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December 15, 1849. THE NORTHERN STAR. 7 ...
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TO MR. CHARLES GAYAX DUFFY. Sir—Tour out...
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This Coloubbd Eur-ERon.—A money-changer ...
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GLORIOUS LETTER OF DR. GRATTAX, JUSTICE ...
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TO THE IRISH TEOFLE. '• Hereditary bonds...
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I now offer to devote from one to three ...
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MR. Tnos. Dcncombk.—We regret to learn t...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
December 15, 1849. The Northern Star. 7 ...
December 15 , 1849 . THE NORTHERN STAR . 7 ¦ — ¦— ——~ _T _^^^ _. ¦ . . _S _^?*"" ' ' . ' ""' ' ¦ ¦ " ¦ ' ¦ ¦" I- _ii-i" i i
To Mr. Charles Gayax Duffy. Sir—Tour Out...
TO MR . CHARLES _GAYAX DUFFY . Sir—Tour outrageously personal attack upon me necessitates a reply . With extreme reluctance 1 proceed to give it . I will , at your desire , take your charges seriatim , and " blot them out one by one and every one , " and the only blotter I will use is tiie truth . I will endeavour to avoid the grossly abusive language in which you have indulged . I will neither distort facts nor misrepresent conversations understood to be confidential . Were I in your position , such " tricks of fence " might suggest themselves , but lay conscience is clear , and I Eave only to repeat a plain statement in plain language to carry with me the verdict of all honest _ I "
Sir , you have indeed preferred an artful array of Charges against me—some of them ridiculoussome absolutely childish , as the offspring of a silly and flatulent vanity—some notoriously unfounded-Others easily dissipated with the slightest breath of explanation—all most carefully elaborated , and conveyed in vehemently intemperate language ; but what is most remarkable , not one single accusation is supported by a scintilla of evidence , direct or indirect . In all this your policy is obvious . You desire by a personal attack on me to withdraw public observation from your own public conduct , ¦ which now stands impeached before the country . To thc desperation of your perilous position I attribute your heaping calumnies on me . You did so to
enlist sympathy—to create a diversion . But your zeal has outitr ; ppcd your usual cool & nd calculating discretion , and so palpable is all this on the face of your angry and vituperative letter , that already public opinion has condemned you . With this reply your condemnation will be complete . Your attack opens with an assertion that " open , debauched , and shameless lying" has been employed against you in thc Irislaium ; and towards the close of your letter , you deliberately declare that * ' since Mr . Joseph Brenan went to America , these identical slanders have been written . " In this declaration is at once discoverable a clue to your boasted " long forbearance "—to your courageous Outbreak . Mr . Brenan is ffone . 21 c is not here to
give a personal reply to yonr charges—to justify every word he wrote concerning your policy and oonduct ; and knowing this , you wax suddenly Taliant , and fancy you will escape with impunity . You dare not , were he here , accuse him of ' open , debauched , and shameless lying" in his Editorship ofthe _iristoioit . Even in his absence , yon dare not < lo so directly , but you have done so indirectly , for until he recently lelt , to settle in America , he wrote , with one or two exceptions , every article in which reference was made to your conduct and policy . Of his truthfulness , fidelity , and probity , his unselfish Eatnre , honorable disposition , and chivalrous devotion to the cause , I need not speak . Enough to know he was the tried and trusted friend of John
Hitchel , and proved in every way worthy of his confidence . He was ia Newgate with you , and thoroughly understood you . You feared him ; and ¦ while ho remained in the country , you wisely remained silent , and never attempted to exclaim against any of tho " slanders " you now make a merit of having so long patiently endured . But ayhen this day ' s _Irisltman reaches "Sew York , I promise you a reply from Mr . Brenan you will regret in your soul having provoked . The first tangible charge you make is , that in the article in the Irishman on your " Irish Alliance , " you are represented " as having done the exact
reverse of that which you did . This I distinctly deny . You admit all that was alleged against you . You tell the public that you proposed a resolution of sympathy with the State Prisoners in the " Committee , " and carried it—that you urged its adoption in the " Conference , " and it was resisted , until a secession was about to ensue , when you withdrew it , on the understanding that you and Mr . M . Leyne were at liberty to talk as much as you pleased at the Aggregate Meeting on the subject of your resolution . This is yonr own version of the affair ; and your charge against the Irishman is , that the reproach of the failure of that resolution was thrown tipon you . To this 1 plead guilty .
What is your own explanation I—That you withdrew the resolution to conciliate some parties , who , in an "Irish Alliance , " appealing to Irish Nation alists for support , were ashamed or afraid to express in a resolution of sympathy—even so small a thing as sympathy—with the State Prisoners '; You claim the honour of having proposed the resolution ; admitted—the disgrace of its withdrawal is also your own . The charge against you , sir , is—that , having proposed the resolution , you shamefully withdrew it , to conciliate parties not worth conciliating—for , _-ss-hat man is -worthy of being ranked as a labourer in the national cause , who is ashamed or afraid to express , even in a guarded resolution , sympathy with the State Prisoners ? Out upou such base " conciliation , " that abandons friends who suffered for their patriotism , and brings scandal on the cause , hy appearing to make Irishmen unmindful of those
_vihe sacrificed all for their country . It was against this scandal the Irishman protested ; and you , Mr . Duffy , admit thc grounds of protestyon , who should lie the last man to desert the memories of the illustrious exiles you urged on to their fete , arc yet foremost to found a new " Alliance , " based upon a denial to them of so poor a thing as *' _sympathy . " Shame , shame upon you—shame upon the policy that , within six months after their departure from our shores , would thus prove untrue to tlieir memories—forgetful of their sufferings—and make so light of their great sacrifices , as to deny them even an expression of " sympathy . " Mr . M . _Leyne's version of this nffiiir is similar to your own ; but he tells more truth . It was necessary , said he , "to avoid even the appearance of connexion with , the principles of our illustrious friends ;"—" conciliation " rendered this necessary . Tlm conciliation of whom ? Of the _"Nationalists ?
Oh no , impossible . Ot the honest Confederates who were associated with O'Brien , and his illustrious fellow-sufferers ? It wonld be a libel to assume such a _thing . On whom , then , was " conciliation " to do its work ? On Whigs and Whiglings —on timid time-servers , and weather-cock politicians , -whom you Mr . Duffy , have drawn around you in support of your policy ; these were the men to be conciliated . To save appearances , you proposed the resolution " binding : theai to nothing , expressing only sympathy ; they resisted—you yielded ; and , with these facts patent to the world , you claim the support of honest _Nationalists for * your "Irish Alliance . ' * . Artful as were yoar tactics , the gross inconsistency , the shameful " abandonment of principle , was too glarin g to escape detection . The Irisltman exposed it ; hence vour revengeful ire .
Jfow , sir , are you , as the prime mover in the course of events wbich terminated in the expatriation of our illustrious martyrs , not ashamed oi your conduct in this matter ? Your _policy has been devious and intensely selfish . Associated wMi men of open , and generous and unsuspecting natures , you used them for yonr own purposes . John Mitchel early saw through you , and you made a party to expel him from the " Confederation . " The sains tc t that drove the " _CWcdnratcs " from " Con-_ -. r _ .. r .... _TI ., 11 " -r _«« _anotif 3 tO _dllVC _JOllU _jMiflllll _elation Hall" tou _avphed to dnve John Mitcliil
, from the " _Confederation " You succeeded . Smith _OT-iien , Meagher , Dillon , < * _rc , were your dupes on lbs occasion ; yet , hut a brief period e ' apsed when vou reversed your Inches . John Antehel was _transported ; and , until that act was _cousum-Bitted . _nu were allfor " moral force " -the «; time Lad no ' t ' eome ; " but n o sooner were you imprisoned thnn an insurrection became necessary . Jou urged O'Brien to take the field at a time when the _country was un prepared ; without means , without _organisa-+ w without concert or design-you excited to ap
armed movement , and on its failure you nowseeiv to trade Nav , you endeavour , withm six months of their transportation , to organise a new Association on the basis of conciliating men who deny even their " _sympathies "to those illustrious martyrs you so larcelv contributed to expatiate . fr " Duffv , do von suppose the Irish people are _such feofe as not to see through J _^^ _^ g * think Toucan now estabhsh an Association of _> _afonS _bJed « on a repudiation of the _genera SSfowrf _ourUlustnous martyrs ? Do you thmk that an Association will ever merit or receive the confidence of the Iri _, h people that starts into being , _aroiuius even an appearance oj connexion with
princip les rendered sacred by suflering , ana uauoweu uj m _* S _? S _™ wiib all your cunning aud all yonr _dexterOuWriekerv . vou will fail . The political _educatS of the people is too far advanced to permit them to _feei" the dupes of a reactionary policy You _Sa , accusemeof " slandering" jou-q femploying "II ! and S ' ' writers and ** _t _f _^ Z _££ _„ w » hut while tbe Irishman honestly exposes ; : inar tyrdom- _^ ad _^' _^ _cV 0 f _fonre action , then , , ¦ « , d those _^^ $ 0 ** * _^^ endeavour A indeed , you might _&&^^ _Sdjit nnder a - '• to shield yonr ignommio _^ _mtt < _irawai - 6 _^ ii e waf a ? jou _aK a very harmless : Z _m _^^ r _^ _- _^ _SfK : and you , to
_^ h _^ _o _^ ona ble adherence , _consent to - : ' _^ ifiee the memories ol : tie . paw a L such _-v , even Wh _PjJSSt ft _««* the _Tiagenerous _aid _muuanlj cona _^^ == _St ber day , at s . dmner * " f _xy „> _a _^ j Tory _^ _ttot lfe _^ _JtJSfSBai O'Brie n , wfcii ¦ mito , gavet ftfi _^ gSS _; _ndedto . Yet , forsooth , m _^/ ias _noblyaadiee Mn iyi » _r ft _^ _^ _dence to _^ _Slrbh _NatipnBLste are to gwe ine _^ _' _$ & " _^ _S _tS " _-tMUbuns as an _essentfgS 2 E _# & w _** " «» * « w « r-
To Mr. Charles Gayax Duffy. Sir—Tour Out...
aneeof connexion " with his principles—the princi ples of our illustrious friends and martyrs . Sir , the more your conduct in this matter is s » mined , the more exposed will it appear to animadversion . The resolution yoa abandoned was about being moved at the Aggregate Meeting , where it would have been carried by acclamation , when you interfered to prevent ft . Will yon deny this ? If you do , I have mv proof at hand . Kay , more ; when you proposed the " _resolution in " Conference , " 1 am informed thatthe majority present were in favour ofit , but an adjournment was proposed , and yob voted yon jt— thus practically voting against your own resolution ! Indeed , your whole conduct has left the impression on many minds that you were never sincere in _bringing that _lesolution forwardthat you did so merely as a trick to save appearances— without any heartfelt anxiety to see it adopted .
However , one thing is clear , the " Irish Alliance " stands unmasked before the conntry , and you , Mr . Daffy with it . 1 can now _understand the , studied care with which you excluded Mr . Brenan aud myself from yoursecret _coherences in which this "Alliance " was originated ; v < mx object was not tore-organise thc "Nationalists , but to set on foot a movement to sustain you in the reckless reactionary •' policy " y » u have adopted , and which h-s already carried you within the precincts of Whiggery . One thing , at all events , is clear : in repudiating , in your new Association , " even the appearance of connexion " with the principles of the illustrious martyrs , you have opened the eves of the country to your own
recreancy , and completely severed your " connexion " with the true Nationalists of Ireland , 1 now come sir , to matters more personal to myself . You have assailed me with a malignity and coarseness I would hi ashamed to retaliate . Having broken your discreet silence , your excuse is , that you would have remained " silent for ever , " but for the exposure of the "Irish Alliance" in the Irishiaan , which you affirm led you no longer to forbear " informing the people that these systematic slauders arc the poor vengeance of a disappointed servant , who , foiled in his servile efforts to recover the favour of his generous master , turns in a single hour from a slavish petitioner at his feet , to a rabid cur barking at his heels , flying to bite the hand that fed him . "
Such is your language , Mr . Duffy—such the terms which , in an unguarded moment , you permitted yourself to apply to me .. Now , sir , I will deal with you briefly and explicitly . "We are both before thecountrp _, and I challengeyou to make good your charges . 1 st . Of what systematic slanders have I been guilty ?—name one I defy you . True , I have publishe . l in the Irishman letters from Thoiuas Devin Reilly and Michael _JDoheny , bitterly censuring your public conduct . Those gentlemen attached their names to what they wrote , and you never had the moral courage to hazard a reply . But your accusation ispersonal to me , and I now defy you to the proof . 2 . You call me a " disappointed servant . " " Disappointed , " in what ? . _'Tis true that I was your
cashier and publisher for five years , ar . d you call yourself " a generous master . " Come , sir , before the conntry , speak up . Did I not serve you zealously and faithfully ? Dare you whisper or insinuate one word against my character ? One word against ihe integrity and fidelity of my services ? Fear no le _< ai proceedings on my part ; I give you full liberty to speak your mind freely . Say , then , dare you impeach my services in the slightest particular ? If you dare not , then you are branded as evincing a willingness to wound , but yet afraid to strike . 1 will not follow your bad example , and obtrude on the public the nature and extent of my services , which , were you not all and more than you describe me to be , you never would have so
ungenerously forgotten . But . I am tempted by the tone of arrogance in which you address me ,. to ask who you are , Mr . Duffy ? H 7 io are you ? You parade yourself as '' a _generous master" — you . assume an _aristocratic /« _t" « ur _, and talk of your " cashier and publisher" as your " servant . " "Whence this silly vanity ? this childish impertinence ? this ridiculous assumption ? Is it that y < _-u wish to verify the old adage about " setting a beggar on horseback ? " Surely , the very recent events if your life musthaveescaped from your memory with the same facility as you have discarded your principles , else yon never would have indulged in such an unseemly exhibition of folly and of pride . It is not many years since you came to Dublin , a very poor , ill-educated , and helpless
youth , well contented to accept even a few shillings a _iveek , in the Morning Jlegister office . What mail of gentlemanly feeling wou ! d _then'lwve called you a " servant V "Who , with a properself-respect , would have looked down on your poverty , or ridiculed your uncouthness ? By dint of plodding you get on—a scanty education yoa improved by general , not deep reading—you became a surface politician—naturally _* Iow , by painful practice you came in time to write a passable article . Then followed your connexion with the Belfast Vindicator , which has left no agreeable reminiscences behind . Again , you came to Dublin , and , in conjunction with Thomas Davis , and John Dillon , you established the ifarioh . Brought thus into association with gentlemen , your superiors in every respect , you imperceptibly ' improved in manners and in mind . You had tact and cunning — you were a _* are of your own deficiencies , and strove bysedulous study to supply them . The awakened
intellect of tbe count )} " was gathered round the Aation , and you profited by the opportunity to make a character . In this you succeeded . The genius of others —of your associates—made your reputation . They have now , one by one , departed , and how do you sustain it ? Let the " new Nation'' testify . Thrown on your own resources , you cut but a sorry figure . The literary excellence of the old Nation is gone . You are now _reduced to your naturally stunted proportions—a very " Triton among the _minuowa , * , Such is briefly yow personal career since you fust engaged as a * '' servant" in Michael Staunton ' s office . Are you entitled by it to assume aristocratic arrogance , and si . eer at me as a '( servant" for having , in the _capacity of " cashier and publisher , " served you faithfully for years ? Indeed , Mr . Duffy , I am sorry that your association with gentlemen d > _o so little service in improving your taste—that your boasted Liberal opinions did not lead you to adopt juster and more rational opinions .
I now address myself to the charges tbat you have ventured to specify . 1 . You accuse me of having published the prospectus of the _Saiional newspaper , " with the unpenerous and dishonest design of attempting to pass off the paper as yours . " This 1 deny , and challenge yon to prove . If I had such a "design , " it must have betn manifested some way or other . I have only your base aud reckless assertion to deal with , and surely vou cannot think that will now pass current . With your usual dexterity , as a trickster you assert an " affirmative , " and call upon me to prove a " negative . " Mv rep ly is , yonr assertion is a
falsehood and a calumny , and as such I denounce it before the country . 2 . My next crime was in publishing the Irishman which you describe as " a servile and absurd imitation of the _Aation _iVom the title page to the tailpiece . " Of this _charge the country can judge . That I did publish the ' Irishman is true ; but that it was or is a " servile imitation" of the old Nation is totally untrue . The principles were and are far a-head of those you cherish , Mr . Duffy . God forbid there was any identity between them . The principles of the _IrMimar . are Democratic ; your principles always had an Aristocratic colouring and tendency .
You also complain that when I started the Irishman you were " untried , and competent to revive the Nation ; or , in case of conviction , to transfer it to some suitable person on behalf of your family . " There is a wicked ingenuity in this accusation that startles me . Tou wish to insinuate that I interfered with vour properly ; yet , sir , what is the truth ? Months before I started the Irishman you hadnopropem : all your property was assigned over to trustees to pay your debts ; your furniture had been sold : vour printing materials bad been in part disposed of ; ihe office in which the Nation was puoiished had beon given up to the proprietor—nothing remained but the mere prestige of your name ; and I defy you to adduce one single instance in which 1 sought to use even that . . ., . Nation
You wish also to insinuate that the was a valuable property when it was suppressed , and thereby to stremrthen yom- calumnious imputations on me . This obliges me to tell you the truth , and with » m _knowledge ofthe truth , I am astounded at the recklessness that dictated your foul accusations . When the Nation wa 3 suppressed , it was in a sinkin" condition . The first blow it received , was on the cessation of John Mitchel-from that fatal hour itsprosperitv began to fade , until , with yoar reckless extravagance in a style of living you had never heen accustomed to , aud against which I often expostulated , the establishment was becoming so exhausted , that , had not Clarendon suppressed it , you would have been driven into bankruptcy . Sir , with the knowled _? e of the services I rendered you in your emergency , were you not the most ungrateful of men , you never would have calumniated me as you have done—but I will not retort , I seek only to de f end myself * ,
3 . You complain that a letter from your solicitor , denying you had any connexion with the Irishman , was suppressed . It was suppressed , and simply because it was deemed offensive . But a full and explicit contradiction was given in the mart . prominent part of the Irishman , to the effect conveyed in your letter , that you had no connexion with the Irish man- . ,- i . m . tx 4 . This did not satisfy you . There was a paltry purpose to be served , by endeavouring to thrust on me such a letter as mi g ht injure my property ; and this I determined to resist . Your solicitor appeared again with another letter and a threat ; the threat was despised , but care was taken to do full justice to the Irishman as well as to you , and a second _paraera ph was inserted , stating in plain , unequivocal language , that you had no connexion whatever with the paper ,
To Mr. Charles Gayax Duffy. Sir—Tour Out...
And now , sir , I challenge you to produce one scintilla of proof that I ever , by word or deed , gave any ono to imagine , or understand , that you wero connected with the Irishman . Your elaborate accusations are a mere tissue of moonshine—yet I must disposeof them , " one by one , and eyery one , " else you would say I was unablo to do so . This imposes a disgusting task on me , and obliges me to crave the good feeling and indulgence of . my readers . 5 . Your next charge is thatthe Irishman attributed to Thomas Davis the labours on behalf of literature
and education which it pleased Mr . _Ilutt , on your first trial , to ascribe to you . I remember the circumstance well—Mr . Joseph Brenan was then in Richmond _Pris-m , and contributed as regularly as he conveniently could to the _ii-tsnman , He wrote the article you alludo to , and you knew he wrote it . When he was released , and I understood you felt annoyed at the article , I spoke to him , and : he _ajfiniici' its truth . You met him afterwards . and never reuowed the subject ; now , however , when he is gone to America , youfabricate out of this simple matter an accusation against me .
b . On your release from prison , as you say , 1 waited on you . Had I not done so , I am satisfied that the malignity of your disposition would have made my absence an addiuonnl ground of accusation and misrepresentation . As it is , you have noted dowu _, it appears , the conversation that took place between us ! and I havo to thank God you can only charge me with having "proposed to give up the Irishman forthwith , if as you allege , " you restored me to my place as publisher of the _Action . " This is tbe extent of the crime with which you accuse mo ; for the sake of making this paltry accusation you violated the confidence of a ») 'i « _atc conversation . But , sir , you have misrepresented tho facts , for the truth would not serve your
purpose . Two months before you revived tho Nation I had with you the conversation you misrepresent . In allusion to any seeming antagonism between the Irishman and the projected revival of the Nation , I ottered , ifittvoidd serve hie cause , to rink the Irishman . I presumed you wero honest , and intended to follow out an honest policy . On mentioning what 1 had done to some friends , I was cautioned to be careful in my communications with you . 1 was warned against abandoning the Irishman , as you had even then given unmistakeable indications that you were not true at heart—that you would abandon
the principles of tho illustrious martyrs—that you abjured the principles and policy of John Mitchel ; and I was entreated not to imperil , by connexion with you , the only journal in Ireland , on tho fidelity and honesty of which the democracy eould rely . I will confess that my faith in you , notwithstanding all the heavy drawbacks it had sustained , led me to receivo these warnings with an unwilling ear—yet , how literally have they heen verified Thus , sir , in the manner I have stated , I plead guilty to the charge of having proposed to give up thc Irishman . Does it redound to my discredit ? I leave thc country to judge .
But how did it come to pass , Mr . Duffy , if I bad been acting thc treacherous part towards you for months before your release , which you assert I had been acting , that you renewed acquaintance , and held intercourse with me and Mr ; Brenan ? Was my offer to givo up tho Irishman a proof of a desire to injure or serve your interests 1 Your accusations cut their own throats ? 7 . A ridiculous charge is , that a paragraph appeared in the Irishman , stating that a party , in canvassing for the _Alation , at tho same time canvassed against the Irishman . Your " cashier and publisher , " or , if you prefer the phrase , your " servant , '' wrote to demand the name of the canvasser and of tho person canvassed . Both wero forthwith given ; and . from that day until your letter appeared , f hoard no more ofthe matter . If you now dare deny the fact , I will publish tho names , and leave you to justify your shameless audacity as best vou can .
S , You revive in an accusation against me the charge made against Thomas D _' Arcy M'Gee , that he took with him to America £ 200 of money subscribed for national purposes . Jfow , I convict you before the country of base ingratitude to " your friend" in permitting this charge to lie so long unanswered , if you bad the means of refuting it Thc charge was preferred publicly by Mr . Brenan ; and while he remained in this country you wisely remained silent . You had the Nation at your disposal , yet you did not do for _M"Gce what until this hour he has failed to do for himself—deny it . Thc story about the profits of the Ifew York Nation \ don't believe one word of " , but , Mr . Duffy , if you desire to revive the discussion of this matter , I
promise you Mr . Brenan will not balk your fancy . You wrote a letter to the Irishman , denying your knowledge of the transaction , and giving M'Geo a character ; in reply you were informed that if you insisted on the publication of that letter it would he published , but a member of your family would be in vol red in justifying the statement made . A para-< jraph was inserted , _giviug yonr denial of all knowledge of the transaction ; and you remained quiescent till Mr . Brenan ' s departure , then you summon sufficient courage to make the matter a ground of attack' against me . All this is very mean—very pitiful . 9 . Your next charge is , that the " conductors ofthe Irishman caused cither proofs of the leading article , or an early copy of the revived Nation , to be stolen out of the office , " and that the comments
on that article " gave an utterly false and perverted account of its contents . '" Sir , respect for myself and for my readers will not . permit me to give this foul accusation the denial it merits . I will not adopt your phraseology , and say , " you lie in your throat and in your soul . " I will state the simple truth . On the Friday evening preceding your publication a copy ofthe Nation was brought into tiiis office hy a gentleman utterly unconnected with lite . Mr . Brenan read it , and forthwith wrote an article , warning the country against the course of policy you recommended ; if he gave au " utterly false and perverted account" of that policy , why hang back until he reached America before you had the courage to tell him so ? But Mr . Brenan gave a true and accurate account ofthe policy that article indicated—a policy mischievous and wily in its conception , growing bolder and more dangerous as you proceeded , until its baseness was made manifest to
all by the repudiation of " even the appearance of a connection" with the principles of our illustrious martyrs , which signalised the establishment of its offspring and tool , the " Irish Alli » r . ce . " 10 . You conclude by demanding who is the writer of the article in the Irishman on your " Irish Alliance ? " Sir , your demand is simply impertinent . I might as well require to be informed who yonr partners in the new Nation are . I have shown that your assertion that all the articles you complain of were written since Mr . Brenan went toAmerica , is untrue—that they were nearly all written by Mr . Brenan , and submitted to by you until you thought his absence rendered it safe for you to break silence . Were I to name the gentleman who wrote that article I would gain credit by his association with me : but I will uot willingly do what might \ 11 jnve a scholar and a gentleman in his prospects , to * gratify your malignant curiosity , This , sir , is
my answer . And now , Mr . Duffy , I have gone through your long , verbose , vituperative tirade , and what doesh all amount to ? 1 have dealt with your accusations , one by one , and every one , " and into what do they all resolve themselves ? Why , sir , that you fear the Irishman ; that you find in its intrepid honesty an antidote to the poison you are instilling into the mind of Ireland ; that the animadversions it has been my painful duty to publish on your " policy " have awakened the country to a knowledge of your reactionary designs , and you know it—you feel it . This sir , has instigated " your assaults ou mo personally , in the vain hopo of withdrawing attention from the manifold delinquencies that mark your
public career . You boast that "for ten hours every day since you left your prison you have laboured in this ' work . " Laboured in wlwt work ? To re-organise the Xationalists of Ireland Oil honest and sterling principles ? To teach the people that demoralisation and disappointment must be thc necessary results of any return to the old ways of agitation ? To inspire them with hope in the future , by teaching them that not to English Parliaments or English "Laws " they must look for a restoration of their rights , but rely solely on their own trained , and educated , and organised strength ? Is this the work at which you laboured ? Would to God it were , but far otherwise have you been engaged . And now , sir , I must conclude . My path lies
straight onward—my principles arc plain—my policy is above disguise , and goes right forward to tho _^ oal to bo won . Between us the country will judge . To mar tub cause I advocate by such grossly indecent attacks as you have indulged in , is a degradation to which I will never submit . I shall repel calumnies , but never deal in them—never use them as my stock-in-trade . Your public conduct and ' * policy " shall be discussed in the Irishman when it is considered such discussion may serve thk cause , but personalities I will leave to you . Acting in this wav , air , with my motives pure , aud my conscience clear , I will be enahled , in the language ofa patriot whom I presume you now despise—Joseph Mazzini , " fearlessly to raise my eyes to meet those of other men without the dread of meeting any one who can say to me—' you have deliberately hod . I am , your obedient servant , i , D * _Oiier-atr eet , Dublin . _Becxaro _Foxah .
This Coloubbd Eur-Eron.—A Money-Changer ...
This _Coloubbd Eur-ERon . —A money-changer of Paris received recently from Port-au-Prince a complete set of ail the coins struck since Souloque has been declared Emperor . They are of the smo nominal value as the coins of France . Each coin represents on one side the new Emperor , in the imperial costume , like that of _"Sapoleon on tho day of his coronation , and on the other side thc inscription of " Faustin I ., Emperor of Hayti . " Bound the edge are the words , " God protects my people . — Galignani ,
Glorious Letter Of Dr. Grattax, Justice ...
GLORIOUS LETTER OF DR . GRATTAX , JUSTICE OF THE PEACE , TO THE - _JTINCOMPOOP BRADY , LORD CHANCELLOR OF IRELAND UPO . V THE DISMISSAL OF AIV HONEST MAGISTRATE BY A LICKSPITTLE JUDGE .
_Druminin House , county Kildare . Nov . 26 th , 1849 . Mv Lord , —I beg leave to address to you wry reply to tho communication of your secretary , dated the 23 rd instant . Tho communication is au important one , and . as the topics to whieh it refers are , in the present state of Il'Olaud , of great moment to ns all , it will not admit ofa hurried answer . I must , therefore , trespass more at length on your lordshi p ' s attention than , under other circumstances , might be necessary .
Since tho _auti-titho agitation , a question upon which all Ireland was unanimous , and of which the Whigs of that day availed themselves to drive their public opponents from office , I have taken no part ia public _mattei-s . __ That question the people carried in opposition to tho Tory party , avIio afterwards , in _conjuuctiou with O'Coimell and the Whigs , so managed tho affair , that betweon them all , onefourth of the church property was transferred to the landlords , thus deceiving the peoplo , who derived 110 advantage from their continued exertions and sacrifices .
Then camp an agitation for " Repeal of the Union" then , the innumerable " onomore experiment "—and tho " instalments of justice for Ireland " _bvougltt forward , in succession , by O'Conneil , and connived at , or openly encouraged by the Whigs , who used O ' Conneil as their instrument , either to harass a Tory administration , or to secure to themselves thc possession of power and patronage . The Whi gs were displaced . To embarrass thoir successors , Ireland , as before , was made the battle ground for English faction .
O'Conneil got up tho monster meetings . He was encouraged ' by the very men who arc now the Queen ' s Ministers . He gave expression to language the moat defiant of England . He marshalled thc peasantry . Ho passed them in review before him . Thoy counted asmauy millions . The _artificial / _araine _, created and continued b y English misrule — pestilence , the consequence of famine—poor law extermination , to gratify the political hostility , ov the heartless cupidity ofthe landlords , has not as yet thinned tlieir ranks . He asked them would
thoy be ready at his call to start up and crusb the enemies of Ireland . They understood him to moan insurrection , and they answered , with one voice , " we are ready . " - All this tho Whigs witnessed—all this the Whigs encouraged — to all this tlie English Whigs were parties . O'Conneil was arrested . Ho was prosecuted and imprisonsd b y thc Peel administration . \ Oh ! wliat expressions of sympathy- —what addresses of condolence—what denunciations of English misrule — what _visitings , when in prison , of Whig aspirants for place , of magistrates and Wllinr _Iiiwvavi . . ., 11 armvmtml nf trates and Whig lawyors — all approved of
and sanctioned by tho leaders of tho Whig party _. Another change ia the phases of Ireland ' s varied sufferings presents itself . Peel , Ireland superficially tranquilised , pledges himself to introduce measures for tho amelioration of the condition ofthe people , thoreh y consummating and consolidating his system of free trade . He proposed to regulate the franchises aud to remove practical grievances . But , said ho , I must be enabled to hold Ireland under control . I must have the Arms Registration Act renewed which you Whigs , when iu office , declared to be absolutely necessary to preserve the peace of the p . _mvnta-v .
And now comes tho most nefarious act ever perpetrated by any opposition in the long and dark catalogue of political party crimes . No , reply the Whigs , headed by Lord John Russell—no , you shall not treat the people of Ireland a 3 if they wero slaves—they shall possess arms as well as the people of England—every man and boy of them shall bo at liberty to purchase and keep a gun . 'f hero shall bo no registrat i on of arms . The English Tory landlords , to ho revenged of Peel , turn on him—join the Whigs—leave him in a minority—and shove him from office . Playing , like gamblers , with the fortunes of the peoplo ; death the st . ak" : ind Ireland the victim . And tlm supporters and the partisans of 0 ' Connell shout for joy ; and places are created , and appointments mnde , and lawyers are promoted , and judges are elevated to the bench .
And hero , I may observe , that 111 most instances the legal _appohitmots of O'Conneil u-ero judicious ; and that , in no case , did he exercise a more sound judgment than in nominating you to the place whieh you now till—tho duties of which you so ably discharge . This , at least , is something ; and being the truth , the enemies of O'Conneil ought not to deny him this merit ; a great merit it was , and one for which the country owes him much . Meantime famine did its work—no remedial measure was introduced . Tho people died of starvation in the very ports from whence cargoes of oats were at the moment exported , to feed the carriage and draj'horses of London , ' O'Conneil does nothing . In the English parliament ho supports tho Whigs—in Ireland he abuses them . The puoplo lose confidence in him .
Smith _O'lh-ien the intrepid and incorruptible , denounces in his place in parliament , Whig perfidy , and protests against place-seeking , making patriotism a mockery , using the credulous and confiding Irish people as a means to power , and then flingiug them aside and trampling on them . Thc people heard and cheered him . Tho youn _" and enthusiastic hailing him as their apostle , aim pledged themselves to the faith that ub preached . The young mon of the Irish bar heard and applauded him . ' O'Gorman , Meagher , _Lsyiio , _Dufly , and others , identified themselves with him . Hatred oi the truth—tho foil ' spirit of _malignant jealousy
where jealousy shoahl have found no place—for how often did i _) 'Connell appeal to thc ' youngblood of Ireland '—this spirit of jealousy , looking askance , and devising mischief , raised an unmeaning controversy about moral and physical force . A trap was hid , a da ? p pic was dug tor thc honest and tho true , the conscientious and the brave . Like fools they played the game of tlieir open foes and pretended friends . I ' acilis descensus Avcrni . They plunged from one error to another , and finally , most unquestionably throwing aside all prudence , losing sight , in my opinion , of all discretion and common sense , they outraged the laws of the country .
I was not acquainted with , and , in fact , had never even seen a single one of thoso individuals . I was a mere observer of passing events—disapproving of their proceedings , which seemed to me inexplicable , but which no voiee of mine could reach . In their hour of daring , I thus expressed myself . Now , in the time of their punishment and suffering , I grieve for them and I sympathise with tliem . And why ? I am not a lawyer . I know nothing of a lawyer ' s quibbles ; I despise them . But this ' I say—" That he who , with malice prepense , furnishes another with the means of perpetrating a crime , is himself a party to the crime , and ought to be indicted aad punished as au accessary before the fact . " I assume this to bo the law , and I thus reason upon it .
Who was tho party who , next to O'Conneil , encouraged the Irish peoplo to hope for repeal , and to agitate for it ? Who was the party who laid it down in his speeches in parliament , that if the great majority of the people of Ireland demanded a Repeal , liepeal should be granted ? Who was it , that in his writings , proclaimed tho doctrine that armed resistance to authority was , in certain cases , in accordance with the spirit ofthe British Constitution ? Who was it that furnished to the Irish people the excitements , and the hopes , and tho appliances most likel y to lead them to breakout into insurrection ?
Was it not Lord John Russell . " and if so was ha not the great offender—the chief criminal—a wrongdoer _towardsfivland , and a dangerous and desperate servant of the crown ? Sympathising , then , with O'Brien and Meagher , though 1 knew tbem not , I should have considered it strange , and not creditable either to Mr . Leyne or to Mr . Duffy , if they had _abstainsd from all allusion to them . Had ihey omitted to speak of them , others would have spoken with even greater warmth ,
and with perhaps less discretion . I diu not interrupt them . I do not think it was my business to _haye done so . The attempt would have created confusion . AJy business was to preserve order . This I did ; and having approved ofthe several resolutions that were to be proposed my next duty was to ascertain and declare the sense of the meeting , which , you will observe , was an aggregate meeting , and at which , of course , any person present had a right to speak . It was no easy task to manage , a meeting so con-
Glorious Letter Of Dr. Grattax, Justice ...
stituted . The least indiscretion on the part of the chaiiman _, would have been fatal to it—aresu ' t anticipated , and indeed I believe anxiously hoped for by the enemies of Ireland . So much for the meeting itself . With respect to the ultimate object of the speakers , and of the members generally ot thc " Irish Alliance , " my conviction is , that such object is fully expressed in the niles and resoluitons adopted at the meeting , and that no sane person now contemplates any other than a strictl y legal aud constitutional effort , through the medium of parliamentary legislation , to obtain for Ireland the restitution of tln ' se _righsit of ivhich she has _bsen so foully defranded b y _England . By this I mean the restoration of her former nationality —that is , the right to legislate for ourselves in all
matters exclusively Irish , such as canals , railways , harbours , fisheries ; the _employment of the people ; the security of property ; tlie protection of the tenant occupier ;" tlic promotion _ofnutmifuctitres ; tho improvement of the land , - taxing ourselves for these purposes , and demanding nothing from England , Are those matters of no consequence to us , tho people—to you , my lord , the Chancellor—to the judges—to our _Imiduwncrs— to our over-rented and over-taxed householders , whether thoy reside in fashionable squares or in the streets of business ? Are these matters of no importance to tho lawyers and attorneys , and to the medical practitioner ' s of Dublin , and Cork , and Limerick , and Belfast—to our merchants and traders—to our artisans and labourers ?
Is it no object worthy of tho humane and truly pious of all seets to preach those common principles of love and duty towards each other , which our common Christianity inculcates ? Is it not praiseworthy that an effort should at last be made to frustrate thc policy ol England , by binding together the scattered fragments of our country in this bonds of peace and good will , by substituting kindly feeling in tho place of rancorous aad senseless enmity ; by teaching Irishmen of every class and creed that in tmo . v alone , amongst ourselves , will be found the means of renovating Ireland , and elevating her from her present prostrate condition . As a Protestant , I long for this tmo . v . As a
Protestant I rejoice that for the jirst time a right movement has been made in thc ri ght direction , I assisted at the inauguration ofthe Irish Almakck . I am proud of this . I behold in the formation of the Alliance tbe dawn ofa bri ghter day for Ireland , The time is not far distant , I predict , when the men ofthe north and ofthe south , avowing thoso principles , will attend tho same _meetings , saluting each other as friends and brothers . The time is not far distant when Irishmen , of every sect , though distinct , will struggle , not for ascendancy , but for tho protection of the rights of all . But these are thc objects of tho " Alliance . " Who is there to say he disapproves of them ? I approve of them , and will givo to them all the aid in
my power . Should yon , my lord , consider that by so doing I have forfeited my claim to hold the commission ofthe peace , you best know what course it is your duty to pursue . I never solicited the commission . It was , to a certain extent , forced upon mo . By accepting it , I by no means considered that I was bound to support any political party , or to eschew any line of political action that might be displeasing or inconvenient to the party in power . I always judge for myself , and aeted in accordance with what my conscience told mo it was right that Ishould do ; not submitting to other men ' s dictation , and earing little for tbeir opinions , which experience has proved to me are too often founded in error or preiudics .
I do not undervalue the commission of tho peace , as it is a useful and constitutional office , but in any other point of view I care nothing for it . Its acceptance gave me no additional rank—the deprivation of it can impart to mo no degradation . I have thc honour to be , my lord , most respectfully , your lordship ' s obedient ' servant , " Richard Grattan , M . D ., Senior Fellow of the College of Physicians in Ireland . To thc Lord Chancellor , & c _, & C
P . S . —On referring to tho Freeman ' s Journal I find the following passage in tho speech of Mr . Leyne , which I transcribe , ' as it may have escaped your lordship ' s notice . It appeared to mc , at tho time , so to < i « alily and explain his other observations as to render it unnecessary for mo to express any opinion of my own with regard to them !—"Let no man _miscoiicciroiiw . I came not here to propose for my country ' s adoption the pledges that in July , ' 48 , spoke the resolve that then burned in tho nation ' s heart . Prostrate as the land now is —weakened by direst want- bereft of her strength by plague and emigration—irresolute , hec . uise of senseless division—timid , cowering , and almost exanimate—to speak in this assembly in language of violent menace , and invite thc country to rally in embattled array for tlie conquest of her liberties , would bo braggart buffoonery to which I shall not descend . "
To The Irish Teofle. '• Hereditary Bonds...
TO THE IRISH _TEOFLE . ' Hereditary bondsmen , knowyo not , Who would be free himself must strike Hie Mow _!"nviaw . " Wc can't ait our own corn , _tliouijli wo woita ni glit and morn— ' Though wo digs , anil we ilelvc 3 , and puts out the manure , It all goes in _rack-rints , ami comes back in con-Id flints , To shoot the producers , and kill all the poor . " J " . 0 'Co . v . vob . _FltlEJTDS AND _CoUKHtYMEU , — My last letter was confined to a mere introduction of tho matter that I proposed to discuss in a future scries , as to the means , the only practical means of raising you from serfdom to independence _.
The great value that I attacli to the free publication of opinion is , that it enables men to judge for themselves , and bases knowledge upon argument aud reason , instead of upon brute force nnd legal persecution ; and for this reason I admit the ri ght of every man to scan , and if lie thinks proper , to repudiate tho principles that I advoeato ; but he must do so by sound judgment , aud not by vituperation or slimy words . Every one of my letters shall ho written in tho most simple _language .
Let me tell you , then , that he who would be free must strike the blow himself , because if they rely upon thc gentle blow of others , the vigour will cease when the others are blown into greatness . There aro only two blows that can bo struck—tho physical and the moral blow ; tho physical blow you cannot successfully strike—the moral blow you can ; and that moral blow is the votk—and the moral means of acquiring it is a thorough union of the people , which will insure a thorough and an honest union of their leaders ; and the result that I anticipate from sncli an union is the Peovlv _/ s Chahtbr . \ a thk mkass , and social happiness as tho end . My countrymen , I think I hear thc exclamations of _lioi'rcr with which you receive such an announcement ; hut hold your wrath when I inform you that Daniel O'Conneil with his own hand , drew up the document entitled the Peopik ' _s Ciiautkk , and
which original document I produced in the House of Commons last session , when moving for its adoption , and upon which occasion Mr . John O'Conneil and Mr . Greene wore the only two Irish members tbat voted for it . But let me go further back . In 1730 , Charles James Pox and thc Duke of Richmond advocated and _pledged themselves to struggle for the ' Charter—thai is , for every point thai wc now advocate . They did so to _soeure place and power for _tliemsolves and their party ; but to show you thc nift ' erence between men seeking power , and exercising power—as soon as tho advocacy of the principle had plated that Governmentpower in the hand of Fox , he kicked down the lander that elevated him , brought in a bill to prevent Government contractors from sitting in the House of Commons , and pompously cselaimed— " Bo quiet , bo _thankful—TllEltu ' s YOUn _ClIAM-KB . _*"
Mv countrymen , let me now separately analyse the six points of tho People ' s Charter—namely , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Billot , Equal Electoral Districts , So Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; and . ifyou are so'fond of antiquity , and arc still to be governed by the musty statutes enacted in barbarous ages , to gratify the lust , the ambition , the incest , and adultery of barbarous monarchs , let me remind you that every single point of the People ' s Charter , with the exception of * Vote by Ballot , formerly constituted the basis of tho English constitution ; and that ono of the first acts of that parliament , which abrogated sessional parliaments , and substituted septennial parliaments , was to give to tho proclamation of the King equal forco as law , or rather the power to supersedo the law . With so much of an introduction , let mo now analyse the principles -, and firstly , as
to—ANXIUL PAIlLUMESTS . If 1 had my choice as to which of the points of the People ' s Charter I would accept , I would take Annual Parliaments . 1 would prefer it to Universal Suffrage with Septennial Parliaments , If you had Annual Parliaments your votes would not be caught by a flaming hustings oration ; whereas , with Septennial Parliaments , a vigorous and enthusiastic speech may secure a seven years' lease of office for a juggler , who would sell you ; or may , perhaps , sccuro for him a renewal of his tenure , by contnto penitence for the last two years of his trust , while for tho previous years he might have assisted , in enacting laws hostile to your intcrests , and which would still remain upon tho Statute Book . If you had Annual Parliaments no such laws , aa
To The Irish Teofle. '• Hereditary Bonds...
Coercion Bills and Gagging Bills would bo passed at dead of night bv small and contemptible majorities , lashed to the vote by tho government wlnpper-m . Laws to govern . 1 great nation would not then » e enacted in a House of Commons where not more than seventy or eighty had mustered . If the representative of the peop le was the honourable servant of tho people , the expositor 01 their sound mind , and thc framer of . jus t laws to govern that mind , ho would not bo afraid to meet thiit mind annually , and g ivo such an account of his stewardship as would secure its renewed sugnort . _Airain , tako an instanco of the present
flagitious system from thc present state of Ireland . Ia seven years voters maydic from starvation , or cmiarato to save life ; thc property may change hands : and yet for seven years , according to the present system , the member remains the representative of dead men , of emigrants , or of property , the occupier or which docs not recognise him as a representative . The ohject of the House of Commons—nay , its duty , should bo critically to understand thc sound opinion of the day , and to make laws in unison with that opinion , instead of , as now , spreading its patchwork legislation over thc face ol the country for seven years , and ripping , darning , and mending it in tho next seven .
If you had Annual Parliaments even tho present cOHStituences would tako care that the representatives understood the mind of the day , and voted in unison with that mind , well knowing that if they acted contrary to public opinion they would receive tlieir discharge at tiie closo of the Session . How many deceitful men can now persuade an i gnorant constituency that they have entirely altered their opinions upon this or that question , having betrayed their trust for seven _vears , and again return to the
show-box as great tricksters as before . If you had Annual Parliaments the quilification of a representative would then bo , based upon knowledge , industry , and attention , and not upon temporal , spiritual , and educational tinkering . Tho opponents of Annual Parliaments urge as an objection that it wonld lead to annual confusion . It docs not do so in America ; the people never would dismiss a good and faithful scrrant , nor would any huxtering p olitician dare to oppose him , had he faithfully discharged his duties as an honest
trustee . My countrymen , if your representatives pledged to Sepe . il hi 1832 , had been compelled to appeal to you annually for a renewal of their trust , do you suppose that sixteen years would have passed with only two discussions upen the question of the greatest importance to Ireland ; upon the contrary , had Annual Parliaments beon the law of the land , thc forty pledged repealers would havo stood liko a bundle of sticks instead of liko a rope of sand , and would havo smashed up every Government that dared to resist the legitimate demand ofa great nation . Ay , I call you great still , for great , with God ' s blessing , you yet will be , and I pant for that day when tho united mind of Ireland will
overthrow , and for ever destroy , the temple of Saxon oppression _. But to my subject * , as , although in Saxon land I find my Irish blood too hot to _discttS 3 the question of Saxon tyranny and Irish oppression . I have nowgiven you a brief outline of Annual Parliaments , and I have not space for a clear analysis of the principle of Universal Suffrage ; I will , however , make , 1 few general observations , and in my next I will go into a critical comparison between tho present suffrage and Universal Suffrage . If it is intended that thc House of Commons should fairly and honestly represent the mind of the day , and if a majority of the peoplo are considered too ignorant to exercise the franchise , surely the franchise should be measured by _jiopulation rather than by patronage or caprice ; for although the majority ofthe population of any district may be whimsically considered too ignorant to exercise thc
franchise with discretion , yet the sound mind of the few representing the presumed ignorance of the many , should ho relied upon as a national guarantee . Well , then , mark how I will group them for you . A population of less than one million one hundred and ten , thousand sends two hundred and fifteen numbers to parliament ; while the county of Middlesex , with a population of over a million and a hal f and seventy-six thousand , sends two members to parliament ; the West Wiling of Yorkshire , with over a million and a half and fifty thousand , sends imp members ; the county of Cork , with nearly eight hundred thousand of a population , and nearly the eighth part of Ireland , sends but tivo members . This part of the subject rather applies to _Bqnal Electoral Districts , but in my next 1 will show you how critically it applies to Universal Suffrage ; and let me now call your attention to such a picture of legislation as no country can show , and no people will Ion ? submit to .
The population of the three Universities of Cambridge , Oxford , and Dublin , docs not amount to quite nine thousand , and sends six members to parliament . The population of Middlesex , thc "West Biding of Yorkshire , and South Lancashire , amounts to three millions five hundred and eightyseven thousand one hundred and eighty-eight , and sends six members to parliament , _ilut " , let us como to Ireland . The counties of Cork , Galway , and Mayo , have a population of one million five hundred and eighty-five thousand two hundred and eight , and send the same number of representatives as Oxford , Cambridge , and Dublin ; and those three Irish counties have a hundred thousand more of a population than boroughs that send two hundred and forty-six members to parliament .
_iSow , Irishmen , don't you think that you are fairly represented ? and don't you think that idle land , idle labour , and idle money , in a genial climate , with fertile soil , an industrious , brave , and generous people , is consequent upon tyrant landlords measuring the value of thoir estates by the standard of political patronage , and not hy Agricultural value ? I was returned in 1 S 32 , and again in 1 S _! J 5 , by forgo majorities , for my native county . I was i > i _. k » okd TO A _llEPEAl . OF _TIIK _UxiOX—I _adltd'cd to tll . lt pledge—but , even if you had a ltepcal of thc Union to-morrow , you would be helpless beggars , if you had not the vote to enable you to make laws in unison with state requirement ' and national advantage , instead of measuring them by class caprice , party pride , and individual profit .
During each session that I have been in parliament , I have given notice to move for a liepeal of tho Union ; last session I abandoned it at the carnest solicitation of the Irish members , lest it _might obstruct the charitable intentions e > f tho Whig government ; and to prove to you , that I honestly advocate the question that I have discussed in this letter , let mc inform you that , as an Irish and _,-in £ _nglUhmembev , lhnvcinvnrh \ bly tendered my resignation in the market-place , to a full meeting of electors and non-electors , at the close of each session , and that 1 have never travelled il mile , paten ; v meal , or accepted a farthing for my services ; but , on the contrary , I abandoned a lucrative profession , 1 have estranged myself from family , from relatives and friends , and have spent thousands , yea , tens of thousands , in the advocacy of vour _risrlit ' s .
Your faithful friend and countryman , London , Dec . 5 , _ISiO . Fkakgus O'Cosson
I Now Offer To Devote From One To Three ...
I now offer to devote from one to three nights each week , for two or threo months , beginning with thc _IScw Year , to a consideration of this _question ; the following conditions to be binding - . —That _meetings of tho workmen be called in the various districts of thc metropolis—Admission free . Hours of meeting not earlier than seven , nor to be continued later than ten o ' clock in the evening . All expenses incurred to be defrayed by voluntary subscription ; I to givo . my labour gratuitously , and to pay my own expenses .
TO Till" " \ Y 0 JIKLN 0 _Ml _»* OP LOXDOX . Your sufferings aud the sufferings of your order , are a subject of universal consideration ; tiie condition of England question is tho question of the day . I have devoted some portion of my leisure hours to the stud y of that question : havo travelled over England and Scotland , and have endeavoured to seo an Iknow for myself what was tho condition of the working classes generally _. The recent disclosures on the condition of the labouring poor of the metropolis , havo again induced me to reconsider and re-examine the causes tltil _fc have tended to bring about those evils v _* hich we all deplore ; and a practical remedy for whieh must be found out and adopted , or increased suffering , anarchy , and confusion must follow .
. Subjects for discussion : —Causes of , ami Homedies for , the distressed condition of thc Working Classes . If my suggestion be generally adopted—which I hope it may—I will endeavour to induce as many of the prominent men of all parties as will co-operate for such an object , to aid us by tbeir presence and counsel . In voluntary proffering my services for the afore-mentioned purposes , I have no ohject to servo , beyond the acquisition aud diffusion of
knowledge ; for I have long had a growing conviction that pvincij > les ave of more importance than parties ; and without a full understanding of how national prosperity can be maintained , no government can be secure and no people happy . Yours truly , Samuel M . K \ _-mx P . S . All letters to bo addressed to 144 , High Holborn . I shall feel favoured by the editors of other journals copying this letter , aud giving it as much publicity as possible . —S . K .
Mr. Tnos. Dcncombk.—We Regret To Learn T...
MR . Tnos . _Dcncombk . —We regret to learn tha thero is no pormanent improvement in tho health of Mr . T . Duncombe , the popular representative o Finsbury . Death ot the Earl of Carnarvon . —Henry John George Herbert , third Earl of Carnarvon , expired on Monday morning , at 7 o ' clock , at ili g hclere Castle , Hampshire . The diseaso wbich has thus fatall y terminated is supposed to have been , _iqhib affectum of tho spine ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 15, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_15121849/page/7/
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