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FROM PARADISE-No. 1
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v^e&taxj bondsmen, know je not, ^onldbe ...
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I . /J ! /• - ^ *- " , - --/ .< < -* * S...
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL.
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VOL. X. NO.445- LONDON, SATURDAY,.; MAY ...
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CHARTIST CO-OPERATIVE LAND ASSOCIATION. ...
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TnE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE MEMBERS O...
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. Breth...
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imper ial farltamtnt
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HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, May 18. The Hous...
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^ coiirf , tuat^ f" lP' fjd d CO!Jr£ eth...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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From Paradise-No. 1
FROM PARADISE-No . 1
V^E&Taxj Bondsmen, Know Je Not, ^Onldbe ...
v _^ e & taxj bondsmen , know je not , _^ onldbe free , FOE SELF MUST TILLTHE LA 2 ID . _SIt Deab Fiuexds , — Atlengih we are in possession j _uboufB first purchase . I say at length , for so _BOjuerous , watchful , united , powerful , and craning _g * la bour ' s enemies , that I much feared , HAVING FAILED TO BUY ME OFF , they wonld by _gome _hocns pocus , disentitle me o _£ that is—that they _^ _onld thr ow some obstacle iu the -way of making out sneh a title as I would have accepted . However , it is A _jne , but net without nearly a fortnight ' s delay ; n _»
_fenltof ours ; aud a 31 am always moreready to state _^ ood than evil of men , I am bound to say that nothing wold be more honourable , straightforward , and creditable than the conduct ofthe _vendors , their _soliwtorand surveyor , _fi-om first to last . I now write ftom this paradise , a lovely spot for weather beaten , oppressed labour , to have hit upon as its first port . I have ever held , and I believe all disinterested _witers , especially democratic writers , nave held , _Hiat pure liberty can only spring from the possession of { he soil , or sueh a right to cultivate it for the labourer ' s own benefit , as will make him independent _jlfthe caprice of employers . The mouthing patriots " gave denounced ns as traitors for advising the people to purchase what was theirs by RIGHT DIVINE ,
by MORAL RIGHT , and CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT , but those worthy philosophers appear te have forgotten that yonr share of those many rights are about as small as your share in the land . "We can one and all admire the courage , the dignity , and patriotism of the noble Roman who threw his sword into the scale as the purchase of his country ' s liberty , but let ns remember that in those days there was no such thing as gunpowder , no such thing as Congreve rockets and cannon and musket , that the battle was shoulder to shoulder , club to club , and fist io fist ; no law of conspiracy , or sedition , or _eonstruetire treason . But tbis line of argument is too complimentary for mad men who would say , if you _Cannot TAKE TOUR OWN , STARVE , OR BE SLAVES FOR WANT OF IT .
However , here I am in TOUR HOUSE , addressing you as YOUR BA 1 LIEF _, performing all the cheerful duties of TOUR STEWARD , and in that situation lam more happy than I hare been since I abandoned the cultivation ofthe soil , for the mad speculation of amending the Laws of the Land . Since 1 S 231 have been prosecuted as a White-boy ; I have been persecuted and prosecuted as an Antitithest ; I hare been persecuted as a Radical ; and persecuted and prosecuted as a Chartist . I have been plundered by process of law , and hunted by process of conventional society . I have borne more persecutions , more systematic and continuous persecution , during the whole of that long period , than any
single one of my class has ever borne before , and for mis simple reason , that the persecution of my prededeces 3 ers has always beenmitigated by the sympathy , countenance , and support ofa portion of the upper and middle classes , _Trille all hare united to hunt me down . But behold , after 23 years of dangerous navigation , I have sailed through the shoals and quicksands , and have reached the looted for port in safety mth ray crew _unscared , their confidence _andjttheir iope of victory stronger than ever . "When before has a gentleman , an M . P ., a barrister , a journalist , and landed proprietor derived dignity from the occupation of Bailiff to paupers , but here lam giving employment to 50 who have long been destitute , and wanting 100 next , week .
This project of ours is now beginning to inspire good men with confidence , and had men with terror ; while ' its certainty of success does , I confess , more man repay me for the loss of friends , the law ' s persecution , and society ' s impertinence and supercilious arrogance . In Ireland we have a very appropriate and significant term for a fool ; we call him a _BOSTHOOX j and of all the Bosthoons it has been my fate to come in contact with , the editor of the Slieffidd _J 7 m « is , withontesception , theverygreatest . This Bosthoon has attempted to criticise our rales , and to controvert our every assertion . Tbis Bosthoon , like Mr . Chambers , has created his monster , Mr . Smith i
and , like Chambers , has also created pigmies for Mr . Smith to demolish most easily and most _eunaJnglv _. He thinks , because RENT ONLY represents MM _$ of £ 7 , 000 , that , therefore , only £ 1 , 000 represents the original £ 6 , 000 ; and this Bosthoon argues as if every location was a positive loss to the Society ; and commencing with apurchase of £ 0 , 000 , he logically—like the man that stroked the woodeock tall the poor gamekeeper was afraid it would become a wren- fritters our £ 6 , 000 down to £ 1 , 000 , making no margin at all for £ 300 a-year rent , representing the original £ 6 , 000 , but Bosthcon having forgotten rent confirms our profit of £ 1 , 000 upon Uie outlay of £ 6 , 000 ; and then proceeds to demolish that also , forgetting Tent until it diminishes down to less than nothing . Bosthoon speaks of bad land and
bad bouses , and the impossibility of _purchasing land for £ 13 15 s . the acre , and complains that the Directors have not given him a finger-post to the estate . Well , he has it this week , from B , a gentleman who has long resided in the neighbourhood ; Md then Bosthoon is outrageous that the Directors mean something substantial , and that some parties , and those parties the "Directors , of course , " are to do this , that , and the other . Bosthoon appears to think , that all the necessary work is to ba done by magic ; for he objeets to any one doing anything . But I cannot waste time and space upon such rubbish , and shall conclude by assuring the scribbler , that if he dares to repeat his nonsense , I will publish his article at full length . I have it in pickle for him . Bosthoon thus winds up : —
We fio _nothelieve that there is a sensible mechanic in Sheffield , or elsewhere in the kingdom , who , if he carefirilv considers the question , -will fail to see that the whole is a complete piece of nonsense . Let him be as dissatisfied mth Ms condition 3 s he may , be icill see that thu is net tbe way to mend it . The good sense of many of our mechanics is proverbial . Let them discuss the matter with those who are inclined to go into the scheme . "We have not said
onehalf of what might be said on the subject . We have refrained from using many _liard words whicli suggested themselves , and from indulging in ridicule though the temptation is very strong . We pray those of onr readers who are working men , to accept in a good spirit those remarks lrom one who , like themidves , lives on the wages of labour , though bis labour is less of the band than theirs , but not on that account less wearisome , and sometimes not vary profitable .
"Sometimes not very profitable" : —the only true ] sentence in his rigmarole , and more true if be had said , " and NEVER VERY PROFITABLE . " _3 « bw , working men , hear my plain and simple answer to all the ravings of ignoramuses who know no more about the soil and its capabilities than an Irish horse knows of navigation . A labourer , who is now doomed to all the horrors of uncertainty and the caprice of capital—to the whim of free trade policy—to whatever terms wealth may think proper te prescribe as the condition upon which" statesmen shall bold office —to the law ' s changes and the market ' s fluctuations —purchases for " himself and his family , released for ever from those galling casualties by the payment of
£ 2 12 s . Ad ., and health , unproved station , and earthly comfort , for £ 5 4 s . 4 d . Either sum once paid , his emancipation is secure , without the possibility of failure , and without the chance of further demand npon his resources ; and this is accomplished solely npon the same principle that Joint Stock Banks , Insurance , Railway Companies , Building Companies , Mining Companies , and Shipping Companies , make fortunes—the PRINCIPLE OF COOPE RATIOX ; a principle that has never before been tried for the slave class , npon the plan ot individual possession and co-operation of means , and free from any description of religious bias or sectarian interference .
I will now describe the condition of an occupant , who has paid £ 212 s . 4 d . for a two-acre allotment for which he receives a good well-built convenient cottage , two acres of land , and £ 15 capital to commence operations for about £ 6 a year , the additional £ A a year being at the rate of _J 65 per cent , npon the additional £ 20 paid npon making bis cottage more comfortable . The man who pays £ 3 ISs . Cd .. receives three acres of land , a fonr-roomed cottage and £ 22 10 s . capital , and pars in the same proportion . Ihe man who pays £ 5 4 s . id ., receives four acres of land , a five-roomed cottage , and £ 30 capital at a rent of about £ 11 10 s . per year , less than double what the two-acre occupant pays , because the increased amount expended upon his cottage will not be so large . And now to deal with a two-acre tenant ' s
V^E&Taxj Bondsmen, Know Je Not, ^Onldbe ...
time , capability , and opportunities . From the middle of June , hay-time , till thc latter end of August , harvest-time , the nsual wages paid to men is £ 1 per week , which for ten weeks makes £ 10 . There are many factories , not cotton-mills , in the neighbourhood , besides there is constant DOMESTIC EMPLOYMENT for women rfnd children in plaiting straw , for which there is always a demand , and for which the neighbourhood has always been celebrated . A . girl of fourteen years of age at this work will plait ten yards a day , for which she will _reccivella _., Or 6 s , a week-say that each family has a mother , and daughter who can help her , and that between them they do for amusement in leisure time as much as one person in constant employment
would do in a day , that is , that both will earn 3 s . a week , or do half as mueh between them as one can do with ease , that is £ 7 16 s . a year , for the work goes on all the year ; put the £ 10 earned by the man in harvest-time to the £ 7 16 s . earned by the wile and daughter , it makes £ 17 16 s . from which deduct £ 6 for rent , it leaves £ 1116 s . a year and the whole produce of two acres to be devoured . Deduct the rent of four acres , £ 11 10 s ., and it leaves £ 6 6 s ., aud the produce of FOUR ACRES TO BE DEVOURED . Now , February , March , April , and May , and to the middle of June , are tke months the small farms wonld require most labour , and from that period to the end of August , is the very period that they would require least labour .
Tou must always bear the fact fresh in memory , that such arguments as these are merely intended as an answer to FOOLS , who cannot see tke means by which the rent is to be paid . While for myself I contend , and always have done , that , inviting as a pound a week would be for ten weeks in the yean any man weuld find himself moreprofitably employed at home ; and if we even take the £ 7 16 * . earned by the amusement ofa mother and her daughter , we see the means of paying rent and eating all the Btufi-
-MASTER BUILDERS ARE SUCH CHEATS that we , the Directors , [ have resolved upon building all the Cottages ourselves . This will insure the best materials , and will save the masters' profits for the _sr-areholders _. so that by next week I shall be labour's bailiff over 200 labourers . Surely this will be a satisfactory answer to all correspondents for tbe present , and will plead my excuse with the men of Kensington and Westminster , for my absence on Monday and Tuesday nights . I save the fund £ 5 a day , and more ; and I will save it £ 20 a day when the building commences . To-morrow ( Friday ) . 1 am going to contract for two draw Wells , in convenient
parts ofthe Estate ; and to lay eut the roads , and then to commence the Buildings . And now in conclusion , my friends , hear what I have to say . " My mind , my soul , is set npon this project—I havesworn in my wrath THAT IT SHALL SUCCEED . And now that your masters are likely to secure the experiment of Free Trade for themselves , you have no possible hope of escape but the FREE LABOUR agricultural market . Mind that I have always told you , that labour would be the greatest sufferer , and the first sufferer from free trade ; and that upon vourselves rests the responsibility of mitigating the
evil . Again , remember , that for twenty-three years I have been foremost in every one of labour ' s struggles , under whatever name they were fought . And above all , and before all , bear the fact proudly in your recollection , that I have never had a meal at jour expence , that I have never travelled a mile at ¦ your expence , or received one fraction for any poor service I have rendered you . THE LAND PLAN SHALL SUCCEED . No earthly power can prevent it . Read every werd of lyisraeli ' s noble speech and see your future prospects , if you do not improve the present opportunity of being freemen instead ol slaves ! I am , my dear friends , lour friend and bailiff , Feabgus O'Connor .
I . /J ! /• - ^ *- " , - --/ .< < -* * S...
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And National Trades' Journal.
AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .
Vol. X. No.445- London, Saturday,.; May ...
VOL . X . NO . 445- LONDON , SATURDAY ,. ; MAY 23 , 1846 . _™ a , m _? KICE , _«™* " ™» - _, * _+ j _± * _-j . y , jjj . j . 3 . _^ . _v , . Five _ShiHinga and Sixpence per Qnnrter
Chartist Co-Operative Land Association. ...
CHARTIST CO-OPERATIVE LAND ASSOCIATION . _NOTICE TO SHAREHOLDERS . The Directors are now in treaty for an estate of between 200 and 300 acres of land , of prime quality and most delightfully situated , and will proceed on the first Monday in July to ballot for from 80 to 100 occupants . The Directors would have been in a position to have taken the ballot during Whitsunweek as originally intended , but for the unexpected delay in making out the title to the first Estate . No notice can be g iven of actual locality of purchases about to be made until the purchase is completed , as such course would inevitably lead to injurious competition . Feabgus O'Coxxor , Philip M'Grath , Christofiier Dotle , Thomas Clare , Thomas Martin Wheeler , Secretary .
Tne Executive Committee To The Members O...
TnE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . Fbiexds , —We are led to address you on the present occasion in consequence of an attempt wliich has been recently made to induce the Chartists of Manchester , Sheffield , Barnsley , and other towns in thc north , to join in a movement for the Ten Hours ' Factory Bill , Efficient Poor Law , Reduction of the National Debt , « fcc , all of which measures are good in themselves , but whicli we have strong reasons to believe are urged at this particular time , not with any hope of success , but with a design thereby to defeat the Corn and other measures of ministers which are now pending in Parliament , and it is because we are not prepared to allow ourselves to be made use of for sueh a purpose that we feel it to he our duty to warn you against sanctioning a course which would terminate in our discomfiture and
disgrace . Public opinion , no matter how created , has doomed tlie old system , and to contend for its continuance would be to render ourselves contemptible and odious without the slightest advantage to any of the great interests involved in the foregoing questions . We must not shew ourselves impervious to reason and experience . We entertain the same opinions of the results of Free Trade now as wfc have always done , but we think at the same time that it would betray a great want of judgment on our part to get up an agitation against the Government measure , being fully satisfied beforehand that the state of public feeling is such that our efforts would _. befutile , and our intentions liable to be very seriously questioned . And as nothing but an actual experiment will satisfy the public mind that great benefits will result from the changes proposed by ministers , we would rather
hasten than retard them , feeling conscious that all our predictions will be fully realized , and that disappointment and _diggust will be the consequences of a policy which aims at cheapening labour as a means of maintaining the commercial supremacy of the country and the elevation of a class who , from their wealth and power , consider themselves entitled to wield the destinies of the empire . Any opposition which we are now capable of offering would not have the effect of preventing the measure from becoming law , and even if it would , where would be the advantage of such conduct ? The present system might be maintained a little longer , but surely no Chartist is so deeply enamoured of things as ihey are , as to wish for their continuance , and yet such would be the effect of our opposition , even if it were successful . We are aware that a demand for an
EFFICIENT POOR LAW does not imply an approval of the present horrible and barbarous state of society , but it cannot be denied thata movement for such a _measurejiwt now is meant by its Originators as a mere ru _* e to attract Dopular attention , with the hope of entrapping the democracy to the support of adecayingand tottering aristocracy . Property ought to be taxed , and taxed heavily , lor the support of the unemployed poor , but where is the party in the House of Commons at the present time that would support aproposition to that effect _? Thc abominations of the present Poor Law was made a hustings cry , a clap trap , at the last general election by the very party to whom we are now called upon to look with confidence for aid in establishing an " efficient-Poor Law founded on the 43 rd of Eizabeth " But what has been their conduct during the present Parliament ? Have they shown themselves friendly to the principle ofthe 43 rd Elizabeth . " Has a bill
Tne Executive Committee To The Members O...
been introduced for the repeal of the present law , and the establishment of a better ? Or have they shewn any disposition whatever to carry OHt in practice , what they so glibly propounded in theory ? We say they have not ! and . therefore to expect their support now would be a _delusion , and lending ourselves to a party who would use us for their own purpose and afterwards prosecute us as a reward for our confidence and credulity . Such has ever been the return which the people have received for assistance rendered totheir " friends" when such" friends " have been incapable of serving" themselves .
THE "TEN HOURS BILL . " Is another of those great public questions in favour ot which you are called upon to petition Parliament , and were it not meant more for obstruction to other measures , than as a means of forwarding the question itself , we could cordially join in the request that petitions from all parts of the countrv should be immediately poured into Parliament in favour of Mr . Fielden ' s bill , -which has been so strenuously opposed by Sir James Graham on the part of Government . Treachery and imbecility have unfortunately beset this question on all hands and at every stage . During the session of 1844 , it was decided by two divisions in the House of Commons that ten hours per day was long enough for young persons aud
women to labour in factories , but on the Government expressing a determination to resign , if the measure was allowed to pass through its third reading , the parties who now wish to make it a stalking horse , were base enough then to undo what they had so justly sanctioned , and in order to retain the services of the " Renegade Premier , " voted themselves knaves , and doomed the women and children of the manufacturing districts to continued torture and life destroying toil . We appeal to you , therefore , if under these circumstances , it would be wisdom to place any reliance upon the promises of those who , when they had the power lacked the courage or principle to serve the people , but who , when labouring under adversity , would
fain court the aid of those whom they hive betrayed and deceived . We have only one course open to us , and that is to act upon the decision of the Convention held at Manchester in December last , viz : To remain as a separate and distinct body not assistingany other political party who will not consent to make the principles of the " People ' s Charter" the basis of their action . Such was the resolution of __ the Convention , and we cannot see any thine to justify a departure from tke line of poliolaid down by that body . We have , with your sanction and __ concurrence , postponed the annual Convention until circumstances transpire which are expected to afford us an opportunity of advocating our views and principles on the hustings . In the face of our oppressors , in the meantime , yon must prepare for the straggle . The Convention cannot meet without
preparations being made to defray the expences , which we propose shall be borne from a General Fund for that purpose , and to which all are expected to subscribe . We have to request the Councils ol the following localities to take steps for the election of delegates , viz . —Manchester , Stockport , Oldham , Preston , Bolton , Burnley , Todmorden , Rochdale , Macclesfield , Hanley , Leeds , Northampton , Birmingham , Bradford , Halifax , Huddersfield , Nottingham , Leicester , Sheffield , Derby , Oxford , Reading , Bristol , Norwich , Bath , Cheltenham , Sudbury , Brighton , Plymouth , Coventry , Carlise , Sunderland , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , London and suburbs ,. Tunbridge Wells , Aberdeen , Edinburgh , Dundee , Glasgow , Southampton and the Isle of Wight . The surrounding districts are of course included in these places , and are called upon to forward with the least possible delay their quota to the fund . Christopher Dotle , Thomas Clark , Philip M'Grath , Fearocs O'Connor . Thomas M . Wheeler , Secretary .
To The Chartists Of Great Britain. Breth...
TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brethren , We , the Chartists of Manchester in meeting assembled , consider it to be our duty to address a few words to you upon the resolutions passed at the city of London locality , and our opinions on the same . There is no body of Chartists in the kingdom who have a more decided dislike to bickerings then the Manchester men ; at the same time , whilst they would by all honourable means endeavour to conciliate parties who may have differences amongst them , and create a feeling of brotherly love and affection in the ranks of democracy , yet they cannot allow Mr . O'Connor and thc Executive to be blamed for that which they themselves , in connection with a majority ofthe Chartists of the country , have agreed
The resolutions in question were laid before a full meeting of the members of this locality on Sunday last , and , after some calm conversation , they came to the following conclusions : —That Mr . O'Connor had a perfect right as a Chartist to recommend a Conference in London , and that we at the time concurred In putting off the annual convention to be held at Leeds , inasmuch as it would save expense ; nor was it the opinion of Manchester alone , as the returns from the country fully proved . And so far from thinking with the men of London '' that an extraordinary Convention to oppose political parties at elections would be useless , " we are of opinion that such a Convention would be of the greatest service to the cause , should circumstances take place which may render such a step necessary ; and the good that would be done by such convention would much more than counterbalance any possible inconvenience that can possibly arise from putting off the usual Convention for a few weeks .
We likewise must dissent from the language of the third resolution passed by our London friends , in which they say— " Wcdo not advise , but demand the assembling of the annual Convention at Leeds on some day in the week following the appearance of the Star of the lGth instant . " " We must protest against such democracy as this , anden force the principle of the majority ruling the minority . The Executive appealed to the country , and the response was , that the people preferred putting off the annual convention to see if it would be necessary to call one in London : therefore the demand of the men in
London is ono winch neither Mr . O Connor , nor the Executive , nor the men of London , can carry out without the consent of the people being first given . Our object is not to differ with the men ot * London , or cause any bickering ; but to express our honest opinion . We have done so , and we trust that this matter will be as amicably arranged as the case of the Somers Town Chartists was , for it was gratifying to us to see good feeling again restored in that locality . On behalf of the Manchester Chartist *) , Thomas Rankin , Chairman .
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House Of Lords, Monday, May 18. The Hous...
HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , May 18 . The House met at five o ' clock . A Message from the House of Commons brought up the Bill "to amend the laws relative to the importation of Corn , " and several private Bills . CORN LAWS . The Duke of Welungtox moved that the Corn Law Repeal Bill be now read a first time . ( Hear , hear . ) The Duke of _RicnuoxD immediately rose and said , he could not allow even the first reading to pass without entering his protest against it . It was not his intention , on that occasion , to state the many reasons he had against the Bill . He reserved that for another and more proper period , but in the mean
time he had strongly to object to the conduct of Sir Robert Peel , in bringing forward such a measure . The noble Duke then delivered a severe invective against Sir Robert Peel for his inconsistency and cowardice in truckling to the Anti-Corn-Law League . To show that the Protection party had no factious view in their opposition to this Bill , he consented to allow the first reading , and to debate the second reading on Monday next , when , confident in the justice of their cause , they would only demand a fair field and no favour . He concluded his remarks by declaring , that the Premier must have lost liis head by cowardly political fear ere lie had go debased himself before an interested conspiracy out of doors .
The Earl of Ripon said , he knew the reproaches that might be cast on him and liis colleagues for undertaking the awful responsibility of introducing this Bill , but bo was prepared to meet them .
CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL . The Lord Chancellor moved thc second reading ofthe Charitable Trusts' Bill . He related its histoiy , and acknowledged that be felt compelled to give way to the opposition that was raised against sonic oi" its clauses , he said that if tbeir Lordshi ps were of opinion that a number of exemptions should take place , he was prepared to accede to it , and would include the names of those trusts that they wished to be so exempted in the schedule he would attach to the Bill . He proposed to exempt all the Universities and schools that had royal endowments , all the great hos-
House Of Lords, Monday, May 18. The Hous...
pitals that were supported by voluntary contributions , _& d many others that it _was-not necessary for bim theltrio . en _^ _raerater - Ti _^ in commitj _& _$ _HH _^ _^ _^ J _^™ i _^ Ji _^^ . _^^^ mehd _^ nent that tne B _^ . re _aW _*!^ He hop _^^ _eiRLbrdships' _^ buld * net "fall into the 8 nare _, _^ _pP'hbjeetinB to * bad ' measure , _? by the promise _<^ _"nng _" arneridmcht 8 introaucea in committee , wason were _onlygoffered f * by 'the Noble and Learned Lord , _becaus _^ _hedespaired -of getting the measuro-thrqugh ; . _^ giving up mne-tenths ofthe _^ e _^ _wspwvwwns of the Bill . Lord _Bawip _^ _Bura _^ extraordinary _^¦^^^ _^ pri _^ ng _, _Wmself for the oncea WJhig , asserted his _rights-mcharging with inconsistency _^ _aUithe _' other : _imiffl ; 1 _fcthe ; house who
should vote _^ _agamgt ; theBi _^ that , in his opinion , nothing but a desire to _ave " annoyance to the _govemmehtjconldj have unitedT Whigs with the Protectiqn ' p _^ _arte in voting against . this measure . The E _^ _Ipf-iELDON denied that any such unworthy motive actuated him . He had not determined , when he came down to the house , positively to oppose the Bill ; buithe explanations given by , the Lord Chancellor were *" ap unsatisfactory , that he should vote against the second reading . Lord Campbeu , ridiculed the idea of Lord Brougham and Vaux setting himself up as a solitary monument ofi ' _consistent Whiggery in their Lordships ' house , and appealing from old Whiggery to himself . Lord Campbell contended that the simple remedy for the _abusQsM charitable trusts would be to reform the Cou _^^ hahcery . * _'" ' ' The-Bishop of Salisbury supported the second reading , without pledging himself to any of tbe de . tails .
Lord Abinger and . Lord _Wsotiesley spoke in favour ofthe Bill . Their Lordships divided , when there were—Contents for the second reading iO Nan-contents 41 Majority against the government — 1 ' !'' Their Lordships adjourned at a quarter past twelve o ' clock .
HOUSE OF COMMONS , Mommy , Mat 18 . The House met at four o ' clock . Mr . O'Connell presented 147 petitions numerously signed , from various places in Ireland , praying for the release of Mr . W . Smith O'Brien from the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms . A great number of petitions in favour of tbe Ten Hours' Bill were presented by Messrs , Duncombe and Ferrand .
SMALL DEBTS ACT . Mr . R . V . Smith inquired whether the government intended to introduce a general small debts bill , as he understood they had stopped all the local bills that were before the house . Sir J . Graham replied , that he had certainly notified to the parties promoting local bills for the establishment of small debt courts , that they should suspend them till opportunity was afforded to the government of introducing a general measure . The President of the Council was about to introduce into the other house a bill , which would be the complement of the measure adopted last session , carrying it into general execution without further legislative interposition . The bill would enable tbe Queen in Council to establish Courts throughout England and Wales for the trial of causes for the recovery of debts under £ 20 before a qualified judge , to regulate the procedure universally , and to establish a code of fees .
ADMINISTRATION OF THE POOR LAWS . In answer to some questions by Mr . _CniusiiB , as to several cases of oppression by magistrates and Boards of Guardians , to whicli public attention has recently been directed , Sir J . Graham answered , that with regard to ono of those cases , occurring at Loughborough , he stated to the house on the former occasion that tlie warrant of conviction was illegal , and that he had conveyed to the magistrates a strong opinion on the subject of their conduct in that instance as being harsh and reprehensible . In reference to the conviction of the female servant , stated to be a servant In husbandry ,
he had asked for various explanations , and was bound to state that the explanations given were not satisfactory ; he had thought it advisable on the whole , to send down a commission to inquire into the proceedings , * and that inquiry was about to be instituted . With reference to the third case , at Burrowon-Soar , he ( Sir J . Graham ) had no right to interfere , but he had intimated to the Poor Law _Commisioners that it was desirable there should be an inquiry into the mode in wliich the workhouse officers had exercised their discretion ; and after what had been said , he would make it his duty to ascertain in what mode the inquiry was being conducted .
INFORMERS UNDER THE GAME LAWS . A long conversation on this topic arose , originating in a poor woman having been entrapped into the purchase of a hare and pheasant belonging to Sir C . Taylor , before _. whomshe was dragged , and sentenced by him to hard labour and imprisonment . Sir J . Graham rede off upon some verbal mistakes . Several mombers , among whom wag the liberal Mr . _Liaber , gave Sir C . Taylor an excellent character , as one of the mildest , meekest , kindest hearted old gentleman of 70 years of age , to be found in tlie country , and the subject dropped .
BROAD AND NARROW GAUGE . Sir R . Peel in answer to some enquiries as to when the report on this subject would be presented , informed the House that the report of the commission was at present before the Board of Trade , and as soon as that board had digested and prepared a report thereon , it should be laid on the table . EDUCATION IN IRELAND . In reply to Mr . Wyse , Sir Jambs Graham stated the Government intended forthwith to establish at least thirty district schools in connection with the National Board of Education in Ireland .
BREACH OF PRIVILEGE . Mr . G . Bankes complained of a commentary upon a speech of of his colleague Mr . Floyer , by the Hon . anil Rev . Sidney G . Osborne , and which appeared in the Times as a breach of privilege ; he did not wish this " popularity hunting parson " as Sir J . Graham had called him last season , to be brought up to the bar of the House , but hoped this notice would induce his Bishop to give a bint to keep quiet in future . Another long " palaver " ensued on this subject , and the order of the day was then read for bringing up the report on
CUSTOMS' DUTIES BILL . Mr . DuwcoMBB presented a petition from about 300 jewellers of Middlesex , representing that a trade had sprung up in French and other foreigc watches , to the detriment of native manufacture —( Hear , hear ) —aud paying for an alteration ofthe duty on the importation of such foreign watches . The report having been brought up and read a first time pro forma—on the question that it be read a second time . Lord G . Bentinck opposed the motion , first , on thc ground that the best mode of levying taxes for revenue was by duties on Customs rather than by duties on Excise ; and secondly , on the ground that we ought not to remit £ 2 , 400 , 000 of Customs' duties until we had satisfied ourselves that we could not remit any of the duties of Excise , which pressed so heavily on the people of England . His third ground of opposition was that , it * we were determined to
reduce Customs duties in preference to Excise duties , we ought to apply ourselves—and his complaint was that we had not applied ourselves—to tbe reduction of duties on articles the produce of those countries , which dealt most lonicntly with our commodities . His ' ourtli ground was that , when you reduced a Customs' duty , the producer abroad shared the benefit of the reduction with the consumer at home , whereas , whenyou reduced an'Excise duty , be it on hops , soap , or corn , tbe entire reduction went into the pockets of the subjects of Great Britain . The noble lord then poceeded to object , in detail , to the reductions which it was now proposed to make in the duties on silk and timber , and to point out the injury which , in both cases , would be inflicted on our native industry . __ He concluded by moving that tho report be taken into further consideration that day six months . Mr . Lawsox seconded the amendment .
The Chancellor of the Exchequer maintained that the system of dividing the revenue between the Customs and Excise was the best possible , and that the reductions which had been made were made upon the wisest and safest principle . He said the noble Lord ' s plan would lead to a perpetual war of . tariffs , and that the plan proposed by the Government would lead to an universal adoption of the principles of Free Trade . Mr . Bashes , Mr . Borthwick , Mr . _Plumftrk , Colonel SinTiioRr , Mr . Henley , and Mr . Hudson , spoke in favour of the amendment . The original motion was supported by Mr . Hawes and Dr . Bowiuso . Lord G . Bentixck then , by leave of thc house , withdrew his amendment . The report was then received , and the bill was ordered to be engrossed and to be read a third time on Tuesday . The Annuity Bills of Lord Viscount Hardinge and Lord _Goucn were then committed .
House Of Lords, Monday, May 18. The Hous...
The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned . HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday , May 19 . The house met at Five o'clock . Lord Campbell . —In the exercise of that undoubted privilege which belongs to your Lordshipsthe Lord Chancellor not being present , and it now being nearly a quarter past five o ' clock—I move that a Speaker be elected ; and I am sure that we cannot make a better choice than my Noble and Learned Friend , Lord Brougham . ( " Hear , hear , " and a laugh . ) Lord Brougham . —We have an undoubted right to exercise that privilege , and it may be necessary from time to time to exercise it . Lord Shaftesbury would have been here , but he is most importantly occupied on a private Bill . Here the Lord Chancellor entered the House , and took his seat on the Woolsack .
EDUCATION IN WALES . The Bishop of St . David ' s presented a petition praying that some means might be devised to promote education amongst the poor in Wales , ana especially to teach them the English language . The Right Rev . Prelate urged the subject of education on the Government , and recommended that pecuniary assistance should be afforded to some districts . Tho Duke of Bucgleuoh said that the subject bad not escaped the attention of the Government , nor the attention of the Committee of Council of Education .
CUSTOMS DUTIES BILL . TheDukeofBuccLEUOH moved tbe first reading of the Customs Duties Bill , whicli had just come up from the Commons . The Duke of Richmond instantly rose and said , he felt it impossible to permit the first reading to pass withoutentering his protest against it , and declaring that in his opinion it was an insult added to injury . Their Lordships were called upon to consider the Corn Bill which abolished agricultural protection altogether , and this Customs Bill , whicli maintained protection to manufacture , while those
Bills which were called measures of compensation to tho agricultural interests were not _befire tlie House . He objected to Free Trade altogether , but if they were to have it at all , Jet it be fair to every party . Now the ministerial measure maintained protection to manufactures while they abolished it entirely in the case of agriculture . Lord Monteagle maintained that a customs duty might be levied on foreign manufactures for the sake of revenue , while foreign corn might be admitted duty free , without any violation of the principle of Free Trade . F
Lord Beaumont said , Lord Monteagle might put what construction he pleased on the term Free Trade , but the country would only understand it in the sense the Anti-Corn Law League applied it to corn—that is , a total absence of duty . Lord Brougham contended that the Corn Duties were to be repealed solel y because they wero a bad tax . Earl Grey denounced protection of all kinds , and said he should accept this measure only as an instalment . He asserted with the greatest confidence , that the manufacturers were ready and willing to atrtuei / _y a perfectly Free Trade policy , and to givo the same to all our colonics .
Lord _Asuburton complimented Lord Grey as being the solitary Free Trader who purely and manfully avowed his Free Trade principles . As to the definition given by Lord Monteagle , Lord Asuburton said he considered it a mere tricky , shuffling one , not very intelligible or distinct . The question was Protection or no Protection to all or none . And if no Protection , then of what use would our colonies be ? As to the Tariff being any compensation to the farmer , itwas no more a compensation to him than to the crew of a foundering ship to be told that their neighbours in another ship , which had struck against a rock , were going down also . Some further discussion followed , and the bill was then read a first time . The Duke of Wellington then proposed that the Bill should be ordered for a second reading on Friday , tho 29 th inst .
Lord Stanley suggested that the second reading should be fixed - pro forma for Thursday the 2 Sth , with the understanding that it should then be postponed to a later day , so as to come on after the discussion on the second reading ofthe Corn Bill . The Diike of Richmond said , that he was prepared to agvee to any suggestion that his noble friend ( Lord Stanley ) would make , as he looked upon him as the leader and mainstay of thc Protection party . The second reading of the Bill was fixed accordingly . Their Lordships adjourned to Friday .
HOUSE OF COMMONS , Tuesday , May 19 Thc Speaker took the chair at the usual hour .
CUSTOMS DUTIES BILL . Sir R . Peel moved the third reading of tho Custom Duties Bill . Mr . Stafford O'Brien took the opportunity of asking the Government if they had framed any machinery for the obtaining of correct agricultural statistics . The hon . member said , that the Protection party had laboured under great disadvantage in the late discussion in consequence of not having correct statistical information to refer to . He suggested that the Highway Commission might be made available for the purpose . Sir G . Clerk replied that the government had been making experiments by means of parochial schoolmasters in Scotland and Ireland , and by means of poor law officers in England , and the result should in a snort time be made known . The Bill was then read a third time , and passed .
QUARANTINE . Dr . Bowring moved that an humble address bo presented to her Majesty , that she will be graciously pleased to direct such correspondence or extracts on the subject of the quarantine laws as has taken place with foreign governments since the last returns to Parliament , to be laid on the tabic of this house j and that this house will see with pleasure such relaxations in the existing system as may be compati ble with a due regard to the public health , and the general interests of the nation . The hon . and learned gentleman said , tliat in the case of thc Eclair , much human life had been sacrificed in consequence of the laws of quarantine . Those laws were now held by the highest authorities no longer to be necessary in
Western Europe . In the east , where there were no sewers , no ventilation , and vast masses of people living in the grossest habits of filthiness , the plague still raged , but it was almost conclusively proved not to be contagious . It was , in its worst character , an epidemic disease , propagated by atmospheric influences , and not by contagion . Such was the result of the recent French commission appointed upon the _sulyect . These quarantine laws taxed the ewnmerce of the world to thc amount , at least , of ono or two millions per annum . And tho amount of human suffering and annoyance they caused was much greater . Sir G . Clerk had no objection to the production of thc papers on the subject which had engaged the
attention not only of this but of other countries . The doctrine of contagion was losing ground , but it was desirable , of course , not to excite unnecessary alarm in other countries , though it was desirable to relieve commerce of these regulations as soon as possible . ( Hear , hear . ) Experiments had been tried at Alexandria , whence it appeared that the garments of those who had died of the plague while it was at its greatest height , were , after having been exposed to a beat of about 100 degrees , worn voluntarily by nearly eighty persons , not one of whom had suffered in consequence . It was to be hoped that the prejudices prevailing on the subject would , ere long , bo removed . ( Hear . )
Mr . Hume , Mr . Mackinnon , and Sir R . _Inqlis having severally made some remarks on the subject , Thc motion was then agreed to .
BRIDPORT ELECTION . Mr . Bankes moved , " That William Rockett have leave to state his case at the bar with reference to the Brldport election . " Mr . Bankes stated that tho committee which tried the Bridport return had given an adjudication , not on the matter contained in the petition against the return , but on a matter quite extraneous . There was no allegation in the petition agaiiiBt Mr . Cochraue ' s return tliat ono vote had been placed upon one poll lHstead of the other , and therefore the committee had no authority or rig-lit to decide on that point . Besides , Mr . Rockett , whose vote was transferred by the committee , Btated thatihe had voted for Mr . Cochrane , and never had tho idea of voting for Mr . Romilly .
The Attorney-General objected to the motion , though he was willing that an inquiry should be had into the matter contained in Mr . _Rockett's petition . Mr . Christie moved , as an amendment to Mr . Bankes' motion , "That the petition of William Rockett be referred to a select committee , whieh shall be appointed to inquire into all the circumstances under which Joseph Welch gave evidence before the select committee on the Bridport election petition that William Rockett voted for Mr . Romilly ; and whether any compromise or arrangement was * entered into by the parties to the petition , thou
House Of Lords, Monday, May 18. The Hous...
counsel , or agents , to prevent the disclosure of bribery pr treating ; and also , whether and to what extent oribery and treating were practised at the last eleetion for the borough of Bridport . " na ,. t' _^ _^ . torne _y-General consented to the first pais ot this amendment , but objected to an inquiry or hrih COmmxttee With the T aestions for compromise A debate ensued which occupied the whole of the night , upon this motion and amendment , and in whic i Mr . _Gisbobne , Sir R . Ikglis , Mr . Waxlbt , Mr . Komjh , t , Mr . Aolionbv , Mr . C . Wood , Mr . T . Duncombe , Mr . Hkklby _, and other Honourable Members took part Mr . Bankes withdrew his motion ; and Mr . _C'lRisriE ' s amendment then stood as a substantive motion . The Attorney-General moved the omission of all the words after the word " Romilly " The House
divided—For Mr . Christie ' s motion 47 Againstit .. 47 . _** The numbers being thus even , the Speaker gave his casting vote in favour of the Government , arid against the motion ; thero was consequently a majority of one in favour of Ministers . Several hon . Members , thinking the question decided , left the House , and other business was commenced , when Mr . Law arose and said , that though the original motion had been put and lost , the amendment had not been put from the chair . The Speaker acknowledged that such was the ease , and put the amendment . Mr . Hume thereupon moved the adjournment of the debate to Thursday , on the ground that many ' hon . Members had left the house under the _erro-
neous impression that the question had been altogether disposed of . The Government made no objection , and the debate was adjourned to Thursday . The Railway Companies Dissolution Bill passed through committee . The other orders ofthe day were disposed of , and the House adjourned at twelve o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS . — Wednesday , May 20 . The Speaker took the Chair at twelve o'clock .
THE LACE FACTORY BILL . On the question that the order of the day for the second reading of this bill be read , Mr . T . Duncombe presented a petition from Nottingham , signed by 4 , 984 operatives in the lace manufacture , in favour of the bill . Lord J . Manners presented a petition to the same effect from 479 master lace manufacturers in Nottingham and Derby , Mr . Duncombe then said , that in asking the House to give its consent to a second reading of the Lace Factories' Bill , he could assure them that he was not insensible to tho difficulties of the task he had undertaken , * but having convinced himself tbat it was imperatively necessary , if they were to regard the
moral and social comfort of that class of persons who were employed in that trade , that something should be done for them , he entered upon the task with less diffidence than ho would otherwise bave felt . In ask . ing the house to permit the bill to be read a second time , he would take leave to submit that the question did not stand in the same position as what was called "the factors question , " inasmuch as there had not as yet been any legislative interference at all in the manufacture of lace . The question was not whether there should be a certain number of hours for labour or not , but whether there should be interference or non-interference . The various objections that might be offered to the details of the bill could very easily be altered in committee if the Ilouse would
consent to the second reading ofthe biil . All those factories that were driven by steam or water-power , were kept in full work from 12 o ' clock on Sunday night till 12 o ' clock on _Saturday night , without any recess . In cotton factories there was a piohibiton against the employment of children under nine years ol age , as well as a restriction upon the number of liours that children of a more advanced age should be employed , and what then , he asked , would the Heuse think , when they were told that in lace _fiwtnries _nliiidren , from six to eight _vears of aro were employed and kept at labour an nigm . iv" ... i u _< . be said that their labourwas not great ; out _ima . ? of them never saw their beds at all—they wer _« _obliged to lie down on the floor of their work-rooms
and sleep as they could—and those who lived in the immediate neighbourhood of the factories , and were allowed to go home to their beds , were raised up every two or three hours to wind up their bobbin machines . It could not therefore be supposed that children could be properly brought up , who were employed in such a manner . He would also call the attention of the House to the immoral influence that was exercised of many of theso children , who were induced by the adults who wrought in the factories with them , to go out at three or four o'clock in the _sumner mornings , when not engaged in winding up their machines , and plunder all the gardens in their neighbourhood . Such a state of things should not bo allowed to continue without some cheek
being put upon it . Conflicting opinions had been given by several inspectors of factories as to the restriction of labour in lace mills ; but Mr . Saunders and Mr . Bury had both declared that it -would be most desirable that some interference should take place . Objections had been got up to the Bill by the proprietors of factories , whose machines were driven by power , on the ground that it would be unfair to put restrictions upon them unless they were also put upon hand-looms as well . Ileadmitted tliat there was some justice in the objection , and that restrictions should be put upon them both . He found that the total number of bobbin-nett and other machines , driven by steam or water power that would be affected by that Bill amounted to 3 ,
100—and that the number of children under thirteen years of age that were employed in these factories engaged in the bobbin-nett trade amounted to 1 , 300 , and above thirteen years there were 500—and in the warp lace trade there were 630 additional , making in all 2 , 450 Dr . Hutchinson , the senior physician to the gene * ftl hospital at Nottingham , and who had great opportunities of obsesving the effect that that description of employment had upon the health of children engaged in it , stated , that in many cases it brought on dyspepsia , as well as affections ofthe brain , and that in many instances a rapid development of consumption was the consequence of such employment . All that he ( Mr . Duncombe ) would ask of the house was , to protect the life of the working man , and all that he required them to do was to put a restriction upon night labour , and to protect them from being obliged to work before six o ' clock in the morning , or after
ten o ' clock at night ; as surely , he said , sixteen hours a day was quite enough to require those factories to be kept working , and , in fact , children of so early an age should not be allowed so to work at all . He hoped the right hon . gentleman would see no objection to the reading of this bill a second time , more especially as the principle of interference with labour in factories had been recognised by the Legislature , He asked the consent of the house to the second reading with the concurrence of four-fifths ol the proprietors of face factories—with the full assent of every operative whether engaged in a public or private factory—and with the approbation of all the people of Nottingham . Under these circumstances , he trusted the Legislature would not disappoint the wishes and feelings of so large and useful a branch of thc community _. The question having been put
, Sir J . Graham said , that though Parliament had now beon legislating for 40 years with respect to other factories , it had hitherto felt that tlie difficulties Of introducing into the lace manufacture any restrictions of the nature now proposed _ were insuperable . Before the house reversed all its former legislation on this subject , it ought to consider that by far the greater part of all the lace manufactured was produced by hand-loom machinery , and not , as cotton , by machinery worked by steam power . Moreover , the lace manufacture was not m general conducted in factories , but principally in small workshops adjacent to the dwelling-houses of the weavers , or in many cases in the dwellinghouses themselves . If , therefore , the legislature
doalt with this manufacture by inspection , the inspectors must have access both night and day to the houses of those employed . Moreover , children were not competent , as in the cotton manufacture , to attend to the working of four looms at a time ; en the contrary , in thc lace trade , there must be _oae adult male to every power loom , and two if it were employed for . 20 nours . He then showed that the lace trade was dependent to more than half its extent upon foreign demand , and upon the successful competition of our _nianuliicturei's with foreigners . Owing to the removal of certain disadvantages , which he hoped was now certain to take place , the competition of the foreigner would no longer be formidable , if new restrictions , equally
galling and fatal were not placed on thc trade . He trusted that the house would pause before it interfered , not only with the labour of young children , but also with adult male labour , wherever that industry might be applied , no matter whether it was in the factory or in the private dwelling house , lie denied that in any case the lace machinery ran continuously from thc Monday morning till the Saturday night , and insisted that with respect to children the labour was remarkable light and not continuous . He did not believe that the moral and physical condition of the working classes could be improved by any legislation which should pennautly
diminish tho demand for their labour , and leave them in a state of hopeless destitution , instead of lull employment . If Parliament interferred in the laco manufacture , it must also interfere in thc ease of the pin-makers , the nail-makers , thc fustian cutters , and various other trades ; and if it did so , it could not , injustice to the workmen , stop short ot the establishment of a minimum of wages . The commencement of such a career would be the downlal ot our manufacturing prosperity , and its termination would be the loss of our position among the nations of the earth , lie then glanced at various other od- jections which might be made to this bill , ami eluded by proposing that it be read a second time _( day six months . 1 Cminued to tlie Eight Page . ]
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 23, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_23051846/page/1/
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