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SxmH, 1849. THE NORTHERN STAR. r 7
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±*lh FARMERS AND AG MCULTUltE. (Fromthe ...
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ittrnmal .-fta-rltamtnt
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MONDAY, June 11. HOUSE OF LORDS. — Explo...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Sxmh, 1849. The Northern Star. R 7
SxmH , 1849 . THE _NORTHERN STAR . r 7
±*Lh Farmers And Ag Mcultulte. (Fromthe ...
± * lh FARMERS AG MCULTUltE . ( Fromthe _WeeklyDis mtch . ) The communic ations we have received on « , » snhject of colonisation in connexion _S the pros "cerests taken in the subject by thc nublic and thr > Moil _ss-f _*¦ _^ v _^ « _K 2 _*^ a 2 n _* d _sn ™ * 0 r , 0 t usr » _1-al Population . One from _SnSfate _?^ ' cxtcnsiTcl y an , _J practicaUy achndv ? f Lf _?? ° ' e i- nl classes offers for ° _« se * _bigy of statistics , collected in the course ofthe _pur-^^ i _** 0 _^ 1 _™ _" 1 avocations , of _avhich it will oe our duty to avail ourselves . " In many parts , " he observed , " where I have travelled recently , peing professionallv en « ra < red . 1 find tho firm ™ - _™ ii
_ ing off his stock for the puopose of emigrating ; and I have been assured that at Michaelmas next this _"tvillincrcasc to a fearful extent . There about but ten millions of acres of waste lands in the United Kin « _--w' / - ihe lowcst estimate would be to say tiiatthis quantity might be brought into profitable cultivation . " « Thc soil ( of the Crown Lands ) is very fine in most of the forests , as Is seen by the fine pasturage , and would amply repav the cultiva-™ - Afrlcnd of mine , a practical agriculturist , a short time ago made an offer to take anv quantity * r _* _? _£ mds oa a _s'xty years' lease at the Kite _oth ye shillings per acre—clear the land . « _mo
znemtneir Timber , build his farm-house , & c . But _« ff _„ l *> C _™ _^ _* c"uld not entertain the Offer . AVhen we add that the costs of man agement of these Crown Lands absorb more than the whole -rei _^ _s , fhat a practical surveyor bears testimony to tieir fertility , and that a farmer puts the matter to the test by offering a rent equal to £ 50 000 avcar even under the present depressed state of agriculture , and the prospect of open ports , and lar «* _-e imports , it is demonstrated that the disforestin - >• of these lands could not fail to fill the public _^ exchequer , to relieve the pressure ofthe rates , to afford profitable employment for at least 30 , 000 laboureis , and support to 150 , 000 subjects of the Queen , andso increase the productiveness of the country that our abundance might render foreign importations suneriiuous
, and bring new profitable customers to the home-trade , who , dependant on the parish pay-table , cannot at present affbrdagown or a pair of breeches . _Xookat their eager " pursuit of land under difficulties . « - " "Where I am at present _engaged , " continues the laud surveyor , " many of the _cottagers have enclosed little slips on the road-side , some a rood , others half an acre . "M any of the pieces were so barren that tlie landlord would never dream of adding them to the adjoining fields ; but these poor men had gladly availed themselves of the privilege given them to enclose , and with perseverance and untiring industry have they made these little sUps mare productive titan thc adjoining lands ; aud this will make an addition to one estate of about fifty
acres in a * very few years . Again , in the moors , the small farmers having , from year to year , enclosed field after field , paying a small rent at first , have more than doubled " the size ofthe farms in a few years . One estate , more than half moors is now nearly all converted into productive farms . " lie who runs may read . Here is practical , professional , chapter-and-verse corroboration of what we have often said , that a poor man hy his spade will fertilise a mere drifting sand ov waste heath , without any capital but InVspade and labour , and gladly avail himself of the privilege . S & y , Mr . Blacker tells of men ay , and Irishmen , too , who will wheel -ap a little soil to cover a bare rock , and cultivate it , and make the profit repav the toil . The curious
lave only to goto Woking Common , or the vicinity of Weybridge , to see garden after garden made out ofthe merest sand ; or , nearer still , let them take rail or omnibus to Ilounslow , and there they will see what was , within thirty years , a bleak and barren heath , infested with footpads , cultivated , the worst of it , so as to afford a rent of £ 3 per acre as open field , and producing in its gardens the best vegetables and finest fruits iu Middlesex . This pays , because it Iris been done , and ample profits yearly returned to those who had the enterprise to undertake the speculation . The division of the country into parishes renders the reclamation of waste lands comparatively easy . Each of them includes uncultivated , but improvcable soil , to
a greater or less extent—the parish authorities arc there to superintend the operation—the palish Kites are there to he applied to the means of making the labourers independent . Farmer * will _gi'umble , with short-sighted unreasonableness , at the extension of such ~ privilcgcs to thc landless tillers of the land . The duke of Northumberland was compelled to abandon the letting of small holdings , on the representation of his large tenants , tltat these little farms took labour out of the market , and made ploughmen saucy . But the very ease to be made out in their favour is , that they diminish the competition in the labour marker , raise wages , and keep down poor rates . The farmers should rather join with us in calling upon the government and the
landowners to throw open the forests and wastes to the enterprise and capital of the tenantry . One ofthe chief evils ofthe large farm system has been , ihat by throwing two farms into one , one of thc two occupiers has been dispossessed , and has had no remedy but , wherever he saw a farm vacant , to compete with others for it , and raise rents to a ruinous degree . The reclamation of 15 , 000 , 000 of waste acres would make 150 , 091 ) farms of 100 acres each , or say 75 , 000 of 200 acres . There would be far nore farms to let than tenants to occupy them , and the necessary result would be the reduction of Tents , and such a competition for labourers as would merge rates altogether in living wages . Let ns begin with the royal forests . "We have it on
- unimpeachable professional testimony , that tbey are fertile even in their wild state—they are mostly situated in the finest parts of England , surrounded by population and in the midst of customers . The New Forest contains 66 , 000 acres , ample enough to provide farms , of tbe thriving Belgian size , for C , 0 i » 0 families , or 30 , 000 individuals , and to produce , lyy spade husbandry , 330 , 0 ( 10 quarters ot " heavy wheat every year . * Bean Forest contains 11 , 000 acres , Whittlcwcod and Whichwood 8 , 209 , Waltham Forest 12 , 000 , llainaultandEpping G _. 000 more—in all-103 , 000 acres of good kind in the heart of England . Then there is Sherwood , and the Koyal parks , and enormous quantities and patches all over England , Scotland , and Ireland , includiug 130
manors and land of ihe Crown proper , and the TliaSSCS Of soil included in the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall . "Wc talk of the evil of depending on foreigners , whilcwc import _£ 30 , 000 , 000 worth of food within the year , possess probably 200 , 000 acres of reclaimablc Grown Laud , which might produce 1 , 000 , 000 quarters of wheat , and have to support 3 , 500 , 000 paupers , at a cost of £ 3 , 000 . 000 , for whom we declare our inability to find employment ! Fut we need not stop there .. ' Jlr . - % Iartin , thc late member for Galway , has left 21 * 0 , 000 acres of land in Ireland . It will scarcely be credited , but it is nevertheless the fact , that . tliis estate maybe purchased for something under £ 100 , 000 , less than £ 2 per acre , the upset price for laud in Xcw Zealand and Australia ] A sixteenth part of our annual poor rates would purchase the whole of it . On the Queen ' s letter we
collected by voluntary subscription for thc distressed Irish £ -833 , 000 , a sum that would have purchased thc whole estate in fee simple , andlcft £ _* 233 , 000 over for reclaiming it . At a cost of £ 8 , 000 , 000 paid out Of our failing revenues we fed 3 , 000 , 000 of destitute Irish , and here is an estate to be had in fee simple for less money than Irish cottiers pay annually in rent for worse soil . A cabin may be built for about £ 10 ; five acres of land may be had in fee simple for £ 10 more , and for £ 20 , consequently , a family of fire mar be set up for life , who , at a moderate estimate of one shilling a head per week , are _maintained in thc workhouse at an annual cost of £ 13 . Is not this absolutely scandalous ? Docs it not cry Siame not merely on our hearts , but upon our intellects ? Is it not , in the languageof Fouche , " worse than a crime—is it not a blunder ? " That we arc coming to our senses we should fain hope from the followm- * - announcement in the Ldnster Express : —
We have heard that Earl _Ducie , the celebrated a _*» ricultiiral experimentalist , and proprietor of the ef amp le farm at Tortworth , Gloucestershire , lias entered into a coalition with several active and intelligent inenin London for thepurposeofraisingajoint-Stock company to purchase the ' Martin Estate , of 200 , 000 acres , situate in Galway . We sincerely Lope that the plan will be persevered in . Should a company be formed for the purpose , there is no doubt thatthey will ineefcwith many circumstances to diseouragetheir exertions . Inthe foremostranli _. perhaps , of such evils , they _wfflfindwhateverremnantof tenantry may await them , prostrated to a very low grade of moral depravity by years of want , mismanagement , and injustice ; but they must not throw up their experiment for this reason . Let them go on , and show the peasantry that they will have right , and do right" "We must , however , entreat Lord Dueie not to lose this golden opportunity
of enforcmg reforms winch are indispensable to tne success of such an undertaking . Let him not stir one step until he has procured an Act of Parliament declaring the title to this property to be freehold , absolute and indefeasible . lie must insist that all fhe thousands of parchments , aud abstracts of title and Court Rolls / and other lawyer plunder and roDhish . Bcput inthc fire , and the simple declaration in the Act he taken as the sole title . He must demand that the survey shall be taken . -is part of the _tSle-that the whole shall lie divided into equal JS £ £ _d ledgerised in a reg ister to be tag _£ f thaj estate . H e must have the conveyance as W W *** it is in France or the United States , and the mere transfer in the register , Irom one name to anpiuer , toe-ether with a certificate of the transfer , -Without _BtSnps , as the title to each portion . Ahove all , he should require an equalisation of the poor rate over the whole island , and a maximum rate fixed , together Vith an entire abolition of the _^ w of settlement . "Without these conditions his _^ ndertahmg Slonlvbe a temporary palliative . W & them it Sneapennanent rcUef . We wonld advise him
±*Lh Farmers And Ag Mcultulte. (Fromthe ...
not to have too many small holdings together , Society must be officered . For the benefit of the Irish as well as the advantage of the country , wc would advise him to encourage the emigration of the existing occupiers as much as possible . The experiment -will have a better chance df success if the estate is peopled to a great extent from England , in place of an unhappy population already degraded by oppression and pauperism . That we heartily wish him success , wc best prove bv the advice we give ana the publicity we afford to the undertaking .
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Monday, June 11. House Of Lords. — Explo...
_MONDAY , June 11 . HOUSE OF LORDS . — Explosions is ¦ Coal Mixes . — -The Earl of St . Gekmaxs , on presenting the petition from Mr . Gurncy on the explosions in coal mines , said that a great number of lives were sacrificed annually bv the explosions in coal mines . In 1817 , G 23 persons , and in 184 S , MC persons were killed , and many injured and disabled , by explosions in coal mines . The petitioner prayed for an inquiry into the cause of these accidents . A committee at South Shields appointed to inquire into choke-damp and other damps , which caused this explosion , in 1815 , had stated that nothing but a perfect systcm of ventilation could prevent these accidents , and they considered the mode of ventilation recommended bv
Mr . Gurncy by high-pressure steam the best remed y which could be devised . Notwithstanding this recommendation nothing was done until last year . Sir II . De la Beche and Professor Flayfair recommended improved ventilation , but did not suggest any method of effecting it . Last year a Mr . Foster tried some experiments on hi g h-pressure steam at the Polytechnic Institution , and , being satisfied with the * result , he was referred to Mr . Gurncy , the experiment was tried at Scaton and Ela Vale Col licry by Mr . Foster , aud it had there been most successful . The high pressure power had since been increased one hundred per cent ., and it might he effected at very small cost . A few weeks ago a
mine near Manchester was found to be on fire , aud Mr . Gurncy being referred to by Mr . Darlington , the proprietor , as to whether thc fire could be extinguished , Mr . Gurncy stated that by the means of _liisu pressure steam carbonic acid gas might be driven into thc mine and the fire extinguished . The experiment had been tried with the greatest success . It had been said tbat Mr . Gurncy was a visionary enthusiast , and this had been told to tho government , but he had long known him , and a more practical , sensible man he had never been acquainted with . All men who devoted themselves to science with ardour were necessarily enthusiasts . ( Hear . ) He had been the inventor of thc Drummond light and he need not add tbat he had also invented the
Bude light , naming it after the place where he resided in Cornwall ; its effect was well known and hi ghly approved of , he believed , in the other house of parliament . He mentioned these things to show that Mi ' . Gurncy was not merely an enthusiast , lie had also invented an improvement in locomotive engines , which had increased tlieir speed from nine miles to thirty miles per hour , and that improvement was first applied to the Liverpool and Manchester line , lie begged to express a hope that thc Ilouse would consider this petition , which proposed a means of preventing these frightful accidents in coal mines which were really disgraceful to the countrv . It was an invention calculated to effect a
great saving of life , and deserved the greatest attention _, ( near , hear . ) Lord Brougham thought this a most valuable invention , when it " was considered that from 700 to SCO lives were lost by fire-damp every year , from the utter impossibility of making the workmen use the safety lamp . He wished his noble friend bad moved for a committee of thc House to inquire into the subject . The Marquis cf Laxsdowse thought Mr . Gurney ' s merits were unquestioned , and that they entitled
him to the consideration ofthe country . He thought it desirable tbat every species of publicity should be given to the discovery of Mi * . Gurney . Lord _Wjiakxcliffe thought thc discovery most valuable , and he considered the time had arrived when thc government should institute some system of inspection of miucs . In Bel g ium for some years past such a system of inspection had been established ; and there had been a decrease of twenty per cent , per annum in the number of lives lost since such inspection had been established .
_ExcuiinnnED Estates Bill . —Lord Campbell moved the second reading of the Encumbered Estates ( Ireland ) Bill , and after insisting on the great importance of the measure , proceeded to explain its provisions , and to combat the objections which had been raised against them . Lord _BnouGiiAM thought the bill as it stood a most extraordinary cne , and suggested certain modifications in the unlimited power of sale given by it , which he thought might be introduced without cutting into the principle of the measure . The Earl of Glen-call expressed his surprise that any man could have the hardihood to propose such a measure , based as it was on the deepest principles of Communism , and involving as it did a downright confiscation of property .
After considerable discussion in which Lord Moxteagle , thc Earl of Wicklow , the Marquis of La . nsdow . ne , and Lord Stanley took part , it was ultimately agreed that the bill should be referred to a sel-ct committee . Their lordships adjourned at half-past ten . HOUSE OF _COMMONS . — Arbitration . —An immense number of petitions were presented by Mr . Cobdex and other hon . members , in favour of the motion to be brought forward by the former hon . gentleman on Tuesday , for the adoption of the princi p le of arbitration treaties instead of war for the adjustment of international disputes . Coal-Mixe _Textilatiox . —Mi * . T . S . Duncombe brought in his bill for regulating the ventilation of coal mines .
_Exclusion * of Strangers . —Mr . J . O Coxxexl , on Thursday next , io move that it is in " accordance with the dignity ofthe House , and the spirit of the Constitution , that the publishing of their proceedings should be formally recognised , and that the standing order prohibiting the presence of strangers hc forthwith abolished , as unworthy , obsolete , and absurd . Affairs of Bomb . —A somewhat protracted conversation at the instance of "Mr . Hume ensued relative io thc French intervention in the affairs of Home , the substance of Lord Palmerston ' s replies being , with respect to the communication from the French government previous to the expedition to Civita Tecchia , but wliich did not state the ulterior
objects in view , that the answer of tho English government was , that it was not for them to judge for thc French government , but in their opinion the difficulties which had arisen between the Pope and his subjects might be arranged by diplomatic intervention , and that such intervention ought to have for its object the bringing about an understanding between tho Pope and his subjects , by which thc former might return to Rome , and secure to the Roman people those constitutional institutions which were granted last year , and especially a practical and real separation between the temporal and spiritual authorities of
Rome . 2 vo intimation of taking possession of Rome had been given by France ; and , in reply to various intimations from different quarters that the concurrence of England in the proceedings about to be adopted at Civita Vecchia would be well received , the answer of the government had been , that they declined taking any part whatever in then-., seeing that , considering the geo-rrapbieal position of England , and the particular nature of the British constitution , they did not think England had thc same motives either in these respects or in a religious point of view for joining in them ; a , communication to which effect had also been delivered to the "Nuncio , through Lord _Xormanby , in Paris . the Ilouse of
_Parliamentaht Oaths Bill . —In Commons , Lord Palmerston ' ,. in reply to questions , nave explanations of some importance respecting the course pursued by her . Majesty ' s government m relation to the intervention of France in the affairs ° On the order ofthe day for the third reading of Mr . Law moved that the third reading be deferred for six months . He objected to the alteration of the oathbv omitting the words " upon the true faith of a Christian * ' when tendered to Jews m order to admit them into parliament ; and , laying down in the outset the position that it was a pure fiction to sav itwas incidental tft a natuval-bom
subject's birthrig ht that he should be permitted to sit in parliament , heargued from the history ofthe Jews in this country-from then- having been from the earliest times kept separate and apart from Other subjects of the realm ; from their having been expelled for 300 years , and from their havmgbeen treated , so late as the reign of William III ., by act of parliament , as merchant strangers under proteption-that the status and condition of the Jews m this country were distinct from those of _British-born subjects generally . He then proceeded to show from the Wage of judges and the enactments of statutes that Christianity was so much parcel of _^ hecommon law tbat nothing could be allowed to
contravene it , a nd that this doctrine was true , not m a modified , but an absolute and exact sense . Whilst everythino- of a persecuting or aggressive character against tlie Jews should be removed , the office of legislation could not be delegated to those who were eternally separated from Christians ; who were incapable of incorporating with the mass of the nation—and with whom Christians could not commingle , as with , other foreign races , by marriage—without breaking through the fundamental principles of our Constitution , which was essentially Christian . ¦¦ _-., Mr . "Raphael , though a staunch supporter of the government , opposed this hill , as he had done the last both of which he considered as paying . a kind of _homage to Mammon . "Wc had a Christian Mo .
Monday, June 11. House Of Lords. — Explo...
natch , a Christian Constitution , and a C hristian Parliament , the members of which hoped for salvation through thc merits of One whom Jews denounced as a blasphemer and an impostor , and he could not get over this . Mr . _ILkogii supported tho bill , which , he observed , was resisted on two general principles—first , that Jews wero aliens ; second , that their admission into Parliament would imehrhstianisc the Legislature . But if a British Jew were taken in the ranks of an enemy , he would be treated as a traitor and rebel . There was , therefore , no force in that ohjection , _- and the other was founded upon a misapprehension ofthe term " Christian , " as applied to the
Legislature , which meant tliat our legislation should be based upon the maxims of Christianity—upon hro thcrly love , and the principle of not punishing men for conscience sake . Mr . iVEwdegatk gave a long exposition of the doctrines and tenets held by the Jews , and contended that they were incompatible with the discharge of the duties of a member of Parliament . Mr . _Crowder said , tbe ground upon which he supported the hill was , that it was unjust and inconsistent with the general principles ofthe Constitution that any set of men should be excluded from the enjoyment of civil rights and political privileges on tlie mere ground of their entertaining peculiar religious opinions . ¦
Mr . GomxG observed , it had been urged that Jews were excluded by accident ; but no one would contend that their admission into Parliament was ever contemplated . Our duty towards God lie considered to be antecedent and paramount to thc duty towards our neighbour ; by removing the barrier which kept out thc Jews we should disobey God , and upon this ground he opposed the bill . Mr . Sadleir insisted that the Jews had not been excluded by deliberate legislation ; and that if we _coiiU concede their admission without , as he believed , violating the principles of the Constitution , or lowering the Christian character of the House , we were bound to confer upon the Jews the rights of British subjects , to whicli thc majority of the people , in Ireland as well as Great Britain , was favourable .
Mr . SrooxisR accepted the terms of Mr . Sadleir s proposition ; it was because ho believed that the admission of those who treated Christianity as a faWo , and our Saviour as an impostor , would lower the Christian character of the House , that he resisted it . If a Jew was conscientious , he must act upon Jewish , and not upon Christian principles , and it was by admitting such persons that this Ilouse would be unehristianised . He objected to the important alteration whicli Lord John Russell had made in the bill , at so late a stage as the committee , by expunging the Oath of Supremacy—an alteration hardly known , and which removed one of the safeguards ofthe Throne and an integral part of the Constitution .
Mr . Siieil , after replying to a legal objection taken by Mr . Spooner to the bill , said nothing but a clear and absolute necessity could justify exclusion from a seat in Parliament , to which he attached a great value ; but so far from that necessity being proved , the reverse had been established . lie showed the anomalies to which tbe existing state of tho law gave rise . A Jewish sheriff might empanel a jury before whom a Christian might be put on his trial for his life . A Jew could vote for the worst possible Christian member of Parliament . AVhen it was said that the admission of Jews woiild unchristianisc the Ilouse , was the _National Assembly of France unehristianised , where Jews now sat ? Could it be
supposed that if a Jew sat in that Ilouse he would abuse his privilege' by the utterance of blasphemy ? Jews were good citizens and subjects ; thoy wero loyal and faithful to the throne ; , they were interested in the prosperity of the country in wliich tliey were born ; they were industrious , they were distinguished for their charity , aiid many of them were eminent for virtue . A Jew had boen returned by the city of London , and could it be maintained that this was no expression of public opinion , or that a spirit of infidelity and indifference to religion pervaded this great metropolis ? The cause of Christianity and of toleration was tho same ; the victory ofthe one was the triumph ofthe other .
Mr . Goclburx was prepared to resist this measure as altering the character of Parliament , and thereby affecting its influence . The question was not -whether Jews _ivere excluded by accident , v . _-hieli was a notion founded upon misapprehension , but whether upon- the principles of tho Constitution Jews should be excluded , and that was capable of proof by the whole course of our legislation and by the forms of the House . Mr . Goulburn reviewed thc chief arguments urged in support of the bill , and rested his opposition to it upon the ground that it , would damage the character of the Legislature , and create in the minds of a very numerous class a distrust in the deliberations of Parliament upon matters affecting religion , and especially ecclesiastical questions . The admission of another clement into that Ilouse adverse to the Church would give weight to the . arguments of those who desired to see such subjects withdrawn from its
cognisance . Sir . Roebuck claimed for this House a right to be considered as fully competent to deal with such questions as this . If , as recently asserted , it represented correctly the feelings and wishes ofthe country , Mr . Goulburn had no ri ght to appeal from its decision , which must be assumed to be the opinion of the people of England . After reminding Mr . Goulburn that he had used the same arguments as now against tho admission of Roman Catholics , and had the following year changed his opinion , ho showed the futility of bis argument that a . Jewish member would unchrlstianise the House . He accused Mr . Newdcgate of impeaching unjustly the honour and honcstv of the Jews by reading extracts from a book
he did not understand ; whereas tlie necessity for this legislation arose from their tenderness of conscience and their nice sense of moral obligation . The rig ht conferred by this bill was one to which a priori Jews were entitled , and if they were to be deprived of it , thc onus was upon those who sought to deprive them . The onl y grounds were , that the House would be unehristianised , thc flimsincss of wliich he had shown , and that Jews were aliens , which was equally untenable . The principle at the bottom of this bill was that of reli gious liberty ; that was thc principle which had rccommcndcd it to this House and out of doors , and upon which hc _supported it .
Mr . If ai * ier said the question was whether Christianity was the basis of our Constitution , and if it was , men who repudiated Christiaaii _. v could not be qualified to he members of our Legislature . He showed the inconsistencies involved in the omission ofthe Oath of Supremacy , whilst the words " upon the true faith of a Christian" were retained in the mutilated oath . Mr . "Wood hailed this bill as a measure by whicli the last badge of the anti-Christian and persecuting spirit was parted with , and it was as a Christian no less than as a politician that he gave it his support . Mr . _rwrarPTiiB denied that ihe people of this country wore favourable to tho measure ; on tho contrarv , he asserted that the most reflecting portion
were deeply opposed to it , and hc protested against the bill as repugnant to the religious feelings of the people . Lord J . Russkll replied to tho argument of Mr . Goulburn , that Roman Catholics would avail themselves of the bill by taking an oath to which they had no objection , instead of that prescribed to Roman Catholics . Ho could not believe they would do so , . ind subject _thomsolvos to penalties ; but if any did , men guilty of such equivocation could bo bound by no oath at all . Lord John then noticed briefly the chief arguments used against the bill , which , he observed , differed but little from those which had been urged on former occasions , and . he adopted thc view taken by Mr . Roebuck , tbat this was regarded by the electors of London as a question of religious liberty , and he believed thc
character of the country was involved in making that liberty full and secure . The House then divided , and the numbers wero—For the third reading 272 Against it 206 Majority for third reading ——06 The diminished majority excited much cheering . Thc bill then passed . The Stock-in-Trade . Sites for Schools , Collection of Rates ( Dublin ) and the Newgate Gaol ( Dublin ) Bills , were read a second time , and the County Cess ( Ireland ) Bill was committed . Sir R . Inolis ' s motion for calling thc attention of the House to the American expedition in search of Sir John Franklin was read from the chair , but as no preceding was had upon it , it must be presumed to be postponed .
The Solicitor-General obtained leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the abandonment of railways , and the dissolution of railway companies , in certain
cases . The Palace Court . —Lord D . Stuart moved for leave to bring in a bill for giving a person sued in the Palace Court , Westminster , a right of election to be sued in the County Court of the district in which he resided . The evils of the Palace Court were so notorious that it would be unnecessary for him to make more than a few observations in order to point them out to the House . Ho hoped it was not the intention ef her Majesty ' s government to offer any opposition to the motion . If there were any greater benefit than another which a government could confer upon the inhabitants of a
country , it was that of bringing cheap justice home to every man s donr . Now , the Palace Court prevented that from being done . It exposed those who were engaged in litigation to enormous and most disastrous consequences . The fees whicli were charged in that " court were ten times as large as those charged in any other of the courts that took cognizance of similar causes . The consequence was that being a court for adjudication of cases in which the demands were of small amount , those wretched persons who were dragged into it were fre quently reduced to absolute mm . It was quite enough for a p laintiff to bring his cause into tic
Monday, June 11. House Of Lords. — Explo...
Palace Court to insure to himself a verdict . The defendant had only to consent at once to what was demanded of him ; because it was notorious that the verdict was always in favour ofthe plaintiff . So much was this known to be the case , that the court _was-commonly called " The Plaintiffs' Court . " The public had been made familiar with the caso of the celebrated writer Jacob Omnium , who in a _cass with a horse-dealer involving a sum of only £ 2 17 s . had to pay a bill of costs amounting to £ 21 . lie would ask . if this .. was not oppression that demanded instant redress ? . In the Palace Court a person was not at liberty to choose his . own attorney , but must employ one of a few enjoying a monopoly of thc business of the court ; and there could be little doiibfc that the attornies enjoying this monopoly paid others in thc shape of agency to induce suitors to bring cases into that court . In tlie County Courts
the process was simple , and the costs small ; and he therefore thought liberty should be given to persons sued in the Palace Court to transfer tlieir cases to the County Courts . ( Hear . ) The Attorney-General did not deny the grievance of which the noble lord complained ; but there were difficulties in the way of a settlement . ' There were six attornies , four . counsel , a judge , and sundry officers who had purchased tlieir places at a considerable price , and to whom compensation , in the event of the court being abolished , would require to bo given . Ho had had the circumstances connected with this court under consideration , and it was his intention to bring in a bill to meet the exigencies of the case , but hitherto he had not found time or opportunity to do so . The best course would be to abolish the court . That was the object he had in view , but he had not yet been able to overcome the _difficulties that lay in the way . -
Mi _' _. Osbounk contended that the attorneys and other persons connected with this court had already received compensation under the 7 th and 8 th of Victoria , some of them to . an amount much greater than the sum thoy had paid for their p laces . The court was altogether illegal and unconstitutional , haying been established only by letters patent issued in the reign of Charles II ., and he thought that instead of proceeding by bill to abolish tbe court it would be bettor to recall tho letters patent ; but in cither caso ho was opposed to further compensation . The Attorney-General said , tho passing of the act just referred to had increased and aggravated the difficulties attending compensation , rather than removed them .
Mr . Reynolds hoped tbat the House would not only abolish the Palace Court , but also its sister , the Record Court of Dublin , and give no compensation . After a short conversation , leave was given to bring in tho bill . The Ilouse adjourned at a quarter past twelve . TUESDAY , June 12 . HOUSE OF LORDS .-Affairs of Rome . — The French Expedition . —Lord Beaumont rose to put a question to the government , and when their lordships _considered the subject they would not be surprised that he did so without formal notice Their lordships mu t be aware of the extraordinary proceedings which had __ marked the progress of the French expedition since they _laiuL-d at Civita Vecchia , nor could they be misinformed as to the unfortunate results which had been the consequence of it . It would appear , from the message of the
President of Franc ; , that this country had approved of the proceedings of the government of France as to its foreign relations . In consequence of such an assertion , it was the duty of their lordships to inquire how far tho government were in anyway implicated , either by approval or suggesti n , in the extraordinary conduct of the French . If they looked to the _various despatches and proclamations made by the commander of the expedition and the diplomatic _af-ents . they would be totally at a loss to conceive either the object of the expedition , or the prineipbs on which tiie proceeding had been condu _te-l . At one period it was nut forward'with the professed _purpose of protecting-the liberties of the Roman pcple , and preventing the invasion of their territory by a-foreiirn power ; and at the same period it _wa--announeed that it was for the purpose of restoring the fugitive pontiff to his throne , and establishing in the centre ofltalvthe influence of "France . The
proceedings , however , had been contrary to all these objects . The consequence of this friendly intervention of France had been , first , to allow the Anst _' _t-i-iinto bombard Bologna _durirg eight days ; to advance that bombardment to Ancona , which he believed was now { -oil ] ' ; on ; and to destroy with the friendly and fraternal ¦ hand of the republic of France the very capital itself . ( Hear , hear . ) Surelv such brotherly love had never been shown since the days of Cain and Abel . C'lleai _' , hear , " and a _laustb . ) The
question which he « ished to put was , whether since the landing of thc French expedition at Civita Vecchia there had been any communication made to her Majesty ' s government on the part / of France , of her subsequent objects and intentions _wi'h regard to that expedition ? 2 ndly . Whether tin-re had been any advice asked from , or given by , this country to France , with regard to thc ultimate object of that expedition ? And lastly , ' whether her Majesty ' s government were able to state the ulterior object which France had in view with _rc-tard to the future
settlement of the Roman States . ' ( Hear , hear . ) The Marquis of _Lansdownii _replied that he was not called upon to explain the motives ivh ch imtl influenced the French government to send an expedition to Italy . All he deemed it necesary to state wa ¦ that the government , though aware of the intention to send that expedition , had been no party . to it , and that io had been undertaken bythe French government entirely on its own responsibility . The Earl of Aberdeex , considering the entente cordiale which existed between the two governments , could scarcely believe that the French Cabinet had not explained its views . If the diplomatic correspondence from Paris were laid before the Mouse ,- it would _p-rhaps throw a light upon the subject . After some further discussson , the matter dropped . _Navigation Laws . —The Marquis of Lansdowne moved that the Navigation Bill be read a third
tune . _TheEai' 1 - _ifELLKN'BOROUGi-i opposed the motion , considering the measure as _frauaht with danger to the country , and proceeded to express his regret at the motives which had influenced many noble lords to live tlieir support , to the bill ; to point out various steps which were necessary for improving the mercantile marine ; and concluded by st _iting that tbe existing navigation system was an herilance handed down from tlieir forefathers , which the country was now ca led upon to sell for a mess of _ptttage . _'l'hcir forefathers did not mind paying _tomething for maintaining-the naval supremacy , but he was _disgusted with the feeling which dictated the present measure , which went to sacrifice tin best interests of thc cftimtry , to a sordid , a Califomian principle , and which he was convinced on its coming into operation must prove deeply detrimental to thc security of thc empire .
Ea > l GnAN . viLLE replied to the , _arguments of the previous speaker , expressing his hope that the advice tendered by the noble earl to shipowners for the better management of their vessels would be _adopted _, lie believed that incu lcating temperance on board ship would be highly desirable , and that the best effect would be produced on seamen , if they were afforded opportunities for reading and mental improvement . The Earl of Winchilsea , in a strain of invective , opposed the bill , and read a lesson to thc _bishops , without whose votes , the noble earl said the bill would have been thrown out . He cautioned the right reverend body that if the period should ever arrive when questions of a secular -character should be carried by their _v- 'tes _, then _England would join with him m t he wish to _sei the house of convocation restored , and the bench of bishops represented bv a few chosen from among them , who would
not interfere in questions with which , with a view to the best interests of the country , they ought not to intermeddle . He protested against the passing of the bill , and regretted that it should be carried , in consequence of a want of courage on fhe part of some of their lordships to throw it out , because they feared tliat the result might be the retirement of the present government from office , as if England had sunk so low , that she was obliged to peril her greatness , on the ground that some parties had not the moral courage to vote as they wished , and then to appeal to the feelings of the country . Earl Talbot objected to the bill , because no steps were taken by it to secure the future manning ofthe royal navy ; because it was about to be carried against the feelings of the mercantile and maritime population ; and , lastly , _bec-msehe trembled for the sa _ely of the colonies should it become law .
Lord Stanley again relinquished his opposition , throwing upon the government . the entire and exclusive responsibility of the measure , stating that he should satisfy hia conscience by saying " non content . " After a speech from Lord Brougham , and another from the Marquis of Laxsdownb , the question "that the bill be now read a third time" was then put from the woolsack—tho response of - non-content " was generally and emphatically given by the neers on the opposition benches , but no division
was taken , and the bill was read a third time—the majority of the opposition members leaving the Ilouse in a bod y immediately after . On the question that the bill do pass , a clause by way of rider was then proposed by the Bishop of Oxford , thc effect of wliich was to exclude the Brazils , in consequence ofthe great encouragement g iven to the slave trade by that country , from any participation in the benefits of that measure . After considerable discussion , in . which Lord _Roden-, Lord Denman , and the Marquis of Laxsdowne took part , the clause was rejected on a divisionin which the numbers were— ¦ '"
, For the clause ••• 9 Against it _"* - ' Majority . . _"" - * . * .. The bill was then passed , and their lordships adjourn c <
Monday, June 11. House Of Lords. — Explo...
HOUSE OF COMMONS . —THE PEOFLB'S CHARTER . — . Mr . Feargus O'Coxsor gave notice that he would , on the 3 rd of July , bring forward the motion respecting the Charter of which he gave notice at an early period of tlie session . The Housk of Commons . —Mr . Packk . on the 21 st of June , to bring forward the motion of whicli he stave notice , for an address to her Majesty on tho subject of the ill accommodation afforded by the present House of Commons , and with a view of expediting the new _Jiottse . Tut * ' State ov tub Nation . —Mr . Disiukli , on Tuesday , 20 th of June , to move tliat the House resolve itself into committee of tho whole House , to take into consideration the state of tho nation . The Electivk _Fiiaxciiisk . —Sir De L . Evans , on an early day , to move that tlio elective franchise be extended to all direct taxpayers . Mn . Ernest Joses . —Mr . Feakous O'Connor
begged to ask the right hon . secretary ( Sir George Grey ) whether he had received any communication from 'Mr . Ernest Jones ? [ Here an honourable member , sitting behind Mr . O'Connor actually startled the House by a horse laugh . ] Mr . O'Connor turned round to the hon . gentleman , nnd said that he could not understand the meaning ofthe laugh of the hon . gentleman , who might , perhaps , one day , and ere long , change places with Mr . Jones , and then he would be horrified if a statement ofhis unjust treatment was met iu a similar way by that House . The questions wliich he desired to ask the ri g ht , hon . baronet wero : Had he received information that upon Mr . Jones refusing to pick oakum he was consigned to solitarv confinement in
a cell six feet hy four , for three days and nights , with nothing but bread and water to live uponthat being in a bad state of hoa lib tho bod-clothes were removed by day , and ho was obliged to lie upon the iron bars or his bedstead ' That ho requested to petition that House , _wliioh the visiting magistrates most unconstitutionally refused him—a right whieh tliey had not tho power to deny ; that he requested tlio permission of those said justices to appeal to the judge who tried him , whether his treatment was in conformity wit ' j his sentence , a right which thoy also most unjustifiably
refusedin short , that his treatment was cruel , barbarous , unconstitutional , and illegal . lie was aware of the disadvantage under which any Chartist prisoner laboured when he ( Mr . O'Connor ) undertook to bring his case before tho House ; every Chartist prisoner was similarly treated in thc most unconstitutional manner , and ' ho thought it was the duty of tho hon . gentleman behind him ( Alderman Sidney ) , who was cognisant of all the facts connected with the treatment of tho Chartist-prisoners confined in Newgate , to make a true and faithful disclosure of the tyranny to which they were subjected to that . House .
Sir Gr . Grey , in reply to the hon . gentleman , bogged to state that he had received some statements from Mr . Ernest Jones , but as he had not got notice of tho questions put by thc hon . gentleman , he had not had the opportunity of examining those statements so as to enable him to give an answer , and the treatment of Mr . Jones was submittcd to ths visiting justices . Mr . O'Connor would give thc right lion , baronet notice that on Friday he would repeat the questions , and he begged to refer the right lion , baronet to two communications received from Mr . Jones—the one hc believed dated the 7 th of Mav , and the other the 21 st .
Arctic Expedition . —Sir R . Inglis called tho attention of the House to tho conduct of tho United States in preparing an expedition to the Arctic Seas to discover and relieve tho missing ships and crews under tho command of Sir John Franklin . He pronounced a warm panegyric upon the conduct of tho American Government , and upon that of _llussin _, which had taken the same generous course . Lord Palmerston and Mr . Disraeli concurred in this panegyric . International _Arbitkatiox . — Mr . Cobden then rose to bring forward his motion for an address to the crown for treaties binding nations , in the event of future misuiidorstandingsVliich could not bo arranged by amicable negotiation , to refer the dispute
to arbitration . Some curiosity was exhibited to hear the hon , member treat a subject entirely novel to a parliamentary audience . The galleries were full . There was a large number of members present , and the House was far more than usually attentive . After-an allusion to a sneer from Mr . Disraeli , who , ( said Mr . Cobden ) " surpasses in the accomplishment of sneering , " tho hon . member proceeded to take up his ground , lie represented ( lie said ) two classes—those who objected to all war upon principle , and that working class who objected to war aa interfering with thc commerce and ' prosperity of nations . Those classes had found a mutual ground ; and it was a ground tho House might affirm , namely , that war was a great calamity .
( Hear , hear . ) . Now , if that was admitted , one half of his position was admitted , for they admitted the desirability of doing all thoy could to prevent recourse to war . In order to effect that great object , till he desired was that disputed questions should be settled by arbitration . The princi ple of arbitration was no novelty . On two occasions , iu 1770 and in 1814 , wo had had recourse to the decision of commissioners in regard to disputes with the United States . Four commissioners were then appointed , two on each side , and those commissioners were to agree unanimously upon an arbitrator , or to select one by ballot . Those arbitrations had not been unsuccessful . _Iliifc it would bo said that such a treaty as he proposed would be a piece of waste paper , lie might almost answer that by inquiring then , what
was tho use of any treaty ? But such a treaty was , surely , quite as likely te- bo observed as any other treaty . If it was broken , with what a bad ge of infamy would thc nation that broke it unfold the banners of its warriors . ( Hear , hear . ) It would possibly bo said , also , that the interests of England were too large to bo left to individual commissioners . That was an assumption that the ground of our quarrels involved the fate ofthe empire . But itwas not so . Generally our quarrels arose from such miserable trifles that tlieir ori gin was not traceable . Commissioners , however , had more than once been appointed , with full powers to represent the national interests . Lord Castlereagh was sent to Vienna , Lord Ashburton to "W ashington , as
arbitrators , to conclude negotiations and to avert war . During thc last fifty " years , commissioners had been employed to adjust disputes between nations , and in no instance had such arbitration led to war . There was , therefore , nothing visionary , nothing even novel , in his plan ; nor could there be any difficulty in the details of a mode of procedure which was habitual in private life . lie then anticipated objections to his plan . If thc treaties were not abided by , it would be said , war must follow ; but that was au objection to all treaties , and wc should in such a case liave this advantage—that thc recusant party would engage in war with the brand of infamy bofore the world . Then it might be said the interests of England could not be intrusted to individuals ; but this assumed that such disputes involved great imperial interests ; whereas wars _conerally
oriaiuated in trifles . Then ho mi ght be told that this country was now carrying out a peaceable policy , and that the plan was unnecessary ; but Mr . Cobden appealed to the increase in our military and naval expenditure and the accumulation of stores , as incongruous with the notion that a pacific policy was expected to continue . Again , he might he told that his plan would not suit all cases ; but in any case arbitration was more rational than a course which , as Bcntham said , was " mischief on the largest scale . " He admitted that the awards of arbitrators could not bo enforced , for ho disclaimed all participation in tho opinions of thoso who proposed a great paramount tribunal . The worst that could bo said of his plan was that it would fail in averting war ; but in that event our situation would be no worse , and there was a chance of its being
amended . Mr . Ewart , in a few words , seconded tho motion . Mr . B . Cochrane opposed it , taunting Mr . Cobden with the falsification of some of his most confident prognostications , and insisted upon identifying him with tho Peace Society , notwithstanding ; Mr . Cobden ' s disclaimer . He considered that this was the most inappropriate moment for such a motion , which was calculated to bring ridicule upon thc House . Lord R . Grosvenor , without adopting all the views of Mr . Cobden , recollecting the success which had attended Lord Hardinge ' _s scheme of arbitration in checking duelling , thought that the motion , if adopted , might , by influencing public opinion , suggest some scheme by which the great evil of war might be avoided . Mr . Cobden had proposed nothing impracticable , and if other nations found us sincere in our abhorrence of war , they mi g ht adopt thc same views , and this would lead to great retrenchments .
Mr . Macki . vnon took a similar view of the motion , which he thought would do infinito good , and he gave it his cordial support . Colonel Thompson was instructed to support the motion , and he did so most heartily . Mr . _UnquiuuT opposed the motion as utterly futile and absurd . Mr . HoBHOusn supported it , considering that wars had occurred through the very want of the arbitration proposed by Mr . Cobden . Nations often needed an honourable and a graceful reason for
retreating from a contest . So moderate and practicable a scheme did not deserve to be treated with scorn , ridicule , and contempt . Distinguished as this country had been in war , it was the fittest to lead tho way in the endeavour to establish a comp act amongst nations for a better mode of accommodating differences than that of force . Lord Palmerston assured Mr . Cobden that in opposing his motion he did not mean to treat him , or those whose organ he was , with anything but thc greatest possible respect . Ho agreed with him in attaching the greatest value to peace , and in enter-
Monday, June 11. House Of Lords. — Explo...
taining the utmost horrors of war ; and he was g lad that Mr . Cobden had made his proposition ,, because it would convince the world of our sincere and honest desire to maintain peace . But whilst it . * . yas desirable to show that in England there was : i fervent love of peace , thero should not exist an impression that the manly spirit of Englishmen was dead , and that England was not as ready as ever to repel injury _an-i aggression , for nothing would be more dangerous than that an opinion should go abroad that so rooted was our aversion to war that we would submit to anything to avoid it . This wast an answer to thc complaint of Mr . Cobden ; against the provident precautions made against a _po-ttihle war . He opposed tho motion because hc considered
the plan to be founded upon an erroneous principle , and that it would be impracticable . It was based upon an analogy between private life and the transactions of nations ; but amongst _individual , thero was some legal tribunal to enforce the- award , which g ave effect to arbitration ; and this _es-s-.-utial ingredient Mr . Cobden admitted was wanting in his plan ; for he had abandoned , or not proposed , what had been believed to be a part of his scheme , ' namely , a great tribunal , and hc proposed that the arbitrators should consist , not of States or Sovereigns , but commissioners in private life . But , if governments were asked to bind themselves to refer their dit-jiutcs to a third party , the party must be named at the time , or when the dispute happened ; the former
course would not bo agreed to , and the latter would be difficult . In the Maine boundary question it was most difficult to agree in the choicc ' of an arbitrator , and , when chosen , America refused to submit to his award . The plan would not only be impracticable * as respected foreign nations , but it would he dangerous for England to submit her rights to thv final judgment of _iiTforeign power ; and his objection waa not removed hy the proposal to substitute for a government , which acted in the face of the world , some irresponsible private persons . The principle of the plan was new , for Mr . Cobden had eifil no cases of successful arbitration ; tlie cases lie had adduced were cases of _lucdiatii-ii , or inapplicable to his _arjniment . It was most desirable that where
two nations differed , they should come to an under-Standing to allow a friendly third party to step in , and bring them to a compromise ; and tho -present practice opened a door to this kind of mediation , which was becoming frequent . He should be sorry to meet tho motion in such a way as to appear to negative the principle upon whicli it was founded ; he would _. _-therefore _, meet it by moving the pivvtmis question whicli , though not strictly applicable , was tho most courteous mode of resisting tho motion .
Mr . M . Gibson undervalued the objections of Lord Palmerston , which afforded no anwor to the motion . He had shown the imperfection of a system of arbitration , but would fitrhting settle disputes better 1 Yattcl had recommended arbi * ration as consonant to reason and nature , and arbitrators would be able to settle disputes upon the principles of international law , and tho maxims of universal justice . Mr . Gibson enforced , at much length , some of the arguments employed by Mr . Col-don ; he drew some strong pictures of the horrors of war , and recommended the abolition of privateering and of prize-money .
Mr . _Eoeduck commenced by complimenting Viscount Palmorston , whose speech he pl . iood iu -idvantagoous ' contrast to that of the last speaker . But ho dissented from the motion with which tho noble lord had concluded . He never know tho previous question moved except when the mover _felfc that he ought to he ashamed of moving it . lie asked tlie noble lord to consider what might bo the influence of that night ' s debate upon Europe . If it had . gone forth that a motion of this sort had been sanctioned by the assembly of the British nation , would it not have been a great moral lesson to the unhappily divided nations of the world ? Tlio noble lord had thrown away a golden and glorious opportunity bv the course which he had taken .
Mr . It . M . _Miia'es observed , that however the discussion niight conclude , the great phenomenon of the evening would be tho debate itself . It was a striking thing , that amid the contentions of the world , the British senate should be debating the blessings of peace , and the advantage of promoting it ; debating it , too , with an agreement as to principle , not less remarkable than tho philosophic spirit which has characterised the discussion , lie ffiiveliis roiisons for voting for the previous question , although concurring fully in the motion . Mr . IIume congratulated Lord Palmerston on his avowal of the character of a peace-maker . It u ould correct a very different impression that _previiled respecting him abroa ' d . He regretted , however , that the noble lord had not at once assented to the motion . It would have afforded an incentive to
peace aoroad , and au assurance ot economy and prosperity at home . Even as it was ho hoped we . should hear no more of estimates for additional ordnance stores , ' or for fortifying tho coasts of England against foreigners . Lord John RussRi . _ti thought Lord 1-almerston had not been entirely understood . They were all agreed as to the evils of war , and the desirability of referring disputes to arbitration . The _pr-. _' _.-senfc generation had referred all its perilous questions to such settlements . All governments had concurred in doing so ; and no lesson was required from that House or from the country on thc subject . But
this motion was to ask the Queen to direct tho Secretary for Foreign Affairs to negotiate treaties with foreign nations , binding tho respective parties to refer their disputes to aruitrators . Tho government couldnot agree to that motion unless they wero immediately ' prepared to act upon it . . For his part ho did not believe if they carried tho motion , that thoy would promote peace more effectually than they did at present . He believed there were questions which the force of public opinion would never permit them to refer fo an arbitrator . How would it have been possible to arbitrate between the Dutch and Louis XIV . as to tho
invasion of Holland ? Tho pending question of impressment between England and America was a question which it would be very dangerous to refer to arbitration , although it might be arranged by negotiation . Thc occupation of Algiers by the French was another question that never could have been settled by an arbitrator . Had be given a decision that Franco ought to abandon Algiers , would she have withdrawn her troops from that country ? The advance of civilisation had mitigated the
horrors of war , and he saw no reason why , in its further progress and development , war niight nod bo stigmatised generally as barbarous ; and , so far as related to the maintaining of peace by not pertinaciously insisting upon points in which our national honour was not involved , ho agreed with tho spirits of tho motion . Captain _llAimis opposed the motion , and attributed to the mover and his party a design , which might hc sincere , to denude the country of its defences .
Mr . Coisni-x having replied , the House divided , when the previous question was carried b y 17 _(> against 70 , " Sir John _IfonuousE had leave to bring in a Mutiny Bill for India . The Select Committee on Receivers , Courts of Chancery and Exchequer ( Ireland ) , was nominated . The Highways ( Annual Returns ) Bill was read a third time , and passed . Thc House adjourned at half past twelve o ' clock .
AVEDNESDAY , Juxi * 13 . nOUSE OF . COMMOXS . —On the motion ofthe Marquis of _WoRci'ST _**** , the Cruelty to Animals Bill , . after some passing observations , was read a soeond time , and committed for that day week . COUNTV-RATKS _AXD ExPEXDITUl'l * BlLL . — Ml' . Hume in moving the second reading of this bill said , he felt called upon to state its object , us an objection would , he understood , bo taken to it in limine . After tho Reform Bill was carried , the power of taxation for local purposes had been taken from the self-elected bodies who previously exercised it , but the burden ofthe rates was nevertheless so exceedingly great that complaint after complaint was forwarded to the House from all parts of the country . In 1831
a commission was appointed to inquire into the management of the county funds who presented a , preliminary report in 1835 , and acting upon their suggestions for tho most part , ho ( Mr . Hume ) introduced a bill on tho subject , which , however , was rejected . Since that time , however , he had been frequently applied to with respect to that bill , and requested to introduce ifc again . The princi ple on which it was founded was , that county should be placed on the same footing as borough rates . The present bill differed from that of 1837 m so far as the latter _gave the election of all the members of the financial board to the ratepayersin tho . _counties , The country bad since been divided into districts for the management ofthe poor ; and one principal
objection , as stated r . t ameeting in Lancashire , to the bill of 1837 haying been , that great trouble would be given by requiring a new election for the purposes of the measure , ho was prepared to take from the boards of guardians two-thirds of the county board , each poor law union in a county sending one member from its body to the county board . He proposed that one-third of the county board should consist of magistrates . If the house approved of the bill , he should move that ifc be referred to a committee up-stairs . Tho commissioners who reported on the subject of county-rates some years ago declared that there was no other tax of
such magnitude laid on the subject except by representatives ; that its administration was committed to an irresponsible bod y ; and that no _avran _<** ement had been suggested for the effectual control of county expenditure which appeared so advantageous as the establishment of a permanent finance committee in each county . The House of Lords had appointed a committee on ' tho same subjoct , and the evidence _tafcen before it was even stronger . An example was given of the increase which had taken place in thc county-rates from 1792 to 1832 , the charge for bridges having risen from £ 42 , 000 to £ 74 , 000 j for gaols , from £ 02 , 006 to £ 170 , 000 ; for expenses of prisoners , from £ 45 , 000 , to £ 127 , 000 , die .:
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 16, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_16061849/page/7/
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