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S0W?13m^0R EVER» 3*0 THE CHARTISTS. - j£...
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If England with her proper power at home...
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TO TBE WORKING CLASSES. My Friends, i To...
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the Members of the County, in the chair....
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MR. O'COjSNQR'^OTra. ' ^i^mSm f 4 ^! *^^...
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"Barnard' s Inn , London , "17th Decemhe...
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RICHARD OASTLER ON FREE-TRADE. 1ETTER II...
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MR. COBDEN AND THE RUSSIAN LOAN. A meeti...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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S0w?13m^0r Ever» 3*0 The Chartists. - J£...
_S 0 W ? 13 m _^ 0 R EVER » 3 * 0 THE CHARTISTS . - j _£ T _; j ? KIE-5 "D _* V _^ Let me implore of you to be np and < Ioing ; _»* " "rdy _npon-ikjif tiie _coming struggle j _^ tw _eenlaiidloird . and nibi _^^ _M _^ _is allowed to * 5 e s ettled _wnile you are not parties in the _action , you will _oe _worse off than ever . . I have referred you tomy prophecies in _JS 41 , an _« i * _-mU _aowvcallvyour attention to another prophecy , which is also printed .
On the 3 rd of December ; 1831 , there was a _jarge meeting of the aristocracy of the county and city of Cork , held in the County Courthouse , for the purpose of aiding the English _Reformers , "When the great men appointed to speak had concluded their orations , it -was presumed the meeting had terminated , hut iiavingcome thirty-miles I -was determined not io remain silent . ; . ¦¦ _'*" ¦ : ' I rose in the gallery , and made what all culled the _speech of ihe evening ; and mark my co n c luding sentence , published in the Cork Southern Reporter ,. on tie Gth of December .
I said : — "I advocate Parliamentary Reform with - " all my he a rt , hut I tell you , Irishmen , th a t - * ' it will he the very -worst measure passed for « ' yonr country , if not accompanied -wiih a - " bepeal OF THE _TTNIOS" ; because thefirst act - " of the first Reformed Parliament will he to " pass some Gagging Bill , to suppress the _<< exp ress i on of public opinion in this " country . " _"Jfow , my friends , that was my prophecy in December , 1831 , and , as I predicted , the very first act of ihe Reformed Parliament was to
pass the most bloody and atrocious Coercion Bill that ever was placed npon the Statute Book ; substituting Courts-iCartial for Trial a eonrpieta _* w « S _tfy _^ _rapo * asm . Weft , Chartists , let me now tell you , in 1350 , that unless you have FBJ 3 E teade is labour , you will derive as little "benefit from Free Trade as you and the Irish have derived irom Parliamentary "Reform .
Tour opponents -would now base national p rosperity upon the large surplus of money now in this country ; hut was there ever a g reater anomaly than idle land , idle labour , and idle money , with bastiles fall of _TJNTTILLINGIDLE PAUPERS ? Thereisnow astrong agitation springing up in London , w hile I regret to say tbat the bees in the Northern Hive do not even buzz , as they are satisfied with their temporary activity ; and they may rely upon it that some tinkering legislative measure will he based npon their satisfaction .
I have often told yon , that I would never resist any movement that was calculated to confer any benefit upon you , and , therefore , I have cordially co-operated with the Parliamentary Eeform Association . Meantime , if I do undertake the task of giving you public instruction—and if in that capacity I should fiul to discharge my duly f a ithf u ll y—you would naturally look upon me with contempt . For this reason , then , I "beg to call your critical attention to Mr . Scholefield ' S anticipated hope from the Freehold Land system , at a meeting held at St . Pancras , on Tuesday night , and I will give you hut a "very few extracts . He said : —
He had obtained Totes for five or six counties bj means of freehold land societies , and he would use them in voting for persons who would even go beyond tbe plan at the head of _Trhich Sir J . Walmsley stood . ( Cheers . ) He spoke ior himself only ; others , of course , _tvere at liberty to use the franchise in a _different way . He considered the freehold fend movement to he the most _immediatelypracticalmeans of effecting a reform of the Beform _BDL "Now , the thingto provewa 3 ,: howthis "Freehold system would enable Mr . Schoi / efield and Ms party to go further than Sir Joshua
"Walmsley and his party ; and of what use w o uld hi s votes , in five or sis counties , be t o the working classes I Do you suppose they ¦ would be given for a Chartist , against a _"HTlng ? Not a hit of it . They would he held as the balance of power between "Whig and Tory . And then mark , if these freeholders constituted the balance of power , they would —and small blame to them—sell their votes as the best produce of their freeholds , to the highest Didder .
Again , see what a sluggish , crawling , sneaking system this is admitted to be . He says : — It they were able to do so mueh in the three or four counties he had named in the course of two years ,, what _misht they not effect in other places where a much less effort was required , and where the _majority against the liberal candidates had been only 109 or 150 ? """ tow , only think of such a blood run . Think
of such a steam power as this . The chance , not the certainty , ef acquiring a balance of power in three or four counties , in the space of two years . Is not this '' Live horse and you'll get gra s s V But , t h en , as the real objects and probable prospects are better defined in resolut i ons than i n speeches , let me now submit t o you the two resolutions unanimousl y adopte d at the St . Pancras meeting : —
" that the first duty ofthe state is to endeavour to elevate tiie working man , and to make him feel an interest in the well-being ofthe conntry ; thatthe procuring for him the elective franchise is the first step to raise him in his own estimation and in the social scale ; and tins meeting determines never to relax in its exertions till aU men rated to the support of their poorer brethren are in possession of Ihat important privilege . That it is highly derogatory for freemen to repeatedly beg the legislature to grant that which _theypossessan independent power to obtain , viz ., the elective franchise ; that it has been proved that freehold land societies present the ready and certain means of placing men in that honourable position , and as sueh deserves the support of tiiis meeting
_Uow , Chartists , what think you of those resolutions ? The first says , that the procuring for man the elective franchise is to raise Mn in his own estimation , and in the social -scale . Well in my opinion , nothing can so conduce "to elevate man in his own estimation , and in ihe social scale , as the admission that Blind , not land , should be ihe test of thc franchise .
Well , then , what do you think of this admission being followed by the following declaration , which appears in the second resolution : — "That it is hig hl y derogatory for freemen "to repeatedl y b e g the legislature to grant 'that which they' possess an independent " power to ootain , viz ., the elective _fran-^' ehisa . " Now , if the most critical p hilosopher can reconcile those two resolutions , I shall bemosfc iappy io be led out of the road of error into the path of truth .
I say , enfranchise the mind , and the Land will he s pee di ly eman ci pated ; hut the p ow er ofthe wealthy is solely "b ased upon the disunion and antagonism of the poor . Here you have Communists reprobating all legislation ; Teetotallers showing how all may he enfranchise d , and opposing those who cannot ; and Freehold Land advocates endeavouring to en--franchise a sufficient number to secure the -ascendancy of a class ; and all opposed to Chart i sm , w hich would very spee d il y lead to individuality of possession , and co-operation of labour—would make drunkenness a crime , and place every man as an independent freeholder np o n his own land ; and , therefore , wh a t we require is such a co-operation of sound and
mteflectual mind as will lead to the legitimate developement ofthe national resources of the _Dmitry , instead of—as now—heing cultivated hy the standard of class-speculation . Sir John Ttbell— -a violent Tory—and others of his class , are now discussing the question of Universal Suffrage , in the hope , no doubt , o f b idding for popular support at the next general election . The Irish people are _^ p osed to a return to Protection ; so am I , because I am opposed to all retrograde _movements . But in order to give you a still further in stance of the growth of mind in that country , * et me submit to you the following resolution , Passed in the county of Cork , at a meeting "wil on Sunday last , with Dr . Potob , one of
S0w?13m^0r Ever» 3*0 The Chartists. - J£...
the Members of the County , in the chair . Here it is : That tha foundation of agricultural prosperity is security of tenure by tenant right or longleases , which would enable the tenant to dispose of his farm to the highest bidder , ' and a rent regulated by the reduction in the value of corn , & c . That the _present cry for protection is sot np for selfish purposes , firefly , to divert the minds ofthe people from the just demand for tenant ri ght and reasonable rents ; and , secondly , to enable the Conservatives to get into the representation of the country , toonst the popular party , and to check the march of enlightened legislation , and hence we denounce the . _Frotectionistst meetings as a mockery , a delusion , and a snare . "Now mark that , an d hear in m i n d t h at I represented the same county in 1834 , and could not get a single member to second-a similar motion . the Members of the County , in the chair ,
' Row , Chartists , I have done , with this One s ing le admonition . If you are apathetic in the manufacturing districts , in consequence o f temporaryprosperity , you will be handed over , neck and crop , from the grasp , of the landlord , to the gripe of the money-lord , and when trade gets had , and yon squeal out , may I he d——d if you cat * the RED CAT in the trap again . Tour faithful aud uncompromising adyocate , Feakgus O'Connor .
If England With Her Proper Power At Home...
If England with her proper power at home , Cannot defend her own door from the dog , ; Letus be worried ; and our nation lose The name of hardihood and policy . _—Shakspeibij .
To Tbe Working Classes. My Friends, I To...
TO TBE WORKING CLASSES . My Friends , i To prove to you that "the foll y of to day may be the wisdom of to morrow , " let me call your attention to the following extracts from my lett e rs ad dresse d to the Irish landl o rds , from my dungeon , in Jul y , 1 8 41 , now going upon ten years ; and when you read them , ask yourselves , whether or not , every one o f my prophecies with respect to the effect of Free Trade , if not accompanied h y t i mely and prudent co n c essi o n , have not heen realised as regards that country . And now , in the year 1850 , 1 tell you t ha t , you will very shortly witness the same results as regards Eng land , if the landlords do not come to their senses , and mea s ure the valu e o f th e ir p r ope rt y b y St a te necessity and national requirements , instead of by political patronage , Your faithful Friend and Represent a tive ,
Feargus O'Connor . My lords and gentlemen , having said so much with a Tiew io free your mind from any prejudice -which a conviction for what is called libel might have created , allow me to teUyou that , however the meshes of the law may have caught me , my real crime consists in an endeavour to preserve your estates from the grasp of the English manufacturers . That is * the head and front of my offending ; 'but do not mistake me—I claim no _creditor thanks , inasmuch as my motives were ofa far higher nature than a desire to uphold unjust powers in your hands for the preservation of a very foolish , and a veiy destructive monopoly . My motive was to give you the opportunity of reforming before others compelled you to transfer . My lords and gentlemen , such is precisely your present position . You have now the option , whether you -will forego monopoly and commence reform , or preserve monopoly and see your estates transferred to other hands .
Lord Morpeth ' s Representation Bill , so fortunately defeated , would have increased the practice to an extent frightful to be contemplated ; and , judging from the past , must either have depopulated a great portion of Ireland , or must _hafre paralysed the hand of industry , and have limited the expenditure of capital , by depriving the occupying tenants of all tenure beyond your will in their farms , and , consequently , all inducements and heart to improve their holdings . You have now the option whether you wUl reform your own abuses , or allow those abuses to remain as a mark for the most powerful ( because the most wealthy and centralised ) party in the stale , against which to direct tlie full current of popular indignation , ministerial experiment and commercial speculation assault , with the view of transferring your estates to their own pockets .
The church , in its tain , must have known that when it became a party to the appropriation of the trust property ofthe poor , that its tarn would one day come - and tlie landlords must have been aware , thatwhen they became a party to the appropriation of church property to their own uses that their day would come ; and those who now appropriate your estates to their own use 3 , under the specious pretext of feeding the poor , may rest assured that their day wiU also come . My lords aiid gentlemen , I mention these things to warn you of your clanger , to alarm you ofthe thiefs approach , to rouse you to action , in order that , prontting by the portrayal of your own folly and the folly of others , you may take the means of doing gratuitously for yourselves that whieh , if left undone by you , will be done by rougher hands ; for done , believe me , it will be , and that right speedily . My lords and gentleman , pray , pray , pray , keep that one feature full in view , —THAT DONE IT MUST UE ; and therefore the question is , who shall do it ?
If you come forward in your political strength , and reduce expenditure , debt , wages of public servants , and all tlie cost of government , to tliat standard to which a repeal of the Corn Laws would assuredly reduce your estates , you will but nominally suffer ; your rentals will be reduced , but your burdens will be correspondingly lessened ; your incomes will be virtually smaller , but actually more valuable , because more secure ; your position in society will not be the least altered . The most wealthy will still be the most wealthy ; the several classes measured by the same Graduating scale , will see no perceptible change in tlieir social or monetary arrangements . This change you can accomplish by a vigorous and timely exercise of your political functions . However , should you still cling to high
rents and expensive government , and a false pre-eminence from which a sudden shock may hurl you , you must , in such case , make timely use of your power as landlords ; you must bring your estates into the retail market , to suit the habits , customs , capabilities , and wants of your own people ; while you will open for the English manufacturers a trade , a home trade , a sure trade , larger and more remunerative than all their quackery would produce . Thus , my lords and gentlemen , you have it in your power to act as a breakwater to the rushing rapid , while you are erecting your new building ; and , if you proceed with judgment , you may strike your centres at any given moment , without fear of damage from the flood ; but , oppose the current , and your all will be hurried down the stream .
Does not each day's novelty furnish you with the one single object , however wide it may be of the mark ; and that tbat object is to reduce the working people , made surplus population bymachiney , to the necessity of working at wages regulated by the mere existence point , or of emigrating to some foreign land , or of dying of hunger , or of revolting against the unnatural state of things . My lords and gentlemen , let me , in concluding this , my first letter , warn you that , at once , either the corn laws must be repealed , or you must render their immediate repeal unnecessary , or put yourselves in a condition to meet the new order of things created by repeal , or defend your
estates by force of arms . Again , I tell you , my lords and gentlemen , we can rob you all in less than six weeks , though you had the Court , the Lords , and the Commons with you ; and , having don 9 so , then you would be thrown into revolution with the fundholder , the parson , the mortgagee , the simple contract creditor , your mothers , your brothers , your sisters , and yonr dependants , who , believe me , will be loth to give up theirgrasp upon their monopoly , as you bave been to surrender _yeurs . Judge then , in which situation you can best arbitrate , whether before or after TRANSFER . We are called destructives , while we have borne oppression , rather than change the warfare to
our oppressors camp . Have you ever known a working man in Ireland , with certain employment _atSd . a day , and paid , to be charged with an act of dishonesty , violence , or outrage ? I have not ; and my experience goes far in that resp _« ct . I have heard scores ot magistrates admit the same . Do you not then , in the uncultivated state of your land , aud in the unemployed state ofthe people , discover all the errors of society , and see just cause for self-reproach ? __ __ Take class legislation and GUNPOWDER for your dividend , and political economy for your divisor , and the result in your quotient wiU lie a surplus of fictitious money ; alaige surplus of manufactured goods ; a large surplus population rendered useless by machinery ; a large surplus of non-consuming unregulated _producing power ; a large
army ; a large navy ; a large church establishment ; a large law establishment ; a large police establishment ; a large regal establishment j a large poor law establishment ; a large oligarchical establishment ; a small centralised , gorged slaveowners establishment ; social ruin ; an empty exchequer ; little trase ; discontent , crime , insecurity of property , gaols full of political offenders ; starvation and revolution . As a superabundance of fictitious money presses hard upon , and reduces the value of real capital , so does fictitious labour press hard upon , and reduces the value of real labour . And as tiie bankrupt fails in the midst of surplus wealth , so does the operative starve in the midst of abundance , neither having the means of acquiring tlie _drusr . Thus vou see merchants failing in the midst
of affluence , and the people starving in the midst ot plenty . My lords and gentlemen , political economy has no nnality , and , believe me , that the political economists wiU never rest satisfied till they make you tenants in your own houses , stewards to yeur own estates , and beggars xrosi the Pole , the Turk , the Kussian , the Prussian , and tha American , _uponyour land . They wish to place you upon the _shopboard _, making breeches and coats , which the foreigner may , or not , purchase , according to convenience ; while they would make you dependent upon the foreigner for that which you must have three times a day , or starve , or do that which , I am quite sure you never could bring yourselves to , at you have transported thousands upon thoutandafor the same—STEAL .
in . Now , my lords and gentlemen , it is my intention , as assessor faithfully to discharge my duty between you , a » rivals for power . In the first place , then , the _manufactmrs holdout something to the people , although it is ft
To Tbe Working Classes. My Friends, I To...
_^ w _^ . . _^ _fcJ . _. _. . - _. . 7 _-,, -7 .. ! , . delusion ; whflejpu _, ; sturdy nnd obstinate , iiiwmr newW _S _? i „ _VSf _' _l _¦ _V not even yet ' in tMe _Wwehtn Iwur , ottered anytbtog substantial as a set off against the _Imanu ' : facturerssl _& tow . _Youlhopo toward _offthelrcncro ' ach ' ments by P _^ _menta-V'jmajorities , while tnej _' _.-iemecfcto assail yoiir { _l _»^ es , _^ th ' , a : 'legionofrsmrvlng . be » iiegers 1 inflame to _avtstent uhassafii _' b'e . _^ _the' voice i _o'fcirfeni ' » neontrolabte ; by . tii _« . _Influenced ; thelr"jeaders , - 'andiln i _* _ymoiblefroraitheJr numerical strength , aiid _i their . masters ' implied consent , to see all law set at defiance 'io a _cfrta ™ ' point , that point being the exact one where their / own oIk ect shall havffbeen achieved . To these inducemente _. ifo ' R revenge , _add-the hope of impunity , _and . fte _^ twy - ' wifeM Me and death ; and weigh them again « _# < _hiK'p _^« ddlSiai _jonties , aud your scale will k } c " _* _t" _$ j _* 6 eam 1 ' 7 \; " _^ : 7 What must beany fate wh « f _* r . ftel convinced that that
stare Minings , at which I h & Yo previously hinted , willbe sure to . come , aiid when _iri'the bustle nnd turmoil , ' all that I have done , or endeavoured to do , will be made to appear to the stnrwh g 3 $ eople , ; by their ., haid , but commanding taskmasters , _afe _^ e tomeb * _iaip ? eause of their pressing _. My lords and _^ _Menieivine _^ ls another _anosnallllwhlcli never'Strikes _*^| iIt-: _ls ; tHa |' _^ _ciUturalilreland-shottld have fpr Us gov _^ _rira : g _? neVifl , -a kind of military chief _, tain ; a kind _offfi _| O aik <) t _# _lMthhis squire Sancho PaM ' in tho Cabinef _^ _noglmoTOfnothtagiabout agriculture ";' whose whole tri _^ _fiftaJJaiteSfr in the ; adjuatmentof party squabbles , *» _U _{^ - _oT _ia _^ tary , police , _aMWagi _' _slMJa _^ _affalrs ; ' and changed , ' _^ too , intlieachadn *| B _^ _-Io _^ fie i 8 amere . p 611 tical tool , '' and m nine 0 _^ e _»^ _Kdfte _**^ lno 8 t _agregrious , fool neither a military » p , gW _^ _lwigf Jie countiy mpeacocks leathers , : _courtinffrlas -taHiv C _& _j *' quiet old- _gjjmtiemari , ' fearful of doing ri _^ t , _^ _Mfen _|^ besu 9 pec teaiof doing wrong : ' and
an _^| _injj-J _* jj _^ ia _""® B pokticsriliieftain ; :, while the greatest _rccommenditiori ; which your agents can have is a steeled heart . That man only , is fitted for the collection of rack rents , who can look upon the legal act of taking the bed from under the sick woman , aiid the last cowfrom the littlo children , as divested of all moral turpitude . My lords and gentlemen , you may consider it a ' great bore' to be compelled to make any such arrangements , as will suit the present times , but the question is , whether you will put up with a choice of evils—whether you wiU undertake the' bore' of collecting more rent from a greater number—or be ' bored' by going without any rent . My lords and gentlemen , once more , I caution you against the foolish notion , when an English political question cannot affect Irish property . I tell you that poverty , like water , will find its level ; and I also tell you that the most rising and powerful political interest is that of the English manufacturers , whom you will find to your cost to be excellent engineers , and which you will admit , when they have reduced you , after payments of dobts and mortgages , to the very same condition that the _hand-loom weavers are now in .
IV . In the first place , then , labour is the foundation of all wealth . ' That is indisputable . The barren surface of your soil , until made available by the poor man ' s labour , has no more value than the shapeless block of marble , rough from the quarry , before it receives value from the sculptors hands , who puts the stamp upon it ; and even its valao is but ideal ; or rather it must be regulated by the price of the produce ofthe land . So with every luxury that you use in this world from the gorgeous feast , the gaudy happings of your persons , the sumptuous furniture of your mansions , and the splendour of your carriages , down to the mere necessaries of life—all , all are regulated by the price of labour ; and having deteriorated the value of labour by your law of primogeniture settlement , and retail as also by your whimsical mode of leasing ground for terms of years , at fixed rents , without reference to annual produce or price , and also by bad tenure and destructive conditions annexed to occupation ; having by these complicated errors deteriorated the value of labour , you have drugged the
world with its cheap produce , while you have smothered the bees in the midst of their own honey , not allowing them the very meanest subsistence after all ; and you now vainly hope to limit suffering to those very producers never reflecting that all other properties of every description , and however guaranteed , whether they be fixed income salaries , or fluctuating incomes , and whether insured by rents , acts of parliament , custom , or contract , must sooner or latter catch the infection , and take the disorder , which is—poverty . I shall now proceed to lay before you the five measures which I proposed for immediate relief in 1831 and 1885 . To move for leave to bring in a bill to compel Irish landlords to give leases for ever at a corn rent ; and in aU cases where lands are now held upon lease or accepted proposal , and are considered too dear to give to the tenants of such lands the right of appealing to a jury whe shall establish the value in like manner as the value of private property is now ascertained when required by the Crown , or legaUy authorised corporations , or individuals for national
purposes . For leave to bring in a bill to make a legal provision for the poor of Ireland . For leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the several Stamp Acts now in force in Ireland . For leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of Quarter Session ' s Courts in Ireland , with a view of making those courts cheap courts of equity , as well as courts of law , whereby cheap justice might be brought home to the door of every poor man . To move a resolution of the House , that it is desirable , as well for the ends of justice as for the tranquillity of Ireland , tbat all clerymen being magistrates , should be deprived ofthe commission ofthe peace .
I now allude to the holding of a sacred month as it was called , when from the 12 th of August , till the 12 th of September , 1839 , the working people of this empire were invited by a set of merchants to fast and pray , and be shot at , to carry a point for the said merchants . In that I saw the seeds of a revolution for which the conspirators were well prepared ; nnd I thank God , atthe risk of popularity and of even life itself , 1 slipped in and stopped , what in my conscience upon mature reflection , I believe to have been a deep conspiracy hatched by a set of as great cowards as ever lived , to experimentalise upon tho excitability of a nation of brave and oppressed people , condemned for a
month , without stores , provision , or ammunition , to sustain an equal conflict against an organised military force , mid a well-supplied and thoroughly-armed community , united without distinction of sect , creed , or politics , so long , as the campaign lasted . Yes , my lords and gentlemen , it is now two o ' clock in the morning , and destructive as I am , I lay down my pen , and with uplifted hands , return grateful thanks to Almighty God , that I was made the humble instrument to stop the effusion of human blood , and the great " weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth , " which must have followed so hellish a conspiracy , had tlie experiment been tried .
My lords and gentlemen , I will show you , that you cannot deal with , check , or mould the manufacturing inter _, ests of this country to national purposes , otherwise than through the agency of a free labour market , established by the small farm system . I defy you to deal with it by law . YOU UAVE MADE RESISTANCE WORTH A BEVOLUTION . But suppose you could effect it , what then ? You would but have sharpened both edges of the sword for the destruction of labour . Firstly , the manufacturer having worked the very flesh from the bones , would see through thetiansparent ' skinof the slave , before he would allow himself , with his class power , to be mulct to the amount ofa penny in the pound , as his share ofthe impost ; nay , he would make a profit of the tax , while he complained of its injustice . Secondly , you would loave all those grievances to which your monopolies expose the labourer unredressed _.
However , as the rays of knowledge begin to shine through my prison bar 3 , and as they are sure to spread their benign influence abroad over the whole face ot the earth , I am nothing daunted ; and shall therefore , despite the political eeononomist ( _hc-farflmig-sltdlng patriot , and tlie _drendshower statesman , proceed at once to my purpose , which is to apply details to your principle of reclaiming waste land . Of that land you have in Great Britain and Ireland more than fifteen millions of acres , capable of reclamation . It at aU events can scarcely _bs called your own , and is therefore outofthe Newcastle principle of doing what you please with it . By its proper appropriation , you not only do not suffer damage , but , on the contrary . I propose to do for you what you cannot do for yourselves : to make It vaiuable . I estimate that land at a rent of Is . ia . per acre . I calculate that each acre in the outset , taking the tenant ' s house and stock , and means of subsistence , till the lane is brought to bear , into account , would require somewhere ebout £ 1 per acre , or a capital of about _-tflOO for every fifteen acres . The fifteen million acres allotted in farms of fifteen acres to one million heads of families , would thus require a capital of one hundred millions of pounds sterling to aid the working communities in thenwork of reclamation .
The value of those fifteen millions of acres , at twenty years ! purchase , at a rent of Is . 4 d . per acre , would cost Government £ 20 , 000 , 000 . Now what I propose is , that Government shall purchase the lands from you , say at that rate , and ; then under proper official management , at the head of which should be a Cabinet Minister , to be called the Minister of Agriculture , lease those lands at Is . 4 d . per acre , in lots of fifteen acres , with a capital of £ 100 advanced to each tenant , subjecting the tenant to a rent of £ 5 per annum for the land , and the interest of £ 100 at four cent ., that is _rfl for land and £ i for interest . Thissumof _j-mo _. _. _OOOIpropoBe to consolidate into one national fund , which shall stand as a mortgage upon the fifteen millions of acres , and over which tho Parliament alone shall have control ; and that it should not be a transferable stock , or a stock allowed to be made the medium of exchange , barter , or traffic in the Jew's temple ; but that the Government shall merely be agent for the fund-holder and fund-payer—receiving from the one aud paying to the other .
I propose that after the first eleven years the tenant shall yearly pay ten pounds in liquidation of his debt ; thereby liquidating the whole amount at the end of the next ten years , or with the twenty-first year of his tenancy ; at the close of which period—twenty . ono years—I propose that the tenant shall pay no more than the original chief rent ; of Is . 4 . per acre , and all local taxes : or a pound per annum for his holding for e vcr and ever , aud amen—until some future generation , in its wisdom , shall see the State necessity of making- 'the then occupiers—themselves being partics—pay something more as their quota of any national requirement . Now , those who are in love with a national debt as a bond of union , havo it here in the flesh and tho spirit ; those who so loudly call out for the cultivation of our waste lands have here the only chance by whieh their desire
wliich is improvement and thc bettering of the poor man 8 condition , can bo simultaneously effected ; those who "fear that population presses too hardly upon the means of subsistence" have here the means of obviating that disaster ; those of the school of political economy have hero the practical illustration of one of their daring priiuiples—that " wheu circumstances close up one channel of speculation and industry , other _sircumatances open another channel ;" those who would tdadly find a resting p lace for the " surplus population , "' made such by the substitution of artificial for natural labour , have here the harbour open for them those who would add to our now , as they say , " too scanty surface of wheat producing land , " have here an extension offered to them ; while , although 1 would much , prefer the more Improved field for the establishment of a free labour _Btowlwa of y » 1 uc , I " iftYv no objection , proyia > a fto geu tM
To Tbe Working Classes. My Friends, I To...
meant , te » _aUow _ntiy'cuen' _& to _^ in _themoreWarwmfleld . /; _, ; _., ;;!;/ _o--.: l _';> 7 : 7 :: _:,. ' 77 , 7 < _- X : ~ ' ! Here wehaye-a meansof immediately _pro-nduijifor-men millions of people ; and in less _trfaii ten _yesreofprbvidSng for fifteen . mHlrens of people ; _a-adi tit thefexpiration of _tiyenty-one years , the original _fojros of fifteeWr _acres-easfc-SvbuiaKe _capoblarof being sut > dlvl _^! f 6 r _, ttie . _femaie 9 v _infco-Mymitot _five-wes : * etiQ '| _fi-JfJ _«^ ' _^ . ' _^! X ) i' _^ r _^* mr'our | _*^ e . h _fr _^ ' ?;* _$ _& sheet _rM b & U per Cent , at _wttlrth f _^ _vBrrimfint r _^ _ijA _pm _' _Uv _"fjitw _tfep .,. . _-
_inonw , nnd four _PfeirCe _^ Wonld more than eover all the ; _espenses ' efj 1 » aain 2 _^ jif . ' new _WM _^ Bsary department to the _state-nj _^ inewjl Bnt h _irtod Visionary ! _'tiaeeMplicated . ' because th ' e'ihferest of tne poor man Is concerned ; while-if two hundred millions Ot pounds were _ree-uired for a speculation it © build a floating _^ ndgeacross the Atlantic , . or , to make a tunnel from -no > er to Calais ; if tbe _subjufjatton of _labour ;\ or . the importattonof foreign troops , was the objec _£ e * _wy angle in a _fascinating drawing by some happy draftsman would he _wanued _. aiid all FOOLISH objections overruled by 7 » Baa- _»^" . " _- " _- _?^« m «* , _* ' " a Working . Van , " or _"AgHeola ;" ? "i ? j tne wind would bo raised" in spite of _alTperils _belaud _andiTOter _^ j . . / ¦ . i : ; / _" ; _•¦'
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¦ _^ " 2 _*^" _^ _h _^^^^^" _--- * "f _^ Hh' ' _" " - '"" - - •*¦ . ' _¦ _i w _^ U _^ M m 1 _^ H _& m _£ M ' _^ . WWWWf ' -- « ' ¦ ii . _Ti / rtrii . j" _^ _" _^* " _^ T _^ 'f r _^ -, f _^ ' _rj _« _" :. _" . "' - ' - " _***" -1 * _"' ' ' _t _^ itWfJ _^^ ' _^ _^ _^ if _ft _^^^^ H _^^ r . _^ 7 _^^ ' _^^ M * _^ 'i I _Jt * 'J _"frjj _"*'!'' ' I' — -1 _\ d . '* ' - " _ AND _NATJOMATi _TRAWia _^ ii _^ Mi * _.
The Members Of The County, In The Chair....
_. ¦ * i _lTTT ¦ ' ' ¦ " " [ / _-V _L _& l _^^
Mr. O'Cojsnqr'^Otra. ' ^I^Msm F 4 ^! *^^...
MR . _O'COjSNQR' _^ OTra . ' _^ i _^ mSm f _^! _*^^ tour throug hout -the country hefore the meeting of Parliament , but , as I have resolved never to travel a mile , nor-eat a meal , a t t h e expen s e o f any party , and as the injustice of the millions has disabled me from making such an expensive tour , I must forego the pleasure ; for Mr . _Mackajiara _' s act i on , my o wn expenses therein , and to save pr isoners from oakum picking , I have p a id ne ar l y £ 500 , and t o pr o ve the honour of the millions , I bave received hack about £ 70 ; while the receipts announced from the mid d le cl a sses , upon a p latform , from a very few of them , amounted to _£ 1 , 500 .
At foot of this letter , I g ive you one received from the Solicitor who defended Mr . Veenon , and you will discover what he threatens me with . I shall he in Leeds on Monday next , because I rejoice to meet men amongst whom I have lived for seven years , and from whom I have ever experienced affection , gratitude , and support * Feakgus O'Connor .
"Barnard' S Inn , London , "17th Decemhe...
"Barnard ' s Inn , London , " 17 th Decemher , 1849 . " Sib , —I think neither yourself , nor the million of Chartists whom you represent , can now complain of any want of patience on my part , in waiting for the Bill for Veknon ' s defence ! ' ! How correctly does your correspondent , ' J . Olbiteld _, of Huddersfield , ' his letter to you ofthe 10 th ult ., appear to appreciate the character of the body of Chartists , w hen he very properl y ohserves
that'I think it was the duty of the Chartists to have paid the debt long ago ,- before it came to a trial . I am ashamed to own the Chartists as a body , for their snpihen ' ess and apathy in those affairs ; as I am confident , if each were to pay a trifle , they might raise funds for anything , and gain a glorious moral -victory over all their enemies . " Now , Sir , in Jul y , 1848 , 1 defended Mr . Vebnon , one of your Chartist leaders . My hill—about £ 180—up to the present time remains undischarged , much to the discredit of yo ur Ch a rti s t constituency ; a nd a lth o u gh I hare heen urged hy many to adopt legal
proceedings against you personall y , I h ave , hitherto refrained . Not so , Mr . Macnamara . Hethoug h more closel y connected to you ( as appeared on the trial ) hy friendship than myself—not getting paid , hrought his action , obtained a verdict against you , and , this term , has had that verdict confirmed . Let me a s k you , is it commonly dec e nt for a large bod y of people li ke the Chartists to allow such proceedings against you ? But what course has the professional man to adopt if he advances his own money and cannot get paid ? Is he to work like
myself , for nothing ? Is he to sue a Committee not worth a groat—now in oblivion—and to increase his expenditure j or is he so mercifully to deal with his client , th e imp risoned Chartist , a s t o su e him a t the t e rmin a tion o f hi s tw o years' incarceration ? Thus am I placed . Who can I look to for payment hut yourself , the fountain-head and representative of the Chartists—a hody amounting to a million of people ? If you are not legal l y hound to pay , you are morally . And I do not hesitate in saying , it is a perfect disgrace to them that they permit you for one moment to he p lace d
in such an unenviable position . " How many times have I addressed you on this subject , and how often have you appealed to tho great bod y of Chartists—but in what manner have they responded ? Not 5 / . has heen subscribed towards payment of my Bill , althoug h 1 have not brought any action against you . Bnt it mu s t come , for patience is getting exhausted . Had anything heen omitted on the trial of Mr . Vebnon—had not every possible exertion of counsel , myself , and my clerks , been used in that great trial , I might , perhaps , have said there was reason
for my not being paid , on account of negligence ; but this was not so : you , as well as all others who knew how Mr . Vernon ' s defence was got up , were pleased to publicly say it was well and properly conducted—hut , as I h a ve sa id hef o re , an angel from Heaven would not have procured any other verdict than 1 Guilty , ' in the then prejudiced minds of the judges and juries . But wh y am I to be punished 1—why am I to remain unpaid for p ro f es si o na l servi c e s to you a n d the bo d y of Chartists , done for yonr and their benefit , and thus puhlicl y a c knowl e d ged *? Shame upon
the hod y , to allow either you or myself to be thus situated ! Shame and discredit he upon them all , I say , that will allow their leader to be their target , to cover their dishonour , whilst they cringe behind the covering , because they won't subscribe a penny or a halfpenny each to his rescue ! Well may Mr . Oldfield exclaim , that Mr . Macnamara's action oug ht not to have gone trial , and that he ( Mr . Oldfield ) is ashamed to own them as a hod y , when a trifle from each mig ht raise fund s for anything , and gain them a glorious victory over all their enemies .
" Before , therefore , adopting any legal proceedings ag a inst y o u , to recover my just demand , I once more afford the chance of your calling the attention of the Chartist body to ihe subject . Let them adopt the course already pointed out hy yourself , and in last _week'B Nort h er n Star by their friend Mr . Oldfield . Let us see if they-will allow another trial to take place , similar to Mr . Macnamara's , which I shall onl y hring when all your exhort a t i ons to t h em , an d when I c o nsi d er all other chances of your being saved from this obloquy
have failed . If such your appeals fail , why then allow me to congratulate you upon the hig h and distinguished honour you possess , in being therepresentative of such ahody—whilst , o n the other hand , great I know , would he your satisfaction , and , in fact , that of thousands of the Chartists , in having such a Leader , when he could proudl y exclaim t ' Poor as many of ye are , still ye have subscribed your mite , and all just demands are discharged . ' - " WhenI took np the defence of Vernonand whicli I did not until I waj assured , from
"Barnard' S Inn , London , "17th Decemhe...
you that my bill would be paid—I came in contact with another solicitor , who said : 'Ifyou go on with the defence without 200 / . or 300 * . in advance , you will never he paid . ' I would not think as he did , but a d v a nced my own money on the strength of your word—the Leader of the Chartist body . What has been the result ? Exactly what my professional brother prognosticated—I am unpaid to the present moment . " In conclusion , therefore , I once more repeat , I am exceedingly loath to adopt legal proceedings a g a inst you ; but I have no alternative if I am not forthwith paid , and I trust vmitw _^ _iviii _^^^^ - _^ t . , _-
that you will take such steps to prevent this most unpleasant proceeding to me , as you think the exigency of the case requires . It is now a year and a half back that I defended Mr . Vernon ; no one can , therefore , say I have trespa s s e d on y o u , or been troublesome ; but all say-what a disgraceful thing it is that my account has not been long ago discharged . " I am , Sir , your very obedient Servant , " J . E . Nixon . " To Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., M . P ., " 24 , Notting-hill Terrace . " - - ,. " R'S _.-- _* _i _^ _haw not received the Northern Star % r ; the _lastlhree or four weeks . . ' "J . E . . N . "
;?*£. As Ojthe R «<Ra Ten." ] ! K'V ' \ ...
;?* _£ . AS _OJTHE R _«< RA TEN . " ] ! _k'V ' \ _ZMi _^ lMjsp . _^ ' . the " Hand tJempany will be argued in a very few days .. The Attorney-Genebal told me on Saturd a y last that that was his opinion ; and on Wednesday I paid , £ 25 to fee Counsel in the case , so that we shall shortly hear the result . I also received a summons from a member to appear in the County Court of "Worcester , on Friday , but 1 got a certiorari , and put a kick in his gallop . And now , to show you the manner in which this Company
has been dealt with , let me call your attention to the following letter received from Mr . Doyie , this ( Thursday ) morning , to prove that there is another " Ea t en "—a Government " Raven " —flutter ing about the estates . In compliance with the very wise resolutions passed throughout the whole country , I have handed over my grateful children at Minster Lovel to the tender mercy of the Mortgagees , and they have every one been served with ejectments , so that I am carious to know whether they will consider me or the Mortgagees the best landlord . Here is Mr . Doyle ' s letter . Feargus O'Connor .
Snigs End , January 10 th , 1850 . Dear Sib , —There ia a gentleman down here , and has been since last Monday , in search of information from the allottees , as to their physical and social condition . I also understand that he asks each man whether he is an original allottee , or whether he purchased his allotment , and if the latter , how much money did he give for it ? I have made every endeavour ( short of questioning this gentleman , ) to ascertain who he is , who sent him , and what is his object here ; but I have hitherto failed . Mr . Shopland asked him what was his motive for seeking him , and putting questions to him , and he could get no satisfactory answer from him . lie has ,
however , invited Mr . Cullingham to call upon him this evening , at the Swan Inn ; and Mr . Cullingham says , ere he replies to his questions , he must know for what purpose ho desires to ask theni . There are many rumours afloat as to who ho is , and what he is . Some say he has been sent by the Attorney-General , to glean all the information possible against you , so that a strong case may be made out against registering tho Company , while others state h e i s t h e " Morning Chronicle ' s Commissioner . " In fact , all sorts of stories are abroad about him , but I know not which to believe . It is certain , however , his object is to make public the
information he has received , and I suppose not in favour of the principles and objects of the Land Plan ; as I never knew any person of the character ( a doubtful one ) of the gentleman now here , who ever gave a fair and impartial report . He has been to Lowbands , and held conversations with O'Brien , Howe , and several others . He has also been with Dewhurst , for at least two hours , and you may depend that that bad man said everything calculated to prejudice his mind against yourself . It will cost me a fall , or I'll find out who he is . I will write to you again to-morrow . In the mean time , believe me , dear sir , Yours respectfully , 0 . Doyle .
Richard Oastler On Free-Trade. 1etter Ii...
RICHARD OASTLER ON FREE-TRADE . 1 ETTER II . Broadstairs , Kent , Dec . 18 , 1849 Dear Sib , —I have to thank you for the first three numbers of your Bakers' Gazette , and for your having therein noticed our meetings in Lancashire for the protection of the Ten Hours Act , as well as for your kind letter acoompany ing the same . I have often thought of writing to you on the subject of the Bill for the Protection of the Journeymen Bakers , but I seemed to have no hope to inspire me . The working classes , as well as the middle classes , are so much in love with Cobden ' s hoax , called Free Trade , and your bill being in direct contravention of the principles of Free Trade , it appeared to me waste of time to trouble you with my thoughts on the subject . But Now , as I find the sad discoveries ofthe miserable condition of the working classes , that have recently been made through the Morning Chronicle , instead of leading to some grand scheme for their
amelioration , are likely to have no result , save t ha t of inducing the rich and benevolent to chime in with the cruel views of the Economists , by raising a fund to transport the poor to the colonies , instead of adopting such plans of social regulation as would find profitable employment for all here , I can no longer refrain from writing to you on a subject that is , I know , so dear , so sacred to you . Perhaps my views may very widely differ from yours . You will , however , I am sure , give me credit for sincerely wishing success to the Journeymen Bakers' Protection Bill '; you know , also , I have had some experience in such matters . The fact , that any interference with labour and capital is contrary to the present national feeling , cannot be denied . In tho case of tho Factories' Regulation Bill , we contended ( after a _struggle of more than thirty years ) successfully against that prejudice , because the objects of our solicitude were children and women , who , even some Free Traders allowed , were not free agents .
Now , the Bill for tho Protection of the Journeymen Bakers must be defended on tho fact , that those journeymen are not free agents . True , you and I know that they are not ; but according to the popular , the received , the ruling opinion , they are perfectly free to fix their own hours of labour ; and until tbat delusion is removed , 1 think it will be impossible that you can persuade the legislature to pass that bill . Nor can I see how you can removo that delusion without being able to disprove the whole theory of free action called Free Trade , and to prove that the state is bound so to interfere as to prevent its members from injuring themselves and others by excessive and unnatural labour . In striving to do so ( and I am convinced that
must be done before you can obtain an act to limit the hours of labour for journeymen bakers ) , most probably I Bhould have to overcomo your prejudices ; for aught I know , you , may be a Free Trader , although seeking for protection in the caso of journeymen bakers , I am sure I should have to contend against the prejudices of many , very many working men—nay , perhaps to _subjcot myself to their scornx insult , and abuBO . Still , rather than lose the Bakers' Protection Bill , 1 would submit to sosae persecution ; and believing that every attempi to obtain that most excellent regulation must be vain , until the public and the Parliament are convinced of the falseness of the theory of Free Trado , I should be glad to be useful in removing tbe prejudices tbat now becloud the public mind , and be numb every effort to obtain justice for all , or asy
ofthe busy bees that throng our national hive . Most likely thoso very bees would be the Srst to st i n g me , so fondly do our English working men hug tne chains of slavery and poverty , under the charmed word—freedom of _aoiion , Free Trade ; failing to preceive , that _withftttt _regulation—Proteotion—there can bo no freedom or liborty . It would bo no difficult task to prove , if tho working mon would listen , that there oan ho no true liberty under the operation of tho principles of free action—that , under that system , " the weakest must _alwaysgotothewall . " If , instead of regulating our national affairs , on sound principles , so as to consume our own p ro d uc ti ons , we displace them , by the productions ot other countries , it cannot be dimoult to prove , that those persona , who were employed m our own productions , must bo thrown out of work and be maintained at the charge of the public .
Richard Oastler On Free-Trade. 1etter Ii...
•• Ab _, _. _but _^ i _^ _wjansworedby Traders , _iiihe _^ t _^ SiSB _^ d btho _^ einployjments _^ they will _soonvba _absdra " _SffiSrOther'industriaT-branches . " _^ _ISiilfc _^^ i bwt in that _^^ _0 m _& Nihs _^ M the amount bf loss and misery inv" |( l ! t _5 e | j | " _«^^ nR _^ tal anil physical agony mus _^^^ _ileaviif' _^ italfields , how _theirJ _% B 8 _liKta _&^^^ depri _^ _btttSSM
_Tr 4 ceV # y ! ou : cah ; " _'the- _^ hearts , -, and count _tberwavlfctljat _^> MnT wit the dreadful track to _•/ _absbPptien _/^ " ? _" _# ' _3 : _' (/ 1 Then mark the effe _^ ' absorbed" One ' s ; havo'been ciinpelf « l < td throw 'thoms ' elves , asi-ebmpetito _^ to those employed in other trades—to offer their services at lower wages ; thus is every branch reduced ; to : the _lowest possible pittance , _wretcbeSness and > penury / liecoiawig ttie constant , _hM _^ 0 f labour am thus _alioinci'easeu _^ _-s'iftwino _' . _»» * * _« ,. _j
. _, trad _^ e _^ _ifen _^ ei & _ityi _. of te _^ ad _& t _/ _lablpwi _''^^ _benOTOleiriSTa _^ profit * _aWef _^ _elsgto _' y _^ eSt . _Icanfnb / _lon- _'ST befdiind' in _IThfi * . _laiaifMlfttHuWeW * tr incharity , " tospend their cSpHthtin : i _« _ioVin _^' * 5 hie _^^ " _^ _fettW _^ _iJughters of irofl , tb "& r _$ _stSnt _^ ' •' _ar _tbank offerag to ; G _$ d _forjtbe removal of _tte » _cte , \ f _& _m-7-. _A . 7 . . ' _:-. _¦;;¦' -. ' 77 / - ¦
,, _rhavejiaidhotbing ' abftut the , loss of capital h \ tbis _^ bsorption "in- other branbbes , " about the ruined , mercbahts , manufactuife _3 and farmers ,. _because'I am writing _^ _just ' now , inore for the ear of the working menV eW , I could tell you of losses bytens of' thousands ;! 'pj " , % ounds , of breaking up of splendid / establishments , and of many brokenhearted : deaths , / _caused solely by— " they wjll soon be absqrbed _^ in _oth _^ ej _^ _branohes . " _. __ _,- ' / ¦ Now .,. " allthis _^ _irefobedness , bothi to the rich and
poor _,-isunevitable , and the constantly re turning con-! _seQttt " _nai of freedom of actionf _^;| p _*^ Bi ; M ' _ltfts so ; delightful to buy cheap , " criestheajiferking _^ man _* ' _j / l am a consumer , and when thn _^ _fer _& _jjfleop _^ _ti ' an ' procure more . " for * getful of tH _^ act _^ vtha _* _everything l _^ _buyaiJ _^ tAj _^ or 6 niuaTly , mu 8 tthe wages , _an'fthat most assuredly , the working olasses must be losers by universal cheapness , hecause they must always produce mobe than they consume ; else , no one would or could give them employment . It may seem very strange , but it is true—cheapness paves the path from the cottage to the workhouse , the prison , and the hulk ! The fact is , my dear Sir , the Free Trade plot ia neither more or less than a gigantic juggle—a national hoax , practised upon the people and government of this country by a few selfish , tyrannical , ignorant , but energetic and perservering Manchester men !"
It was carried b y intimidation , delusion , and fraud!—its very propounders do not believe in the doctrine they have so successfully preached ! Not a man of them acts upon the principles he professes , when dealing with his servants and dependants . Enter their establishments—their millsthere you will see tyranny in its most rampant form—slavery in its most degradod attitude . Do you think the working men would patiently listen to the proof of all these facts ? If not , I am persuaded , it is labour in vain to strive for a bill to protect the journeyman bakers ! Before that bill can be obtained , the middle classes , the constituency , must be convinced of their error in demanding Free Trade . Not anything is more certain than this , so long as the constituency favour Free Trade , the House of Commons must resist all protective measures for adult males . I think that is evident from the reports , in your journal , of tho reason why your bill was thrown out .
Think calmly on this subject , and say—Will you and your order aid in restoring the reign of truth Thus , you will secure the passing of your bill for the protection of Adults . I shall rejoice to assist in that struggle . —And so , I conclude , remaining , dear sir , your 3 trulv , RiciiAitn Oastlee . To Mr . George Read , Secretary to the Bakers ' Association , 14 , Cromer-street , Brunswicksquare , London .
Mr. Cobden And The Russian Loan. A Meeti...
MR . COBDEN AND THE RUSSIAN LOAN . A meeting was held yesterday at the London Tavern , _Bishopsgate-street , at one o'clock , " to consider the proposal issued for negotiating a loan for the Russian government in this country . " The placards announcing the _meeting promised that Mr . Cobden would take part in the proceedings . The large room of the tavern waa crowded before business commenced . A considerable portion of the assembly appeared to be foreigners . Mr C . Gilpin having been called to the chair , a letter from Lord D . Stuart , M . P ., was then read , expressing his regret that ; seFcre indisposition , confining him to his room , kept him trom the meeting . Mr . Cobdej * then rose to move the following resolution : — " That the government of _Rusia hnvinsr
proposed to raise in this country a war loan of £ 5 , 500 , 000 sterling , professedly for the purpose of completing a railroad frora St . Petersburgh to _Moscow , but really to replenish the Imperial Exchequer , exhausted by the expenses of tho war in Hungary , this meeting i 3 of opinion that to lend money to the Emperor of Russia for such an ohject w uld virtually be to sanction the deeds of violence and blood committed by him in Hungary , _e _. nd to furnish him with the temptation and the means for carrying on future schemes of aggression and conquest . ' Mr . Cobden proceeded to speak to the folio / ring effect : I congratulate the Peace Society and the friends of peace in this country that the Emperor of- itussia has been obliged—unconsciously ire must , as a
matter of course suppose—to affix his name to a document which is not true , in order to obtain the loan of £ 5 , 500 , 000 in this country . The pretence put forth by the Emperor of Russia , that he wants this money to complete a railroad from Moscow to St . Petersburg !! , is unfounded in truth . I was in St . Petersburgh two years ago ; at that time the rolling stock of that railway was all finished ; a hundred locomotives were ready ; I travelled by one of them on a part ofthe line ; thousands of waggons and carriages were ready . I am told the iron is on the ground and paid for ; it is the embankment that is not yet finished ; and , looking to tho martial tastes of the Emperor of Russia , and his little care for the internal improvement of his country _. IIdonoi ;
think the railway will be completed for ten years to come ; for he will spend his money , like au overgrown colossal baby , upon his soldiers , rather than in those substantial improvements which really could alone add to the power , the happiness , the civilisation of his empire . Nobody believes that the money is wanted for a railroad ; everybody assumes the contrary . But I will convict them from their owu ukase — they want the money in six months , and who ever heard of £ 5 , 000 , 000 sterling being wanted for a railroad in six months ?( Hear . ) For what is this money wanted for ? It is to go for the expense of standing armaments ,. ; wtopay tie expense ofthe late _outrageous war in Hungary . It is so much capital abstracted from England , ani
handed over to entire destruction and waste in another country ,, by this means abstracting from the labour of this country the means by which it isto be employed and to live , and , I Say , it is the samev with overy loan advanced to a _foueign government } to be expended in keeping up enormous armaments _,, or in carrying out wars with othe _? countries . Have we not heard a talk ofa probable-collision of Russia with Turkey ? It is an acknowledged princip leof this country _>—and I do not sny how far it is . right or wrong *—that you are to defead Turkey , and are bound by . treaty to defend heir , against all foreign . Powers . There is no foreiga Power that menaces the integrity of Turkey but _ityssia , and the common talk now with overy _ona is , that Russia
meditates a hostile attack upon Turkey next spring ou the Danube . What is the consequence ? That you may be called upon to _eqiiip and send _tieofcs- to defend Turkey againt Russia , who will b 9 % hting with the money borrowed through Messrs ,. _Jjuring , The Czar ought to pay hi 3 scribes well iii , Western Europe that tell such lies for him , —[ A . person on the platform here exclaimed "the Tinw" and another added , " Will any gentleaan : produce it and burn it ? " a suggestion which was- received with laughter and groans , and _cause « " ; gr , ea , t uproar ] , —seeing that they aje subjected to _thpse-rcugh refutations of all they say in his behalf ,, at tha hands ef Uie poor Caar himself . _Systematic ,- fraud and deception , lying aniBaisrepieseiit ! v ! _sQn ,. are the policy
of that governmeat , The very _monpy you are going to loan in this country , part of . it , , lime no doubt , will be spent in , espionage , iu ; _bribing the employes and functionaries in Constantinople and in bribing a portion of tho press in . Germany and France . ( Cheers , _awieriesof " England , " and" the Tt _' m « _s . " > Mr . Cobde _$ concluded a very leaghty speech , as follows , I _asls everybody with a conscience that is proof against oae per cent-= I ask everybody on ground * o ? morality , on _grounds of political economy , oa politioal grounds , a , ad on grounds of personal safety and security , to ponder the true facts of this case-as thov have been _stated to-dav _, and to do their _utmost
to discredit tUls nefarious attempt on their credulity and their pockets . ( Immense cheering . ) Mr . J . B . Smith , M . P ., seconded , and M _» . E . Mull supported tho resolution , which was . then put and carried . Mi _\ J . _Sturoe moved : — " That , in the opinion of this , meeting , loans for war pin posos and for tho maintenance of standing armaments aye unsound m principle , and injurious to the interests of nations . The resolution was seconded and supported by the Rev . J . Burnett , and the Her ,- H . Hiciurds , and carried unanimously . t ¦ , Thanks having been voted to tho - _"Mirmaa _. three cheers were given for Mr . Cobden , and . three groans for the Messrs . Baring , and the mooting separated ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 19, 1850, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_19011850/page/1/
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