slave colonies with articles tliey needed , and took their sugar , not honestly and openly , but dishonestly and casuistieally , supplying Russia , Austria , and Other
^ House Of Commons-Saturdm , August 8. A...
countries wHh it . not merely in _forestf , but in British ships . The noble _Manpiis concluded by suggesting to Lord Lord Stanley to- withdraw hn ? motion , and , as more respeetful to the . House of _Comjaoni , to make it upon the second reading of the bill _. Lord A 6 HHUB 30 K 8 aid , this newdoctrine of Free trade which had made such progress during the * present year , went to the root ofthe whole colonial system * -: and involved the ( jue 9 tion whether we _shouYi have colonies at all . Some system of protection Was absolutely necessary to- them , and he- protested against this mode of treating the colonies . He enumerated measures wliich had been adopted by the Imperial Parliament to the disadvantage of the colonists , and insisted upon the injustice of exposing them to a competition which it was notorious that they could not maintain .
Lord _Mosteaclz vindicated this measure from the charges of its being a violation of a pledge to the West India interest upon a question which had never yet been settled- Those duties were intended a 3 a protection to our colonies ; and it was unfair , after defending these duties upon one ground , to attempt to maintain tbem upon another . He admitted that thfr colonial question mooted hy Lord Asuburton was an important one—too important to be discussed _parenthetically ; but he contended that the colonies , ho more than the mother- country , conld not be permanently benefited by introducing what was a wrong upon both . .. in a financial point of view the measure was important , for , if-their Lordships rejected this bill , the revenue would be greatly deficient ., He considered that this was a moat legitimate mode of recruiting tlie resources ot the country ; thatit ' wasi commercially a good measure , and morally not ' a bad one .
Lord Brougham said that , after having recently addressed their Lordships upon this subject , in presenting Mr . _Clarksen ' s petition , and his arguments having up to this hour remained unanswered , he had but little to say . He still thought that this was a most unprecedented mode of dealing with so large a measure and that it was a most unprecedented time to deal with it . The more he was of opinion that this question ought to be permantly settled , the more he felt thut this bill should have been brought forward at an earlier period of the session . The noble and learned Lord proceeded to urge the injustice of passing this bill without affording tbe West-Indians an opportunity of being heard against it ; how did their Lordships know , if they were heard , that the colonists could not make out a verv satisfactory case against this measure ? The West Indians could not have been
prepared for such extraordinary changes of opinion as had been lately exhibited upon this question . His Lordship then passed some lively strictures upon Sir J . W . Hogg , who had seconded Lord Saudon ' s motion in 1841 , and then addressed himself to what he contended was the whole argument infavour of this measure , which resolved itself into this , that the sugar would be reduced in price thereby , and brought within the capacity of the bulk of the people of this country by a large increase ofthe supply . As a plain man , he wonld _' ask how this reduction of price by the augmentation of . the supply could happen , unless a lar _^ e quantity , some 30 , 000 hogsheads of sugar , slave-grown and freegrown , were immediately , or within a year or two , brought into the
market of England . How wasthiaincrease of supply to be got ? By one way only—the admission of foreign sugar . But this bill went to open the market to slave-grown sugar , and there . was no limit to the supply , which could be increased ad libitum by the African slave trade ; and he warned those noble Lords who held up their hands for suddenly _supplying the British market with 3 O > . 00 O tons of sugar , that , though they might not intend it , they held them _upynbt lor slavery only , . but for encouraging , stimulating , extending , and exacerbating the curse of the African slave trade . The argument that sugar should not be , excluded from our market if other slave-grown products were not excluded admitted of various answers . Sugar stood upon difierent grounds from coffee ,
cotton , and tobacco ; but they were now dealing with sugar , and sugar , only . The noble and learned Lord drew a powerful picture of the sufferings of tbe slave and the horrors of the slave-trade , and he cited a recent declaration of Dr . Lushington , that this bill would render nugatory our treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade . „ ' After showing that free labour , though it eould successfully contend wilh slave labour upon fair and equal terms , was unable to compete with it unless the market-of Africa was closed , he said thathe little thought / after the victories which had been achieved , he should , in 1816 , have to rise in his place to denounce the slave-trade , and complain tbat a liberal Government should for the first time have introduced a bill for tho purpose
of actively encouraging and extending the African slave-trade . Earl Gret appealed to their Lordships whether the noble and learned Lord had made any attempt io answer the arguments , which had been offered in favour of the bill ; he had uttered some amusing jokes but nothing in the way of regular or connected reasoning . The noble Earl reiterated the arguments in support of the bill derived from financial reasons , aud from the inconsistency of proscribing one particular kind of slave produce . All sound rules of conduct , he contended , must be of universal application , and If the opponents of this bill pleaded national morality , tbey should be prepared to act upon that rule universally , and exclude coffee , cotton , and , in
fact , all foreign sugar , lt was the rankest delusion that had ever been attempted to be palmed upon the country . In reply to the question of Lord _Stah-let , as to the restrictions to betaken off immigration , the noble Earl said , as the allowing of indiscriminate immigration of negroes from Africa would be liable to abuse , it was not intended to sanction that . If any safe mode could be pointed out , it would be desirable thatthe Kroomen should be encouraged to migrate to our colonies during the cane harvest , and return to their native country . All that was proposed was to allow voluntary emigration from our _ownsettlements in Africa and India . The noble Earl concluded by expressing his belief that this bill would eventually lead to the extinction not only of slavery , but of the slave-trade .
A eonversation took place between Lord Ashburton , Stanley , and Grey , as to the power proposed to be l ? fc to the colonies to impose differential duties upon British and foreign goods—but no satisfactory answer was given to the question . Lord Stanley then , agreeably to the Marquis of Lansdowne suggestion , withdrew his motion . The bill was then read a first time . The Earl ef Clarendon moved that it be read a second time on Thursday next . Lord Stanlet proposed , as an amendment , that it be read a second time that day tbree months , but it was negatived without a division . The House then adjourned , alter setting from five to a quarter-past oneo _' cloek . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Mondat , Aug . 10 . The Speaker took the chair at twelve o ' clock _.
STANDING ORDERS PRIVATE BILLS . On the motion of Mr . IIumb , a series ef resolutions regulatory to tlie private business of tlie house were agreed to . POOR LAW COMMISSIONERS . Mr . Hume gave notice that on Tuesday next , ho would submit to the house certain resolutions , and found upon them an address to her Majesty , respecting the Pour Law Commissions , with the prayer that her Majesty would direct inquiry to be made into the present state oOhat board .
MILLBANK PRISON . On the motion for the order of the day for a Committee of supply being read , Mr . T . S , Duncombe rose to move for a Select Committee to inquire into tlie treatment of prisoners confined since October , 1843 , in the Milibank prison , as well as into the conduct of the governor and officers thereof , sueh Committee to report their opinion with the evidence to the house . Thc hon . member in support to his motion went on to state that he regretted to have again to refer to the great abuses which existed in that prison , as bad government , the last time he brought the matter before the house , consented to tbe appointment of a Committee to inquire into the matter , he would have been saved the trouble of again bringing thesubject before tlie house , lie must , however , protest againstthedoetrine-hud down wlien the matter was last under discussion , that tliey wore to wait until November next before the institution
of an inquiry could be decided o ' u . He contended that when thc subject was last laid before the bouse , he made out a ca _^ e ior inquiry . He presented a petition from an officer in the establishment pointing out the abuses that existed in it , and who was prepared with evidence to prove the statements therein detailed . But how had the government met bis proposition for inquiry on that occasion . ?—why they cut the report of the speech lie made in the house , in moving for a committee of inquiry , out of the Times newspaper—they _ssi _. d it to tlie prison authorities—and tbey called for fresh iiil ' ormalion ill re _-ai'd to the statements it contained . The _ivpflrt ofhis speech-was in the main correct , but be tlu . _uahi tbat before it was made an ollicial document it oii :: hl to have been submitted to him for revisal . Tlievt were several errors in it , so far as details were concerned , and the prison authorities taking advantage of these , had given in a report denying ids statements and that had given rise to a second petition ,
^ House Of Commons-Saturdm , August 8. A...
on _thrpartof Mr . ; _BAtkcr , _-ffh 0 8 tated that the veport 8 i > giTOb'in : _was altogether incorrect . That was not theprSpei * way to have gone to worSf . Jn the report _jfirat " * given > \ n he _understood that cases were _i mentioned which ; the Home Secretary _dnrnot think right to : lay before the house . There were seme matters in regard to flogging and some other things -which could not well bear the light , and the y etore _, they were repressed , but no _soraier was . the- . report _ . _« f : his ( Mr . Duncombe' ) speech sent to the inspectors , then thev set to work and got u _?* a report in order to disprove it . Whatmade the case _look ysrijl worse , these parties , after they had got his . _speecS , wrote to Mr . Barker , wishiag to knowif He was _prepared to support the statements in his original petition , after they had _ronortedmmn
that petition to _Government ; Why did they not auk Mn * tMJ _4 Kefore ? * V ? h y did , they hot ask him that when _hmeseiitod his petition f' After they had pre : judged the nan ' s case : they _asked'hinT to come and establish ' ; _thfe-statements he ori g inally made . He asked , tfterefortvcould the matter remain as it wns at present . ? . Cases of cruelty and-flogging of . the severest description had been alleged against the officers of . the prison , ' and _asf . yet no" attem ' pS- has been made on the part of the Government' to meet the charges preferred-: "Any attempt on the * part of the officers tojtaflict corporal punishment" for the offence for which" *"* the two men , Bahyoh and Cote-ell- to whom M ' i _' eferred when : he previously : addressed the house on the subject ; , had been flogged ; ¦ was illegal . Bjirefcrring to the Act of Parliament _on-whioh the
institution -was founded , they would and that if a man attempted to assault the governor , lie-was-to be prosecuted in the usual way for that offence ; and _might be punished with two years'imprisonment , or with flogging , as the Court might" direct . Ifc was not , therefore , in the hands of the officers-of the prison that the punishment was placed , but in the Court before whom the prisoner wns-tried . Besides , the Cat with whieh Bunyon and the other man'were flogged , was illegal , lie did not wish at present to discuss the question of Hogging in the army , but this much he would say , that flogging in the army was but a joke to the system of it which was in existence in the Millbank prison . [ Tke hon . member here produced a few of the cords whicli constitute what is called " the cat . " and compared them with that of a specimen of the s . 'ime -instrument as used at' tbe Horse Guards . The prison cat ' s-paw seemed by far
the most touchy of the two . It was kneaded up in knots , while its neighbour of the Horse Guards was free of these ; and composed , too , of a much softer material . ] To show the effect which this instrument , as used in theprison , produced ; he was informed by those who witnessed the flogging of the man Bunyon ; that a more brutal scene tbey never witnessed . Such was the effect the " "in strument had that the blood was flowing in streams-over the man ' s waistband . Thc other man , _Cotterell , only received sixty lashes from the same cat , but having previously been n the army , he declared that the sixty lashes he then received were far more severe than 120 he had received when-in the army , and that the flogging in the army was a mere joke to that in Millbank Prison . But what happened after the man was thus
severely flogged I . Why , instead of being taken to the Infirmary , he was put into his cell ' . He lay there in a most deplorable condition ; he could not move his arms , and yet Dr . Bailie said that he did not require Infirmary treatment . Mr . Baker in hfs second petition referred to this . The chaplain himself admitted that the sentence was a very severe one . Then , as to the three boys put upon bread and water for seven days ; the governor admits that he did so ,. but denies that by doing so he exceeded his duty . To show the manner in which the establishment was conducted , it was only necessary to refer to the-amount of suieides and attempts at suicides which had taken place . During the last three years-there had been sixteen atteinp 8 . lt Suicide in the prison , and four had succeeded in putting : an
end to their existence , making twenty altogether . All tbis , no doubt , resulted from the cruel treatment ofthe governor . The prisonersat Millbank amounted to 1 , 000 , and it was said tliat four suicides out of such a number was not extraordinary ; but he contended that , considering that the inmates of thc prison had ho lacitities fur self-murder afforded to them , the number was most extraordinary . The system of the treatment of criminals , then ; was most vicious and cruel , when it compelled them to seek for death as a refuge . Then , again , in consequence of the unhealthihess ' of the prison , arid the , bad'food on which the inmates were fed ; the cases of deatlrwe ' rc innumerable . The medicalgentlemen admitted that fact .. Within the last three years 300 of the inmates of Millbank had to be removed-to a more healthv
sitnation , and forty-eight of them had died , The inquests that were held on these persons he asserted were not full and fair enquiries into the causes of these deaths . Both coroners and jurors failed to do their duty ; they had nnt recorded it as their opinion that the parties on whose bodies they sat had been actually murdered by ihe inhuman treatment of the governor at thc prison in question . In conclusion , he would merely remark that if he had not - on a former occasion , when he brought this subject under the consideration ofthe Ilouse , made out a goad case he had at least done so _. now . What the Government intended to do on this question he knew not ; but he could say , in answer to the objection that the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department bad made on a / previous occasion , that that gentleman had a complete power of
controlling the conduct of the governors of prisons the House of Commons , he felt confident , wouid demand a reform of the present abuses in our prisons . —( Hear , i hear . ) They had at length penetrated the walls of Somerset House , and found out the black doings perpetrated there by the Poor-Law Commissioners , and so it would be with regard to the governors of our prisons . He hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet tlie Secretary of State for the Home Department would not object to the appointment of the Committee , which should not hold its sittings , as had been previously done within the precints of the _prison , because the inmates would , whilst in the presence ofthe governor , be too much influenced from fear to state tiie whole truth . The hon . Member concluded by moving the appointment of a Select Committee ofthe house to inquiro into the abuses lie had stated .
Mr . Williams gladly seconded thc resolution . He felt confident tbat a committee of the house would be a much better _( vibunal than any commission which they could appoint in the prison . Notwithstanding thounliealthinessof the prison at Millbank , and the coarse and meagre fare allowed to the inmates , that prison cost this country no less a sum than a million pounds sterling per annum . He hoped that the Government aud the Ilouse would agree to the motion . Sir _G-. G-ret said , that the inquiries which had been made into the conduct of the governor of the prison in question , since the matter was last mooted in thc house , had not been completed , and that was the reason why a complete report had not been pre sented by him to the house . He admitted , with the
Imn . member for Finsbury , that it waa most painful to see the unseemly disputes that were at present taking place between the governor of Millbank prison and the gentlemen wbo had been appointed to investigate into tho alleged abuses . He requested the house , on the last occasion when this question was before them , to suspend their judgment until a full report bfthc whole case was before them , and ho had now to make the same request . He mustcertainly admit tbat after tbe assertion of the hon . member , to the effect that he conld prove his charges , a further inquiry had become indispensible . —( Hear , bear . ) "Under the general powers vested in thc
Crown with regard to the inspection of prisons he should consider it necessary to advise the Crown to issue a commission for the purpose of making inquiry into the charges . This would be a better course than appointing a committee of that house . This being the case , he would abstain from referring to the charges made in the petition , lie did not , however , think that the charges against tho governor were borne out , and be thought tliat the investigation , if the commission was granted , would fully prove the falsehood of the imputations . Ue lie-pet ' that the result of the commission weuld be equally satisfactory to all parties .
Mr . Duscojibe would , upanthat intimation , withdraw his motion , and in doing bo , he hoped ihat the commission would be conducted in such a manner as to _jiivo fair play to all parties It * not , he would feci _ittobebisduty to bring the matter again before the house . BOARD OP ORDNANCE . 0 : i the order ofthe day being read , for going into a committee on the Ordnance estimates , Mr . Uujik moved tbe appointment ot a select committee to ' inquiro into the refusal of the Board of Ordnance , to inquiro into alleged mulvcrsations
ofthe public stores-by ofiieers ot that department , and into tbe cause of dismissal of Daniel Toner , a pensioner for Rood service in the artillery , from her _Mniestv ' s service , without , allowing ' . toiler to be beard ;» Wis own daieii' / c . The only charge agnitit Toner was . lhattm co'ainjr into the ' _payoflfcc he was desired by one of _> _Aie cWk . H to lake off his bat . Ile rcfuseil , however , to do so , as not beir . g in accordance wiih the usapo . This individual was afterward s _dismissi-d on U / is trumpery _charge , which ought never to have bc < . n made , as It is even now not customary to take _ofjc their hats in that oflice . It appeared also
^ House Of Commons-Saturdm , August 8. A...
tliaC , 23 pieces of ordnance were stolen from the arsenal at Woolwich , and that Board afterwards ' _refasedvto _irhj-iire into the malversation , although * Daniel loner offered such information as would tend to the _deletion of the - culprits . The man had become marked from his having written to the Board of Ordnance that he could give * them information as to the _pieces of artillery that bad been stolen , and this trumpery charge was" got up against him in _consequenee . It was somewhat singular that the verv day after this information was tendered , bills should have been- posted up > offering £ 10 $ ' asa reward to any . one _who-could giv _# infsrmation on-the subj ' eeL . Colonel _PsBtexplained that _fcilltho present time he _harfnotheard ' ofthis offer of Toner to * give information as to the theft of the 23 pieces of ordnance . As
to the other charge , two letters were sent by the clerk ef tlie pay oflice to thei . _civH'offlcer complaining ; of incnriiitiesoii'the part of Toner , and thathe alone , notwithstanding an order _havingieen issued that all the labourers oncoming into the-oflice should take ' oft thelrhats , retasvd to do so . The case * was re _sferredtothe Board * at Woolwich , and-Lord--Bloom * ( h ' eld , on Hearing it , ordered that Timer _shouJdifee immediately suspended '; ' and , as he * ( Colonel- Peel ) thought , properly so when insubordination was manifested in the service : He said he bad stated the facts ofthe ease , and would certainly not _objactto the appointment ofa Committee of Inr _/ _airy . , " After some-further explanations , the motion was withdrawn , _"o _^ inly _. iB _cqasequence of the lateness * of the session . _% ., : ¦¦¦ _-- _^ ¦ ¦ - ¦¦ . ,- ¦• .:
The Ordnance Estimates-were then proceeded _wiflir , giyiagrise to _incidental _^ _isotissidns ' oh _gcreral topics connected ynth the - 'discipline and comfort- ofth 9 army , but without leading to any result , the motion ? out of which _they-originated'being withdrawn . The House then went _intcsCommittee on the Customs Act , for the purpose of supplying certain omissions and amendments required by the last new tariff . .. .- _, . On the motion thatrum be admitted at 83 > . lOd . instead 0 s . _4 d ., Mr . Mackinnon moved the _equalization ofthe du- J ties on Colonial and- British spirits . The duty on
colonial spirits had previously been 9 s . 4 d . _a-gallon ; the duties on British spirits being respectively ; in England ,. 7 s . lOd . ; Scotland , 3 s-. 8 d . ; and Ireland , 2 s . 8 d . It was now proposed to reduce the duty on colonial spirits to 8 s . lOd . still retaining a differential duty between it and British spirits . Ho thought that as they had sanctioned the equalization of the duties oni sugar , that they ought also to apply the same principle to spirits , especially wlien it gave a relief to the suffering West Indian colonies ; The Chascklior of the Exchequer could not afford the reduction , and after a long discussion- the motion was then negatived without a division , and the other clauses went through committee .
THE ARMS ,. IRELAND * BILL . On ' the motion of Mr . Emjouoiiere the order ofthe dav was read for the second reading of the Arms , Ireland Bill . Mr ; . Laboucheke said he rose with sincere _relwotance to move the second reading of this bill . He admitted that itcontainedmany objectionable principles , and that he would not _liave been _a-party to its introduction ; but he trusted that he should be able to demonstrate to the house that it was the duty of the government to recommend it _topass this bill tor such a limited period ' as-weuld give time to consider the future policy which ought to be adopted upon it , with all the deliberation which its importance required . In his opinion , a government , which , without full deliberation , should propose to
let this bill drop , would grossly neglect its duty . He asked whether there was any man who would venture to declare that it Would be conducive to the peace of Ireland , if the government , for the mere sake of tencpovavy popularity , should drop all legislation on the subject of arms iii that country ? For one , he publicly declared that he would not undertake so grevious a responsibility . He allowed that any man who was satisfied that all legislation on the _sulgcctpf arms and gunpowder In Ireland should at once be abandoned , was consistent in _opposing the present proposition of government , but from such an opinion he totally dissented . It was said that the government ought tc amend this bill , but in case the government were inconsiderately to adopt that _course , ifc would appear to sanction every part of the
bill which it did not amend . That course then he would not take . He proposed , instead , to continue this bill , not for a year , but till the 1 st of May—ft period ofthe next session which would compel the government to bring in a proper measure on this subject immediately after the meeting of Parliament He confessed that be liked neither the registration clause , nor thc branding clause . He considered both to be an affront to the people of Ireland ; but the inconvenience which they had occasioned was iow _pnst and over , He did not wish to have this measure considered as a sample ofthe policy which the government intended to adopt towards Ireland ; but the fact was that the government had no other course to pursue , arid if there were any such course , he hoped that it would be pointed out to those who
objected to tins measure . Mr . Humb said , that he recollected that __ almost every member oa tbat ( the Ministerial ) side had formerlj voted against this bill . As the right hon . gentleman had ' asked hon . members to suggest what course the government ought to take , he would simply recommend them to drop the bill altogether . ( Hear , hear , ) Let them not dirty their ringers with it . ( Hear , hear . ) Thc _riglit hon . _gentieman had admitted , that the evils predicted as likely to result from the passing of thc bill had arisen , and that instead of preventing evil disposed persons from obtaining arms , it had only facilitated them in obtain _, ing them . The right hon . gentleman , the late Home Secretary , had likewise twice admitted that the object of the bill had failed . The right hon .
gentleman ( Mr . Labouciiere ) had not pointed out any good as resulting from the measure , and its continuance only served to perpetuate the evil —( hear , hear)—but be made one appeal to the house , and only ono , and that was— "Will you not _phice so much confidencein Ministers as to believe that they will not , if trusted with these p owers for nine months , abuse tbem ? " Now he ( Mr . Hume ) should like to know _wliv thev should trust unconstitutional powers to any set of men who declared that they disapproved of them—who said , " We object to the bill ; but only let as have it for nine months ? " Had any application been made from Ireland , or from any of the Irish members , in favour of this bill ? If so , let it he produced . He thought that any man concurring to give the Ministers these powers would be doing them
incalculable mischief ; and the greatest possible benefit that could be done them would be to deprive them of the bill altogether . ( Hear , hear . ) When this bill was first introduced , it was based on allegations that Ireland was in a state of discontent , and that crime had enormously increased . Was that tbe case now ? ( Hear , hear . ) If they placed no confidence in Ireland , but were continually trying coercion , lamentable results must ensue , and with this conviction they , when on tbe Opposition side , did their best ; anil even the present Prime Minister did his best tO Strike out the branding clauses . ( Hear , hear . ) By some strange infatuation , the moment men reached the Treasury bench they seemed to forget all their old arguments . ( "Hear , " and a laagfc . ) Two modes of governing Ireland had been tried : — the iirat was bv coercion instead of conciliation , and the second was by depriving the Irish of the same privileges as Englishmen and Scothmen enjoyed . Now he would turn the tables and try a different
system , Instead of bringing _forward tlllS OtlioUS Hum sure , against which at a former period there had been fifty-one divisions and the discussion on wliich occupied fifteen days . He repeated his advice to Ministers to drop this bill , and instead of continuing coercion let" them try conciliation . ( Hear , hear . ) lie conceived that the speech of the right hon . gentleman damned the bill . ( "Hear , " and laughter . ) He _was anxious to give the Ministers a fair trial ; but he could not understand how mon , who had separately condemned the bill , could collectively support it . Be concluded by moving that tho bill be read a second time thatday six months—or that day month , for he thought that would be sufficient (•* Hear , " and laug hter . ) * _, Mr . Suaw said , that when this bill was originally proposed he was no advocate of it , but he did not think it deserved the character given it by the hon . member ( Mr . IItrine ) . It was not a coercion HI ) , and every one who pleased could have arms registered . ....
Mr . _Esoott said ho never was more astonished in his life than when he heard the hon . gentlleman tlie Secretary for Ireland advocMc that measure hi the way he did . No one , he owned , would administer a tyrannical law more mildly than the hon , gentleman would ; but he did not conceive that tliat was a sufficient reason for entrusting the peace of Ireland to the hon . Member and the Lord Lieutenant ' for the next nine months . ( Hear . ) When that measure was first brought forward , three years _aiio , by __ tbo hue government , the lion , gentleman opposed it Oil the gf- _'iuiid of the great mischiefs tbat won hi ensue , and of thc attempt _therelsty made to destroy tho constitutional rights of the people of _Ivclaud- ; and yet be was now doing the very thin" ho then veui'ihended . lie would read to hio _* , the vory word" * he then used in speaking of that Bill . * he aiid , " The Bill is a whole volume of coercion , in which tyranny
^ House Of Commons-Saturdm , August 8. A...
w elaborated in _eyttjr -fanet y of form . " ( _Btear . ) So , every va _* _hejty , c _^ rm . _neretK _jSeeaiuerhe had c _* aanged th k onosi _^ of the hou se to the bther- ( hear ;) But _tuli _~ ' _^ _"eraan _foated no reason for entertaining _LwJW _* - tHe _fcon . _' _gentlema _' s who first brought it _wa _>> nt _^ ? , re didS _« ve _^ them a reasonj such as a . _££££ . ;•; # _? 8 aid . that they had ad _^ _ongjperBevered ia taa ? i _^' Mr !? _- tew ,, _^' it ,, ft P «>?& . ' Ireland , _SSubk-UML _^ _fko _Ped it _was to . _cesw _wherf _Sd-fite _^ T ? - ? _^ _fcutfie-had & en de-Sd _^ a )»» . _™ reason tor that Bill every , honest Wan _-ur-thafc hmatm _} T f _gainst , it , _; if lie _SfifiSSffi _* his _cWa < Jter tor honest y and con 8 btehoy _^( hear )>
. Mr . Mbw £ thought the question was noi-wheti W two or _ihreeoT _: the government had formerly _jote _* against the measure when it was last . before ; the ? house , bii "» ' whether a majority _. of the . government had voted against ; it —( hear , hear . ) He wouldadvise the government to Jbe _cai'ftl ' ul how they urged forward _tliatmeasure , _" _-forhe wonld tell . them . that * public men were _noTT . ata discount withthe people—a Birmingham ' discount of seventy-five per cent—( laughter . ) The present Ministry v \ _-rre not . . secure _, in their places ; their tenure of office stood on " a * 'Very small foundation ; thej were _wafchedby a large _^ _portion of the people with great suspicion , _^ nd if they passed tbat Bill without ' good _reason , ' the pepple _['_ yVbuld think , and not _wfthoiii _c"kfl ? e , 'that public ' men changed their _principles when . they crossed frorii ' one
_sme oi that house to the" ot ? : er- _^( hear , hear *) f ' . 'E'er regretted that goversmeut had not " become iriser _, bnt they did not reall _^ _se-ini to ' - have- done so .- . ' foi ' they were now ad _vbca-Sng a coercion _measiife'Siniikr ' to the one they brought- * forward' twenty years a g © _.-ile felt strongl y on the 3 nbject , _-b ' ecause _* he wished to ' support government if possible , but in the p / _esentmstaiiee , he considered that by doing _s-r he * should be _degradrng and _disgnlsim . ' hiaiself '; -lie ' should , _, therefore- , vote for the _aiiasidmeiit _^ hear . )/ " . ; * Messrs .. S . _Crawi-osd . _K-j-YoKiiE , . BELLE \ yV Eons ** man , and Oseobne opposeti tne bill . . Mi * . _Pioorsupported it . He w * s _anrferv active op- ' ponent ofthe former meas'ij _* :-but She _Que-stion ' at present ' . was ; what _waa-now-best for * _the-neoDla ' v 6 f _%
Ireland in * roterenceto ; thi . s . ' _OTbject —( here )—and he felt that it was best . not ,, to * tamper _wth thehi by patchw . _orfc-Jegi & lation . ( Hear _^ ear . ) . . He objeotedi to the _present _' i _^ _stein-when it Was a _^ _ufew .. on _&' _Mt ? - - causeof the annoyance of . a new regis ' _a-ation , and the _difllfeulties'taat hampered _it-j . and _bec-Miseof such provisions as-that which prohibited a blacksmith from following his trade _witkoitfraignatiGB- ; but the course he how took was _perfsetly -consistent with _> originally opposing the measure . ' ' Very few registrations had taken place of late months except in one - or two counties ; : the greater _pcw-ion of the-arms in Ireland had been registered ; _feivregistrations would take place under this temporary Bill , -and during its continuance the entire system could be considered _, with a view to its aaaendment wit session . ( Hear , hear . ) It was true that there was- the power of
domiciliary visitation , but he cnuld hardly think any one could believe that the _govermsentwould use it vexatiously under ' this temporary law , when they avowed that itwas not to continue . ¦ ( Hear , ' hear . 1 Mr . Osborse referring to this extraordinary specimen of legislative reasoning said , he had been' much struck . indeed with- the speech of the-hon . member for , Clonmel ( Mr .. Bigot ) . Ho k » e _«« -something of Clonmel ,. and he * rather . thought that even though he were to take the repeal pledge whole -he need not expect to have himself proposed again by a right rev ., doctor there . ( Bear . ) The lion , gentleman , though always opposed to coercion before ? supported it now , and then turned round and said we ought to have confidence in the government _?^ . i | e should like to know what reason there was why , _they-: should give this confidence to government . ' _-iJ-. un
Mr . Duncombe said the hon . _' _membop-forCJonmel was the only member . on that side who _had-attemptad to show why he should vote for the Bill , but he ( Mr . Duncombe ) thought there were other'mbmliers on the Treasury bench whom it behoved to exbhuu the votes-they should give upon that question , _andsnwj smore so than the noble lord . who was considered ;* by some ineans or other , the Prime Minister of-tha ' e country . ( Laughter . ) That Bill had bean-approved by the lion , gentleman and the noble lord , for reasons stated in their _specehes in 1813 . On a former evening , not many weeks ago , he had asked thcnoble lord on what principles he- meant to conduct the government of tbe country . That was considered an impertinent question , aad . he incurred Ihe
displeasure of the-noble lord by his question ; he also incurred the displeasure ol ' several bon . gentlemen , his friends , who were then getting very many berths , and who would now support the noble lord in his apostacy . It * ever tbere were occasion for such a question , it had arisen now . The noble lord had said , he would conrdnct his government on the principles he had always advocated . Then , that must be a bill he bad always advocated —( hear , hear , ) r-and yet , in 1843 , he had said , speaking ot" that vevy bill , " B * we are to be told that this is a sample ofthe mode in wliich Ireland . » to be governed ,. I think we ought to \ resent an ad dress to the Crown for some government . " ( Hear . ) Those were the pvincipleson which they _had-always acted , and now ,, as a tribute to apostacy , tbey were
urging the house to carry that _measure . ( Hear . ) On what principles did they tarn out the late government , unless on principles of non-coereiun ? Never was- a Ministry turned out by a procedure more unsatisfactory to the country , more discreditable to the house ; and more dishonourable to the parties succeeding them , than that divisiou , or Hits combination 6 y which that division was obtained . Did they suppose the country would forget what took place in November , when that _non-coereion Ministry was offered the reins of Government on free trade principles , and when they shrunk from forming a Government , leaving it to the rkht hon . baronet , whom they bad just turned out on the question of non-coercion for Ireland ? ( Hear . ) Was not the _pn-tence fortheir
then inability to form a government , that one noblelord could net agree that another noble lord should . preside over the Foreign Office ; and yet did they not now _pee both noble lords in the Government with theirformerdifferences perfectly healed and reconciled , the one as Secretary for the Colonial , and the > other at the head of the Foreign Office ? ( Hear , ho < ir . ) Did they for a _monie-nk _suppose that thepeople would be bamboozled by such shallow farces as these ? The right hon . baronet- lately at the head _^ ofthe government-had : incurred obloquy and ; kspersion from his former friends , in his determination to confer on the country great commercial advantages ; and
he was turned out of ofiice for bringing in a coercion bill . Yet the first act of the present government , who- ' had taken the lead in turning hira out , was to ask for a renewal of thc present coercion bill for Ireland . ( Hear . ) Their conduct had been styled infatuation ; he considered it something worse than infatuation . Let those who held petty places falsify their former votes and be dragged through the mire in support of this measure , * he , for one , would do his best to defeat it , as those very gentlemen had done when they sat ' on the opposite side of the house . ( Hear . ) . Mr . _Protheuob expressed his regret that he could not , consistently with the views he entertained , give bis support to Government on tho present uccasion .
Lord Morfkth was not so much afraid of any charge ol * apostacy aa to claim any latitude for himself , because it had been his fate very often to propose arms bills for Ireland , and never to oppose tbem . He had , it was true , voted for the first reading of the Cocrc _' on Bill , and he had voted against the second reading of that bill , but not with any notion that ho should be able to dispense in future with any of the existing laws for the protection of life and property in Ireland , ov that such laws would not be required . Ile _thouuht that the question had been treated with much exaggeration that evening , ami tbat the people
of Ireland would not think that _thcGovoniment were socking by this measure to embody in their lc-aislntion the ' iiriuciples whieh tliey had condemned in thelegislaticm of their predecessors , but merely that they were desirous of not doing in August what would be done better early next session , in the hope that the mode adopted by the Government of administering the powers thus entrusted to them , __ and themeasure which they would be prepared to introduce early next session , they would not be found to violate the confidence reposed in them . After a few words from Mr , Spoonir ,
Lord J . _Russfihh said lie _voscj niter the many at . tacks made on the Government for vvev « sins the continuation ofthe bill , to sutak _, first , as to the point " - of consistency on which tho honourable gentleman , the member for Finsbury , dwelt so much ; . and , next , as to the nature or the proposal made to the house . The hon . gentleman held that it was very inconsistent that he ( Lord J . Kusscll ) should vote for the continuation of a hill , some clauses of which he disapproved of . Now , the question for cousuwralion was , whether he ought to propose thc continuation of that of which he partially disapproved , or whether ~ , he should move the alteration of tlie clauses , o _» v should propose to drop the hill altogether . New , if he had proposed to drop the bill altogether , as v /• _# proposed by the hon . member for Montrose , and " was probably desired also by tbe hon . member for 1- _inabui-y—( hear , hoar , from Mr . Duucoiiibu}—hfi _t- ' _asu il
have been acting a more inconsistent _ . p : _\ vt ill ? . n was alleged by the hon . gentleman , ' tieear . se dur ' . _ng the ten or eleven years bo had held _oftue ho * j » 1 continually voted for bills of this _des-. _oriin-iyu ,. With respect to sonic of the clauses in tin * biil , bv . - must admit that he thought some of thc \ u had fcyeu vexatious . If the bill was cout-inued f . ' ill next _session ,, tlie vexations could be few iii nm _/ ibcr . B ** # : _tisey were now on the second reading of the biil , and il any hon . gentleman _thought thr . fc with regard ta any ox the clauses , that it would ' ue better to omit , thom , it would be in liis power ' to' propose- amendments to that effect iu ccmmitt . e ' j so t'lin _*" . ' -hu measure could bo deprived of those clauses vliioil it « "g ht be deemed would oner . j - . c- _vex-. d . _iousiy . ™ - ( Hear , . icnr . _) Till a ehaiiir" took v ] nlie iu ii ;; : . _-omlition of _iiviaiid , u « wnsnot > r . iredto say tint they _siiouW at once and without _'jimMdcration mulish tot _i _^ h had Icstt . lUo Ulatfticu for filty _jonw . WitLit _^ _ttio j ( Continued on the Eighth Page . J '
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 15, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_15081846/page/1/
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