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10 THE CHARTISTS OF EXGLAXD.
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AND NATIONAL TBADES' JOURNAL.
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Mr. O'Coxxon': - hour's speech from the ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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10 The Chartists Of Exglaxd.
10 THE CHARTISTS OF EXGLAXD .
3fft Fl5ie>T>5, It Is Wow Fiftecnyears S...
3 ffT Fl 5 IE _> _T > 5 , It is wow fiftecnyears since Mi- . O'Connell r . _ri-sont _^ mc as a' S ** " - * _- ° toe Eng li sh people a _ift which they freely accepted , and which , I beli eve , they have not regretted . ] luring that period , my continuous _endeavor has heen to emancipate the Irish mind iiv . ni those horrible and dangerous nations , with which it had heen for many years .. _isoued against the Saxon people .
I lia vo _eudeavouml to prove to you , that tiie interests of the two people arc identical : , nd inseparable , and , as I hare f _^ equently forctold , the effect of this disunion aud discord has heen to make the people of both countries an easy prey to their rulers ; whereas , bad they been united , both would long since have achieved that justice and liberty for which we hare so long _sti-uggled . My friends , the moat holy maxim is— "to return good for evil ; to forget all p ast differences and let bygones be bygones ; and rel y upon it , that the moment the people of both cjountries are united , thc rulers of both countries _wHJfeav , <• W 11 A . T DO YOU WANT ? " ' - f - .: ! ¦
Unless backed b y your powerful co-operation and support , I am a complete nonentity in the House of Commons . M y opinions and princip les arc not congenial to hon . members , and therefore , unless backed by yon , I am utterl y powerless , but if assisted by you , I shall then become powerful . I have often told you that men as a body , will Tie guilty of acts which the basest amongst them would blush to acknowledge as an
individual * and I do say , that there is sufficient individual intelligence , integrity , and love of justice in that House io be moulded to public _Totjuiremcnt _mwl national necessity . Buttlien it must bo operated upon from without , because the justification of individual apath y is basedand - justly based—upon popular disregard ; consequently , all the catastrophes arising from this apathy , are consequent upon your own neglect of duty .
A member who enunciates princip les in that House , wliich are novel not only to a majority —Lut nearl y to all—is looked upon as a mere speculatingthcorist ; but when those principles _l-ci-onic the adopted of millions , then he is looted upon as the propounder of a theory -which may be carried into practice . My friends , you may rely upon it that the ' ¦ fleet of centralised power in the hands of the _tVw , will be the aggregation of property in the hands of thosefew also , and the total subjugation ofthe employed to the will and dominion cf the emplover .
When there is a gleam of commercial sunshine , the working classes measure their condition by the comparative , instead of the positive , scale . The man long out of employment is but too happy to beset to work at reduced Avagcs , and mocks his fehW-inan , who , for want of employment , is obliged to take shelter in the Poor LaAV Bastile . Xow , as I do not live upon you—but , _ujion the contrary , you have impoverished me—I can s _] re ; ik intelligibly to you ; and therefore I tell y ou that your acquiescence in this comparative scale of existence , and not the cupidity of _vrnir masters , or the tvranny ofthe Govern-* * % A * * incut , is the cause of yoor every suffering . It is to be attributed , not to the union ofthe _privileged few , but to the disunion ofthe outlaAved
many . Ireland has been _as _* ain made the Whip battle-field , and again I ask you , in the AA-ords of Mr . Caxxixg , to make England the free _itnge for the discussion of Irish as avcH as English g rievances . You may rel y upon it , that I do not aspire to Irish leadership , _Avhile the dislocated and disjointed condition of Irish Members in the House of Commons is lamentable , wofuL disgusting . Xow , let me give you an instance as to the extent to which rivalry is carried with that party .
Mi . Joux O'Coxxell was _jjoing to alloAv the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act to _1-c read a tliird time without opposition , and told tlie House tliat he would reserve his opposition till Lord Xugext proposed his amend-I ' . _i' _-nt , to limit the existence of the how to three _i . _'M-.-ad of six months . I conld not accept _< ::: _? iimt-i-tioii , and I opposed ihe BUI upon t * i * - third reading , and now mark the sequel . lVheu Lord Xu gext proposed his amendment , tlie fitting stage upon which Mr . O'Coxxell -aid the discussion should be taken , the Honourable Member and his colleagues flv lV _' . 'in the House , and refuse to vote upon Hie amendment , which was to constitute tho material - / rounds for discussion .
-Vow , I ask you , if you ever heard of such policy i However , as I am satisfied that the past should be forgotten , I now invite you , Mice more , to _reA'ive rational constitutional Chartist agitation , and to make the Irish question part aud parcel of that agitation . I continue to receive letters from all parts of tiie Kingdom asking me Avhcn I shall be prepared to bring forward the motion for the PEOPLE'S CHARTEK . Some propose to livid thc _Xatieiial Convention early in March , but that avouW be nonsense ; and I believe the Exeoutive have prudentl y decided that it shall In * held inthe middle of May : and , as very few _ll--ii--urable Members understand the rules of
the House of Commons , I cannot be surprised li at A < mr waut of knowledge . I < _> f course time must be allowed for getting i _*' " petitions , to be forwarded to the several I numbers Avho represent the districts from I Avhich those petitions come ; and you must understand that fifteen days only , including I tae day of giving notice and bringing fonvard I ihe iiii'tiui } , is _-illoired—that is , I may give I notice upon Thursday , the lst of March , that ( = 1 will bring forward a motion on Thursday , the loth of March , but the rales of the House i ** - « _.-uMnot allow me to g ive notice that I _ivould I bring it on on the 10 th ot * Marcli , or anv later ! d _: iv .
Xow , as I wish to write intelligibly to you , | I hope you will understand the reason why I ; could not now g ive notice of a motion for the ! PEOPLE ' S CHARTER . I wish , the country to have time to get up petitions , so that I . shall not go to the House unarmed , and afford all parties—friend andfoe—an opportunity of saying _** ' There are no petitions ; the people are satisfied Avith things as they are , and , therefore , let well enough alone . There is not a man in England , nor yet in the Avorld , more anxious for a discussion upon , and the success < f , the PEOPLE'S CHARTER than lam ; as , to tell you the candid truth , your apathy , _hidift-rcncc , and servility have tired me of . public HiV % and I Avish , most devoutly , to return to mv p lough , or rather to mv spade .
1 wish the Convention to be sitting for a _fe Aivck before tlie petitions are presented and £ the _ijuestion is discussed . I wish _arrangep _I'lents to he made for raising the small sum of I i'l _' Hi , to which I will add £ -50 , to be distrig . bated as prizes for the best essays upon the Labour Question , and _Avhenc-ver you are _prewired to take a moderate share of labour I " -hall always be prepared to take the lion ' s * hare . Again , I say , remember the maxim of _^ Ir .
Hakkobt"THOSE WHO MUST TAKE CARE '• OK THEMSELVES HAVE XO TIME ' * T <_ > TAKE CARE OF YOU ;" a ! _"l if vou are not prepared to take care of yourselves it is impossible that either I or any ' . _th' _-r person can take care of you . _„ 1 have never asked a favour of or accepted a hv .. ur from vou . The continuous and perse-V advocacy of your cause has subjected '• - _' - ' to odium , persecution , and loss of property ; Vat it is my cause , aud not adopted to f !!' - ' popularity or gratify mean ambition , " ' - adhere to it if all desert it . _¦*' - •• •• - * faithful Friend aud _Representative , Feaxgvs 0 'Coxxob .
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SPEECH OF Mn . O'COXXOR UPOX _J 5 T _3 INISTEMA-L PROPOSITION TO DESTROY IRISH LIBERTY . The following is the speech of the Honourable Member for Xottinghani upon tlie third reading ofthe Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act—a speech which , Ave feel assured , Avill be read with delight by the working classes , as it will convince theni that the poAver of faction cannot scare the honourable gentleman from the performance of his duty ; and they Avill be the best judges as to whether or not the speech was irrelevant to the subject under discussion , discursive—and , as the Times says , difficult to analyse . But we beg to assure " " the Press and its adherents , that , as the censure of slaves is adulation , their abuse of Mr . O'Coxxor but tends to rivet affection for that gentleman more strongl y in the hearts of the millions .
Mr . _Feaugcs O'Coxxor said that whatever might be tlie sentiments or feelings of the hon . member for Limerick , he , as an Irishman , though an _English member , Avould oppose this tyrannical _biU at every stage of its progress . He remained unconvinced by all the arguments , varied as thoy were , of tho hon . gentlemen Avho supported it ; the government who had introduced the measure affected to condemn yielding- to pressure from without , and he would iioav , as the noble lord ( Lord John _Itussell ) appeared to _slu-ink from his duty as leader , lay before the House the letter of Lord Clarendon , Avhich must be considered as the indictment against the Irish people ; and quibble as they may , and juggle as they mayhe Avould proA-c his case upon the words of Lord Clarendon liimself . When there Avas a debate
coming on upon tho Southampton Small Tenements Bill there Avas a very full house , but Avhen that discussion Avas over , and the division taken on sueh a bill , the house -was immediately thinned as if by magic . The noble lord had been emphatically addressed , and had recei _\* ed from the corporation of Dublin the most fervent congratulations upon the perfect restoration of _ti-anqufllitv to that country . He Avas aware that the noble lord at the head of the government was anxious that the Jewish Disabilities Bill should he brought on that evening ( hear ); and he was aware that there were many members present who were prepared to resist that inroad upon the constitution , if such it was to bo called ( hear ); and it was clear to linn that there was more importance attached by the House to the Jewish question
than there was to the consideration of the condition of Ireland , lie recollected that the noble lord , in introducing the JeAvish measure last year , had asked , why not admit to the house those Avho bore the burdens of the country ? Avhy should not those who bore those burdens " have a portion of the honours' ? Perhaps there Avas no parallel in Parliamentary history , or in conttitutional usage , to the case submitted to Parliament—to ask acquiescence in thc greatest violation of the British Constitution . The right hon . the Secretary of State ( Sir G . Grey ) , as he had before obsen _* ed , opened the case of the Crown in a lame , a vague , and inconclusive speech ; and how had it been sustained by those lion , gentlemen , avIio , upon
any pretext whatever , Avcre prepared to coerce the Irish people ? First camo the noble lord , the member for Bandon , and Ids reason was that he had been foreman of tho grand jury of the county oi Cork . ( A laugh . ) Next came the noble lord , the member for Tyrone , Avho indulged the House with a trite and well-directed fire against the "Whi g g overnment , for their treacherous and truculent conduct , Avhcn their object was to oust the right lion , baronet , the member for Tamworth , and to return to office . X / cxt came thc hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . _Ilunie ) , who , Avith his characteristic consistency , was plausible , feeling , aud sympathetic for the Irish people . lie said , " I will give you this measure now , but it is the last , and you must propose remedial measures for Ireland . " But while we had coercion after coercion Bills , which Avere to
be the means to thc end , Archad not as yet had the first of those remedial measures . _A _' ext came the right hon . member the Secretary for Ireland , avIio knowing the temper and the feeling ofthe GIIEAT GEXTLEMEX OF EXGLAXD , when Ireland was the question—threw out a feeler for confidence in the government , and assured the House that the letter of Lord Clarendon had no reference to the Repeal Agitation . And then au amicus curia ; flew to the rescue , and the hon . member for Tavistock—every other charge against Ireland having failed—based poverty , _f-iinine , misery , disloyalty , and insurrection upon the plea of procreation and progenitivencss . ( Laughter . ) Aud this Avorthy disciple of Malthus told us , that to the potato Ireland owed this national malady ; but he forgot that in the speech from the throne , the tranquillity of this country was ascribed to the intervention of Divine
Providence ; and he forgot that it was a divine injunction to multiply and be fruitful . ( Laughter . ) There Avas an old proverb that " What was one man ' s meat , was another man ' s poison ; " and perhaps it would equally apply to the fair sex and with the permission ofthe House , lieAvould make a short _digression to illustrate the fact . Once upon a time there was a noble lady , childless , but avIio would have looked upon an heir as a blessing , drivingthrough a Avild part of the country in an open carriage ; she was overtaken by a thunder-storm , and was obliged to take shelter in one of those Irish breeding cages , where she saw a brood of younglings— _"gi-awls , " as Ave call them in Ireland—coverin-, ' thenoor . She would have looked upon them as
a blesssing had they heen her own ; the mother Avould not ha _A-e considered them a eur . se if she had been aide to support them . ' _* ' My good woman , " said the lady , " how do you contrive to have so many children ? " " "Wisha , my lady , avc have nothing to blame for it but the praties . " The shower cleared off ; and , before starting , the childless lady said to the peasant : " My good woman , could you let me have a few of your potatoes ?" " Og h ' . then , and Avelcome , my lady . " The potatoes were put in a bag , and the bag was put in the boot of the carnage , and the lady drove off ; but had not gone far Avhen she heard the Avonian screaming after to stop . " Well , my good woman , " said the lady , " what ' s the
matter ? " " Why , my lady , " she replied , out of breath , " I follef'd you , to tell you , that thc devil of _srood in them praties , barring avc send our Pat with them , for it ' s him that does all the mischiet . " ( Laughter ) Xow ; then , if it is the potato that has been thc real source of Irish grievances , and if Paddy Avill not breed upon turnip-tops , sea-Aveed , and Indian corn , thc same legal maxim that Blackstone applies to tho duration or cessation of thc Habeas Corpus Act Avill equally apply to thc hon . member ' s charge of procreation . _—Ccesante _cawii , cessat ct egeclus . ( Laughter . ) But , sir , if the effect should not vanish Avith the potato , and if this Irish propensity must be cheeked by some other means , you must have a neAv minister added to tho
cabinet , and none better qualified than the hon . member for Tavistock . 1 cannot name the duties of his office , but I can describe its badge and symbol —he must Avcar a cow ' s horn slung round his neck , and blow it whenever he comes within sight of those Irish breeding cages . ( Laughter . ) Next , sir , Ave come to the reasons of the hon . member for Buckinghamshire , ( Mr . Disraeli ) for supporting this measure , and Avlmt are they ? He says that the pressure from without lias no right to use any influence upon this Assembly , launched into a dissertation upon Free Trade , and told us that he Avould not only put down agitation for a Repeal of the Union , hut that he Avould consent to put doAvn all other ag itation . But sec what a different cons _. ruction is put upon agitation wben it is to serve party or individual purposes . Has the hon . gentleman read the _™ nn » ii Af n -i .- ilili > lord ( Lord Brougham ) in another
place , in which that noble lord adverting to liee Trade agitation says , "I joined it , I tolerated it , and encouraged it to an extent that Avas uncons ; _1-tutional an-f all but unlawful ? " _(^ J _*** _- _} Xow , there ' s the authority of a Lord Chancellor ol England , furnishing us with the most extreme licence for agitation , by a man avIio has been all things to _allmeu-Whiff , Tory , Radical and Bepubhcan . But would thc hon . member for Bnckuighainshnc resist an agitation that had for its object the rc-imposing a dutv upon corn , if the effect was to place him and his * friends upon those opposite benches . Xext came thc right hon . baronet ( Sir B . lceiJ ,
while acting upon his old maxim of returning good for evil he said you opposed me when I proposed to shut the disorderly up by ni « ht , I will support you when you propose to shut them up by day and b v night . " Ilis speech was a rejoinder upon the defence ofthe noble lord and his administration , with reference to the Appropriation Clause and the Anns Bill ; it was powerful , it was telling and convincing ; but althoug h his ( Mr . O ' Connor ) former speech was termed discursive , neither the noble lord , nor thc hon . baronet touched the question at issue . It was a ministerial jostle , and the right hon . baronet concluded bv reminding Irish members , that they had not proposed any remedial measures- But he
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Avould remind tho right hon . gentleman of an Irish saying , that "It was not fair when you keep a dog to be asked to bark yourself ; " and he would ask ft it Avas fair when the ' Irish people contributed their portion of the governmental expenses ami the salaries of the ministers , to be asked to propound measures for _L-eland ? Was it not the duty of tlie government to do so ? The noble lord stood to the English and Irish , people in loco _parentis , his administration had been described by the gallant member for Middlesex , as the " Happy Family , " and the noble lord was pater _familiar , but let the House observe Avith Avhat rapidity and upon _Avliat poor and slender evidence coercive measures could be passed , Avhile no administration could
devise a single remedy for thc numerous evils of the oountry . ( Hear , hear . ) But , as the right hon . baronet had partly based his support upon this charge , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) Avould remind him that inl 833 when he found that the Repeal was a juggle , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) did propose a better system of Poor Laws , one based upon labour premiums , agricultural premiums , and tax upon absentees * , that he did propose leases in perpetuity at a corn rent , as the means of employing tlie industry of the country in _redu ctive anJ profitable labour ; that he did p ** o _$ pjjejlocal . registration courts to effect the cheap transfer of landed property ; that he did propose the establishment of cheap Courts of Equity , where the tenant and the poor man could receive cheap justice . Those were his suggestions - , hut as an independent member of Parliament , unconnected with party , it
would have been madness to press them , while ministers , had they adopted them , might have carried them . And now he would turn to the indictment upon Avhich Ireland was to be convicted , and lie would appeal to the Saxon blood of English gentlemen—gentlemen Avhose ancestors fought and bled for the English constitution , and whose boast itwas that that constitution Avas based upon the blood of their ancestors—he would appeal to them , whether they would base their votes upon the quibbles of the legal official , ( the Attorney-General ) , who attempted , in a previous debate , to show them Iioav this quirk and that quibble , and the other interpretation ofthe ordinary laAV , would protect the poor man ' s liberty , against any unconstitutional use whicli the Lord-Lieutenant 6 f Ireland mig ht attempt to make of this unconstitutional measure . Will
those gentlemen be slavishly led by that ministry which they complain has made such invasions upon their feudal rights ? There was a time Avhen the Tory blood of this House would have resisted such a Whig proposition . Oh for the days of Chatham , Fox , Burke , Sheridan , Canning , Burdett , Erskine , the Uobhouse of old , and a Bomilly ! but those days of English patriotism have fled ; the steam-engine is now the heart , machinery the brain , and tho Stock Exchange the pulse of England . But let not those gentlemen suppose that the follies and prejudices imbibed at Eton , Harrow , llugby , and Wcst-. iuster , and confirmed at Oxford and Cambridge , can much longer resist the active genius manifesting itself , not only in this but in all other countries .
Tliat feudal system gaA * e them an ascendancy Avhich the flood of _thought has broken down ; and if they hope to sustain tlieir altered position by a violation of the constitution , and the resistance to opinion , they will find themselves lamentably mistaken , lie would now proceed to the consideration of the indictment against Ireland—Avhich was thc letter of Lord Clarendon : and if that House constituted a fair jury he Avould entertain no doubt as to the ver diet . Lord Clarendon says , that the use made by him of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act , and thc use of it made bv him for the suppression of disturbances , gave _UNIVERSAL SATISFACTION . Now he begged to ask the House , what construction they u * ere to put upon the term " universal ? " But , in
the same count of the indictment he proceeds to say , that the non-doli \ 'ery of arms—while , in fact , they had no proof of their possession—leads him to the conclusion that the spirit of rebellion still lurks in the hearts ofthe people . What does tliis lurking spirit mean ? Is there any evidence beyond the mere fancy of the Lord-Lieutenant ? And how does it accord with that " universal satisfaction " that appears in the same count ? _In-another count the Lord-Lieutenant says , that his reasons for asking for those unconstitutional powers is , to suppress and put down that dangerous agitation Avhich for thirty years has paralysed industry , and scared away capital . _Noav to what agitation can this sentence possibly have refereuce , except to the agitation for
the Repeal 01 the Union ? although the right hon . the Secretary for Ireland has assured us that it has not reference to that agitation . But as the letter of Lord Clarendon is the indictment against Ireland , and as thc repeal agitation lias been the only agitation , he would remind the House tliat Lord Althorp , Avhen ministerial leader , declared that if ever the day arrived \ A * hen a majority of the Irish peoplo demanded a Repeal of the Union , that then it would become the duty of the government to grant it ; but now Avho would dare to agitate for that measure ? who would dare to complain of an act of tyranny , or of a grievance , when the evidence of the perpetrator would be received as the conviction of the complainant . ( Hear . ) You ask for knowledge ,
—and you lack knowled g e upon Irish affairs—Avhile you stop tlie only channel through which you could receive tliat information . Tlie grievances of Ireland aro communicated by oral tradition ; thoy must be discussed by those who endure them before they can bo laid in a tangible shape before this House ; and by this prohibition of discussion and complaint you preserve that stolid ignorance which for years you have manifested as to Irish affairs . When agitation was necessary to secure Whig poAver through patronage , then you tolerated agitation ofthe most dangerous character . When the Wliigs sat in opposition Ropo . il Iras then the test of Irish loyalty ; but when the Whigs were in office undefined justice to Ireland , and whoever divides tlie liberal party is an enemy to his country , was tlie maxim , and because avc could not be juggled wc were called
Tory Chartists . ( Hear . ) Where was the man in that House or in the country avIio endured so much the slander , the insolence , ahd tho vituperation of that party , as he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had done , and merely because he could not be made a party to that dangerous and truckling policy which debased the Irish mind for the mere purpose of seeming Whig patronage ? ( Hear , hear . ) Such then had been tlie training ofthe Irish mind Avhcn the Whigs required subservient Irish support . Were they not for years forewarned of Avhat must be the inevitable result of such a policy ? Have they forgotten the words ofthe late Mr . Charles Buller , a gentleman Avho charmed that House with his eloquence , and enlivened it Avith his wit ? He told them that Ireland
would remain in a state of incipient revolution during the life of Mr . O'Connell , and that at his death it would burst into open rcA'olution and rebellion . Well , then , did they expect that while the Irish people were of the same religion as republican France , that while the Irish Catholic people , oppressed at homo and driven from the land ot their birth , Avere obliged to take refuge in Americadid they imagine that the seeds of Irish discontent would _iiot be _soavii in that land of liberty , or did they hope to check thc spirit of insubordination by the pitiful dole of £ 50 , 00 ( 1 ? Xo ; the disease _avjis too deep rooted . Ireland had been called your Poland ,
but it is worse than Poland ; it is your Siberia . ( "Xo , no . " ) Who says "Xo V When did you ever hear of a million Poles dying of starvation in a single year ? When did you hear of thc gaol , tlie transport , or the bastile , being the only refuge for the destitute in Poland ? Ireland is a seabound dungeon , where naught is heart but Aveeping and wailing , and gnashing of teeth . You tell them tliat their country is over-populated , and in order to ensure emigration , or rather transportation—you le \* el their hoA _* els to the ground , and "The blackness of ashes ,, now marks where they stood , While the wild mother screams o ' er her famishing brood . "
( Hear , hear . ) But if I required a stronger proof of the tranquillity of Ireland than that contained in the letter of Lord Clarendon , I find it in the declaration of the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) made many months since ; tliat noble lord 2 > on ) _pously turned round to his backers , and in laudation of the use made by Lord Clarendon of those unconstitutional powers , he said : "The treason accounts from Ireland are positively vapid ; thev are flat stale and _UNPROFITABLE ; " Whig-like _. establishing the fact that Irish treason constituted Whig profit . While from the hour that that declaration was made to the present moment , there has not been a single attempt at insurrection or a renewal of agitation of
anv kind . And vet , the noble lord would now entrench himself in * the fastness of futurity , and _substitute vice-regal perception—nay , divination—for the _English constitution . But let him rest assured , that if he continues to persecute opinion , it will establish its foundation upon a rock , which all the blasts of the universe cannot shake . It was so with the Christian religion , it will be so with every sentiment . Even , if doubtful or wrong , it will become stron " ' if p ersecuted ; could he give a stronger instance than the fate of thc ancestor of the noble lord who expiated what was termed his crime upon the scaffold , while his death implanted , _strcn- 'thened and cherished those principles , for Avhich had he not
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suffered , he would not be able to inculcate witli so much success . ( Hear , hear . ) But whv make such a violation of the English constitution , ' just at tho time when all other nations were extending their constitutions , and making them more in harmonv with existing opinion ? Or , why ask for these enlarged powers when your legal officials in Ireland have iound the ordinary la > v sufficiently poAVorful toettect your obj ect ? Does not the case of Mr . Butty , on whi ch the Irish officials have been tinkering , puzzling , and complicating for more than six months , attord you ample moans of detention , ay , ot persecution ? ( Hear , hear . ) ln the case of Mr . O Connell , Lord Denman called the law " a mockery , a delusion , and a snare . " but vou Avould
now make the constitution " a puzzle , a labyrinth , and a maze . " How different Avas the policy of Lord Normanbv , when administering the executive power under a * Whig administration _^ Then , when the Whigs required Irish support , the representative of her Majesty flew like Don _Quixote , through the country , accompanied , not by an aidede-camp , but by his staff , proclaiming an amnesty , and delivering the gaols of thieves and pickpockets to ,. constitute the Whig Auxiliary corps , ( Hear , i \\ - ' but s _*'" ' if agitation is bad , and should be put down , let us see if we caiinot furnish its JUStlhcation from the highest authority in the House—the Prime Minister of England . When that lioble lord visited Bristol upon a tour of
agitation , ho presented his countrymen with tlie last shoot from the Bedford stock . He hold liis babe up to the admit-in "* multitude , and said : "Behold the guarantee ot my loyalty , the pledge of my patriotism , and devotion tb my country . I am opposed to the ballot , ( said thc noblo lord , ) because it Avould deprive the non-electors of that popular vigilant control which they have un undoubted ri g ht to exercise over the trustees of their liberty . Now how would that square with the principle of the hon . member for Buckinghamshire , who would assign , all power to _tlv < j _ccntvaUs-id opinion in that House . Was not this a confession ofthe right to agitate , and is not thc noble lord now pre . pared to extend the franchise in Ireland as a tub to
the Avhale , Avhile , in reality , it is to substitute living for dead voters ? When Lord Stanley came to tho _Hsuse to ask for a Coercion Bill for Ireland , he made out the semblance ofa case ; he had one , two , or three red boxes filled with information whieh no one could contradict . It all came from stipendiary magistrates , yeomanry cantains , police constables , and country gentlemen of the highest character , whose loyalty none could dispute , and avIioso assertions none could refute , lie gave us the shadow of a case , and although thc measure he asked for was not so gross a violation of tho constitution , it met with determined and resolute opposition ; Avhile again , I say , thc right hon . Secretary for tlie Home Department has not made even the shadoAv of a
ease beyond the apprehensions of the Lord Lieutenant , and reliance upon the subserviency of all parties in the House . ' . True , the right hon . gentleman , Avhen questioned as to the case of the State prisoners still in custody , was obliged to make some admissions of rigorous treatment , but , however , as tho Lord Lieutenant had expressed his approval of the rigour , the right honourable gentleman presumed it Avas justifiable . Ave not tlie words of Blackstone , with reference to thc application of this law , strictly true AYhen applied to the case of those gentlemen . * Now Avhat was tlieir case : —they Avere arrested and sent to Newgate , and placed in cells with criminals ; from Newgate they Avere sent to Belfast , where they Avere confined for two months
without being permitted to be in the open air for a single minute ; from Belfast they Avere sent to the debtors' side of Kilmainham . On the 0 th of December Mr . Meany writes a most respectful letter to Mr . ltcdington , complaining of tho treatment they received ; he receives no answer , and on the 25 th of January he publishes a most temperate , and moderate , and not at all an exciting letter , complaining of tho abridgement of several of the privileges of himself and his brother prisoners . Upon the same day that this letter appeared in tho Freeman ' s Journal , Mr . ShaAV , the High Sheriff' of Dublin , visited thc prison , summoned the delinquent to his presence , and told him that if he repeated the offence of publishing his grievances , he should be deprived of the few privileges he enjoyed .
He said , he liad a right to publish them , and would publish them , and , without any repetition of tho offence beyond this mere manly declaration , thc Hi g h Sheriff ordered in six sturdy policemen , avJio , aided by a pone of turnkeys , the governor , and iiiidcr-goA _* ornor , took , not only thc offender , but his five brother prisoners , who had committed no offence by force through various passages , and up several staircases , to the criminal side bf the prison ; and crime in Ireland—as is usual under Whi g rulebeing so prevalent , the criminal side was inconveniently full , but live criminals avcvc removed from the criminal side to thc debtor side , to make room for tlie State prisoners . All correspondence _avus stopped ; their friends insulted by the officials when
they called upon them ; obliged to perform the most menial offices ; and wore not the Avords of Blackstone true , Avhen lie says , " Tliat men , confined under the Suspension ofthe Habeas Corpus Act , are SILENT , FORGOTTEN , DEAD ? " The Lord-Lieutenant , in liis indictment , _says , " That no man was committed under these powers except upon sworn and positive informations . " And Avould thc House believe , that notwithstanding these legal grounds for apprehension , with this presumptive charge of treason against them , that there had been five sessions of Oyer and Terminer since their apprehension—and , notwithstanding thc sworn and positive informations , the facility of procuring Avitnesscs , and a certainty of securing juries , no single charge has yet been preferred against one of those
gentlemen ? And now thc House ot Commons is asked to continue those powers where they have been so abused . But , of course , if Lord Clarendon assents , the Constitution sanctions , and they have no cause of complaint . But , sir , let mc illustrate the truth of Blackstonc ' s assertion , that the man imprisoned under the suspension of this act , or , indeed , under any act during a Whig administration , is SILENT , FORGOTTEN , DEAD . When I was in York Castle , the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) made some assertions in this House , Avhich had not a shadow of truth in them , but which the noble lord guaranteed upon the evidence of a most trustworthy witness . I wrote to the noble lord , showing the utter fallacv of the assertion , but I had neither
answer uov retraction , because 1 -was _stat , forgotten , dead . Well , sir , Avhen I was at large , thc noble lord used insulting expressions against me in this House . I wrote to him for an explanation , and his answer Avas tliat , as a Minister of thc Crown , he Avas not called upon to give any explanation of words used in Parliament . That did not satisfy mo , sir . I wrote another letter , and sent it by a friend , and , as I av . is neither silent , forgotten , nor dead , the noble lord retracted his words—thus showing you the different manner in which a man in custody and a man at large is treated . But docs the noble lord for a moment imagine that this is going to be a mere Irish question ? Did he not hear the petition that avus presented from the men of St .
Pancras by thc hon . and gallant member for Middlesex to-night , denouncing the proposed measure , and praying for a Repeal of the Union ? And , although a deadly feud nad been created between Celt and Saxon , for the base purposo of securing patronage and creating a division between the people of the two countries ; yet those feelings of animosity had now ceased , and the Saxon would make common cause with the Celt to redeem his country from provincial degradation , and establish her national independence . ( Hear , hear . ) Why did not the noble lord come down to thc House upon the 10 th of April , Avhen the dread of a Chartist outbreak compelled the enlistment of 200 , 000 specials , the calling out of tlie military and pensioners , and
placing them under tho command of the great Duke ? Why did not he come dovm then and ask for a suspension ofthe Habeas Corpus Act in this country ? Simply because he knew that the groat gentlemenof England Avould havo resisted such an assault upon their constitution to the death . And did the noble lord hope to bait his Irish trap bv bribing the Irish priesthood ? Did he rely upon the presumed tranquillity produced by this measure to carry the endowment ofthe Catholic Church ? If so , he would find liimself mistaken , as the Irish people Avould rebel to a man against such an attempt to prostitute their priesthood to ministerial caprice . ( Hear , hear . ) Why this was the very principle suggested
by Robespierre , Avhen he proposed to insure the loyalty of the priesthood by precisely the same means ' ; but when that question came to be discussed , then the gentlemen sitting upon those benches behind him Avould muster in full force ; but now that Ireland was to he coerced , tiie majority of that House would not condescend to hear the arguments for or against , but would be rallied by the bsh ol * the whipper-in to vote for the destruction of their constitution . Upon the passing of tlie Reform Bill the Whi g government experimentalised upon Ireland ; and ho now told the landlords of England that this was another experiment , merely to test tlie principle of free trade iu that country . He ( Mr . O'Connor ) had made many prophecies Avith respect to the effect of that measure , and one and all had
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been realised . Ireland , as yet , hail suffered most ; but England , hereafter , Avould suffer her share , And why had the result been so calamitous ? Was it because the principle itself Avas bail ? No , —but because they preferred the adjustment of the noble lord ( Lord John Russell ) to that of . the tight hon . baronet ( Sir It . Pool ) . Protection was the keystone of the arch ; upon it stood your social fabric ; upon it every social engagement was based . The right hon . baronet was the architect of a new social fabric ; but you allowed the noble lord to strike the centre , and knock tlie keA _* _-stone from the arch before the Avork av . is completed . A portion of his adherents Avere deluded by his Edinburgh missive ; while some from spleen , —some from iealousv . —
some from ambition _^ deserted the right " lion . _baK * - net , and left the ship amongst the breakers without pilot or rudder . And another prophecy that he would make was , that they would ere long invite that right hon . gentleman to take tho command of their scattered forces , and save their shattered fortunes from Whi g imbecility and recklessness and he told the noble lord that tho people of this country and of Ireland , looked to the ri ght hon . baronet , and not to the noble lord , to save them from that ruin whicli Whig misruie is sure to accomplish . ( Hoar , hear . ) The noble lord and his adherents , and indeed the great majority of that House , professed to be staunch supporters of the _English Constitution—a Constitution which was said mainlvto
depend upon those several powers so wisely _distribu-^ ea between tlie three estates of the realm—the King , Lords , and Commons ; but notwithstanding that tlie professed object of tho Reform Bill avus to popularise tho House of Commons , the power of the three several estates still remaining the same , and each being a material part of that machinery which was to Avovk the Constitution , and see to the just and equitable adminstration of the laws , let him now call the . attention of the House to the manner in wliich the House of Lords , aaid , to hold tlie balance of power bctArecn the Crown and the Commons , had been swamped by tho Whigs ; and that , he trusted , would be an answer to the assertion ofthe hon . member for Buckinghamshire , who denied thc right to exercise popular control over the House of Commons . From 1033 to 17 S 8 ,
a wholo century , commencing with that period when the ancestors of those gentlemen established that g lorious revolution , based upon their own blood , a period during which we had sixty years of unbroken domestic _conflicts , Avaged between Pretenders , and Usurpers ! continental Avars , and the American Avar ; during that period there was a creation of ei ghty-six peers . From 17 * 58 to ISIS , a period of thirty years , and during Avhich you had two French revolutions , an Irish rebellion , the union _Avitli Ireland , and fifteen years of universal Avar , all circumstances likely to confer distinction and titles , and during those thirty years there avus a creation of only 10 G peers . _AVhitc from 1 S : _' 0 to 1 S"J _' , ) , during which period the Whigs , with but slight
intervals held _othce—nine years of uninterrupted peace , seven years of Reform times ; and yet will the House believe , that during that short period the Whigs in power , for the purpose of swamping the lords , had created no fcAvcr than / cighty-two peers . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir George Giibt . —Time . I beg to remind the hon . gentleman lie has exceeded his hour . Mr . O'Coxxon . —S > ir , I am not astonished afc the impatience of tlie right hon gentleman . He lias his ventilator full of Jewesses—his galleries full of Jcavs—and his Avhippers-in ready to Avhip up the House for a discussion upon the admission oi' the colleague of the noble lord , ( Lord John Ilusscll ) in the hope of putting another crutch under the _C'itv
of London . But lie ( Mr . O Connor ) did not think the House appeared wearied—he had given them a blood run , it did not appear more than twenty minutes ; and if any one was chargeable Avitli a Avaste of time , it Avas tlie rig ht hon . baronet himself—who failing to state tho case ofthe ministers to the House , had imposed a more laborious duty upon those who were obliged to grapple with vice-regal conundrums and ministerial predictions . But although his speech Avould bo designated by tlie press as discursive , and _althoughairothov members whohad taken part in the debate , had launched into extraneous matter , embracing Free Trade , employment , foreign policy , poor laws , money grants , politieal economy , and Irish _pvogonitivencss , yet he ( Mr . O'Connor )
contended that ho had not used a single sentence which did not critically bear upon the subject . His conduct might be called factious ; but lie believed that no amount of opposition could be properly termed factious in a case of such a liberty-destroying measure as this . It was his pride and his glory to say , that he liad fought the battle of Irish liberty often single-handed and alone , not only in the House , but upon the public stage ; it was his pride to be able to say in presence of those Irish members who livcdupon " Whig patronage , that he had conducted professionally more contested clcctionsthan any man in that House ; and although by tho Irish Reform Act lie was entitled to large fees , he liad nevei- accepted a farthing for his services , or travelled a
mile , or eaten- a meal at the expense of the candidate he supported . Talk not to him about loyalty ; there av . is often loyalty upon tlie lip Avhile there avus treachery , deception , and treason lurking in tlie heart ; and there Avas less danger to be apprehended from the open foe than from the candid friend . ( Hear , hear . ) He was not afraid or ashamed openly to avow his standard of loyalty ; it av . is this , tliat if ever the day should arrive Avhcn the struggle for liberty should be fought between the oppressed Celt and his Saxon oppressor , he would rather be found _amongst the ranks of the slain , avIio fought and fell tor their country ' s freedom , than in the ranks of tlie _invailiiisr oppressor _though title and honour was to " bo his reward . ( Shouts of "Oh , olu" ) They may shout "Oh , oh , " but during his life he had struggled for tho liberty
of his country , and he would continue during life to do so . He did not moan liberty in that sense in Avhich it suited tho sycophant to construe it ; he meant liberty tempered with reason and discretion , and not tliat liberty which would be likely to degenerate into licentiousness . And to establish tliat blessing , your laAvs must bo yielding to mercy and stern against oppression , Avith an executive exactim * an implicit obedience to their mild authority , instead ofa juggler moulding them to pavty couveuienco . Then the people will be loyal when the altar is the footstool of God , instead of the couch of Mammon ; when the throne is based upon the affections of thc noon \ e . instead of upon tho caprice of a faction :
and Avhen the cottage is the castle ofthe freeman , instead of the der- of tho slave . Ho Avould now proceed to show the difference between Lord John Russell in office and Lord John Russell in his study ( out of office ) , writing upon the English Constitution : and although Russell in offico may not refute or contradict Russell in his study or in his writings , ho would show how the _writings of thc noble _Joi-d were a direct answer to the indictment of Lord Clarendon , and again he would remind him of the fate of his ancestor , and the hopelessness to prevent by tyranny now what tyranny of old accomplished . His ancestor died upon the scaffold , but his martyrdom riveted those principles for which he suffered in thc mind of future -fenerations . Hoav
true were the words ofthe groat English poet , _avIiou he said : — " They never fail avIio die In a great cause . The block may soak their gore , Tlieir heads may sodden in the sun : their limbs Be strung to city gates and castle Avails , But still their spirit Avalks abroad . Though years Elapse , and others share as dark a doom , It but augments the deep and sweeping thought Whicli overpowers all others and conducts Tlie Avorld at last to freedom . "
He Avould noAv proceed to read a few extracts from the greatest Arritcrs on thc English Constitution . ( "No , no . " ) Au hon . member cries "No , no . " Is he so anxious to admit thc Jews witliin the pale of the Constitution , and to drive the Irish out of it without thc shadow of a case being made out against them ? Ifthe hon . gentleman ia tired of hearing my voice they shall be read by the clerk , or he shall read them himself . They aro written in a bold legible hand , and lie will have no difficulty m reading them . ( Laug hter . ) Mr . O'Connor then proceeded to read the several extracts from Blackstone , Hallam , Boswell ' s " Life of Johnson , Lord John Russell ' s " Essay upon the English Constitution . " and Lord Bolingbroke ; and when hehad
concluded the reading of the extracts , he said— - _* * ow , sir on which horn of the dilemma will the noble lord hang , for I t ake cither of the assertions of Lord Clarendon-that in wliich he admits that there is UNIVERSAL satisfaction and tranquillity , or that in wiiich he says there is still a lurking sedition , Avhich , of course , he has iliscovevcd with a _skiascope or a brain-guage . Iho noble lord has admitted that the Suspension ofthe Habeas Corpus Act is the most dangerous experiiiiciit that can be tried He says , that it is only when treason works in the mind of a few leaders , that it should be enforced against them , to prevent its spread—but he says , Avhen it is the adopted principle ofa large and numerous class , that then itis useless to put it into operation . To use his own words" Uno avulso , non deficit alter . " Well , then , Iioav does this agree with the assurance
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Of Lord Clarendon , that the feeling still lurks m the minds of all ? Will the noble lord join issue * Avith Lord Clarendon , and sav it only lurks in thei * minds of the few ? If so , tho _iudUm-nt of Lord Clarendon goes for nothing . . Sir , no man in this House or iu the Avovhl . has better right to speak upon this subject than I have . In more troublesome times , and when Ireland had passed through a blobdy revolution , with the feeling of vengeance still lurking in the Irish heart , and during the _govcrn-i ment of Lord Camden in Ireland , my father and my t uncle suffered a long imprisonment under this Act , but with more forbearance and clemency than has
been exhibited by Lord Clarendon . They wrote and I published more bold and daring letters to the Lord- 1 Lieutenant than tha tf » i ' which ' Mr . Meany and _Jiisassociates were deprived of tho paltry _privilego * they 1 enjoyed ; and Lord Camden issued a proclamation aiiinittuig the leaders to bail on their own recog- *\ _^ _- _nisance . " Sir , Avould to God that every _Tn ' sh mem- _^ _i ber had mv feelings toward _hil enntrr _, nBd , n then , instead of seeing the _ri-jlit hon . gentleman ,. ) the Master of the Mint ( Mr . . Slieil ) _, sitting in cornpan a _% and readv toco-operate with the destrwyers of _^ _^ his country ' s liberty , he would be coining a speech _m _^ stamped with sterling value , to aid in the awiihila- _a | tion of those enemies . Sir , I _liaA-e contended for _^» Irish libertv since I entered public life , and ! will _™ only abandon that contest when I lose that life . Wo . j may be checked , _Avorstecl , and defeated for ;\ t ? me . but still wc will struggle in the cause , BECAUSE
IT IS TIIE CAUSE OF JUSTICE , AXD TUB CAUSE OF JUSTICE IS THE CAUSE OF GOT ) . The following aro thc extracts read by the Hon . Member : — '' _Blaclatoie ' s Commentaries—Vol . iv ., p . MS . "That great bulwark of our constitution , the _Ilaboas Corpiw Act—tlwsc two statutes ( _Ilalwas Corpus Act , and Aet ftff _abolisisi' _-s Military Tenures ) with _n-j-jm ! fo our property and persoas form a second Magna t . 'liarta , as beneficial and effectual as that ot' Huiiiiyiiiede . _Ma-, _* n » Charta only in general terms declared , tha _' t 110 man shall be imprisoned contrary to law ; tin- Habeas _foriiu- * Act points him Out effectual remedies as well , to release liim-Vd ( , though _tjj-ea committed by the Kin-: in Council , as t » punish all those- who shall thus _imcoiistitittimmilv misuse him . "
_Su-i-Esc-KKf . _—lilactetone . —Vol . Ill , p . J 37 . " It frequently happens iu _foi-oit * n countries . : iu . l has happened in _Ki-gla-u ! _rturin- ; temporary suspension * nf the Statute , that pcrsous -. _\*)*> rehemleu upon suspicion have _sull ' cveil a long imprisonment , merely because they were fin-gotten . " _JJfacA- _'toiie , _—lioolc I , Chap . I . " To bereave a man ot" life , or by violence to ooniiseatu his estate , AvitlKMit accusation or trial , would be so _jjross ami notoi-ionsa . il act of * _ilespotism , a * must at once convey the alarm of tyranny throughout the whole _kill- _. _'doill ; but confinement of the-person by secretly _lnir-ryiii- * huii toiranl . where
his sufferings aw unknown , or tin- )*! -Men . is a . less public , a less _sti-il'iii-, - ami , therefore , a more -faii _^ _ei-otis _engine ol ' arbitniry government . Aud yet _sometimes _H-htUi the st tte is in real danger-, even this may be a _m-i'i'ssary _iiit-asmr ; but the happiness . _»> four Constitution is , tbat it is iu _» t toft to live Executive to determine when the ( lanjrcr ofthe State is so great as to render this measure _expedient : lor tin- Parliament only , oi .-leicislati . ve power , can- authorise the _1 ' rown by suspending the " Habeas Cot-pus Act . foi' a short and limited _yei-iod , to uu-. Yy _" . _s « _- \ _sus-vexied _persws without giving any reason for so doing . "
. l _^ _aiii , in Introduction on Nature of Laws . —Sre . " -. 'The most universal and etVectuid way of discovering the . _tvue inclining of a law is by ei « isi « k _. ving ' the spirit of it , and the cause _tvlticli moved the Legislature to enact it . for when the reason ceases thc late- Use / ought _liSrcu-. isc to ceisewith it . SaUani _' A Constitutional E 3 i } tory-- \ i >\ . UI . It is a very common mistake—ami that not only among foreigners , but many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional laws might be _ex-x-cteil—to suppose that thi * Statute -. 'f Charles H ., enlarged . In a great dvgive , onr liberties , and forms a sort uf _epot-h in their history ; hut , though a very beneficial cuactiiivnt , and cmiucmly remedial ill many cases of illegal imprisonment , it introduced no new principle , nor conferred any right upon the subject . _J- ' _.-om the _eitrlics ' , _recor-Ji ofthe _iiwjlifh _. law ,
_nofrcnmm could be detained in prison except , upon a criminal _charge or conviction , or for a cicil ilrtit . In the former case it was always in his power t > denntml of the Court Of Kino ' s Bench ¦ ' writ of habeas _i-.-i-ims n _. l _sithjieieii'ltim , directed to the person detaiuing him in custody , by which he was enjoined to liring up tilt' bmly ot " till ' _pii-ililler . With the warrant of commitment , that the court might _j'aJgo of its sufficiency , and remand the party , admit him to bail , or discharge him , according to tlie nature of the uharge . This writ issued of right , and could not lie refiisciii l > y tincourt . It was not to bestow an immunity from _-jivrliitrary imprisonment , which is abundantly provided &> Magna Charta lit " , indeed , it were not much ' more _am-it-i- _* _- ) tbat tho statute of Charles . II , was enacted , but to « _-iit off the abuses by which the government ' s lust of powu-r , and tin ; servile subtlety of Croivn lawyers , had _impaire-. i so fumla , meutul 11 _l'vivifeire . "
Lord John _HmicWt _Etsmi on lhe _fvgliih Governmentpp . fill aud _14 ! l . "The reign of Charles IL , as has been _obsw-ved . was an era of bad government , but of good laws . The . Act of Habeas Curpu * was the greatest of these _la-. vs . It is tinbest security for liberty ever devised , but it must not bo supposed that it was invented during this ivign . " "Thus the _IIou-m _: of Commons more than once has mat perfectly disposed to bear its part iu passing any measures of severe coercion which the ministers of the day thought fit to propose . Itwas thus , that in 1 T _! ' _. » and 17 ! ' !' , laws were passed to prohibit public meetings without a siillicient authority , aud to prevent printing , unless under certain
regulations . In 1817 , these measures were renewed , and in 1 S 10 tbeir severity has been much _increaned . The measures resorted to on those occasions may be classed under two heads , both of them sanctioning methods , in my mind injudicious and one extremely dangerous . The first is the Suspension uf the Habeas Corpus Aet . Now , this is a very proper precaution , when a conspiracy is carried on by : i few principal leaders whose imprisonment puts au end to the plot . But it is no remedy at all , when the evil consists in the discontent ofsome thousands of unemployed _manufacturers . I ' hoavulso non ik' ficit alter ; the subalterns in conducting these popular humours are -fully as able and audacious as the chiefs .
Johnson ' s Life liy BoswM . —Vol . II r ., \> . _T- '< , ( Edition , IS . 3 . 3 " , "The Habeas Corpus is the single advantage which our government has over thai of other countries . " Bolhiybrokc ( Lord . ) Dissertation upon _yartie _** . —l \ _-i- * v 105 . " The slavish principles of passive obedience ami nonresistance which had skulked , perhaps , in some old homily before King James I ., hut were talked , written , aud practised into vogue in that inglorious reign , and in those of liis three successors , were renounced at ibe revolution ' _,-iy the last ofthe several parties whudeclaved t ' ov them . " " Ivngland would never be ruined except by her Parliament . "
"It is as much the duly of a people to _rxh-A against a corrupt House of Commons as against a tyrannical Prince . ' '
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Mr. O'Coxxon': - Hour's Speech From The ...
Mr . O'Coxxon ' : - hour ' s speech from the Times : —• Mr . O'Cosnok said , that in tbat case , whatever the hon . member for Limerick ( . Mr . , r . O'Connell ) might do , lie , foi one , would not consent to Mow tlie bill to he read a third time without opposition . The hon . member then proceeded to say , that when any remedial measure was proposed for Ireland , the government always found numerous difliculties in the way of its passing ; but , when any coercivi : measure Avas required to sustain them in oflice , all difficulties seemed to _viinisli . lie _iii'iinraiiied that every single count iu the indictment of Ireland contained in Lord Clarendon ' s letter , upon wbicb the present bill professed to ba founded , answered itself , and afforded no ground , therefore , for asking the House to pass thc bill , lie rcgrette _* i that the riglithou . _jfentlcinaii theniemher forTamworlh ( Sh It . reel ) had given his support to this measure , for undoubtedly he was tlie minister to whom the people of _l-h-. gland and Ireland looked to relieve them of the inul administration of the present government , who had failed to carry
out auy one of the remedial measures they advocated wheu out of office . He implored the Irish members to stand up in their places aud boldly resist the bill to the utmost of their power , and not allow tbe constitution to be made a puzzle , a laVyriath , and a snare . The way iu which the law had hitherto been executed was far from being unexceptionable . He had _icceivcd the most positive assurances with respect to the harsh manner in wliich the prisoners in Kilmainham were treated on account of Mr . -Miancy having _Awittew 11 Icttev to tht _uvvs'v' _-wY . i . _Siv . e . thou their letters had been opened , they had been removed to the criminal side of the prison , mid their friends were not allowed to sec them . J . _' e ivould proceed to read a few extracts from Lord John ltussell _' s admirable " Kssay on the British Constitution , " and from the pages of Jlallam . Bolingbroke , and Blackstone , with respect to the value of the Habeas Corpus Aet . ( " Uh ! oh ! " ) If hon . gentlemen were impatient thev might have them read by the elerk at tha table .
Sir _d . Guey . —The lion , member has already spoken for au hour . Sir Gkokoe Gbev ' s two minute- * ' speech from the _J'iiut's - . — Sir G . Guev observed , that he had perhaps been guilty of an impropriety of having reminded the hon . -f * - * l _** _^ _'iisii , some considerable time before he concluded bis s * _-- _g _£ Hi , that he had then ! "poken un hour —( hear)—but he con _JFuot help remarking that the hon . member had exceeded the period to wliich beseemed desirous of restricting speeches in that House ; for , on looking to the lists ofthe minority who _rci'oiiiiiiciidctl that speeches should be limited to au hour , he found there the name of Feargus O'Connor ( Hear , hear . ) [ Mr . O'Co . vsoit . —'' But you voted against it , and I wits anxious to take your example . " ! But , ifanything could convince him ( Sir G . Grey' of tho expediency of sueh a bill as that to limit the speeches of hon . members to that space , it would he listening to thc speech which the
hon . member for _Nottingham had just delivered to the House—( a laugh ) — and he was sure the House would agree with him in thinking that if all extraneous matter had been rejected from it the hon . member would not havo spoken for an hour , and would have made ; i much Letter speech . ( "Hear , " and a laugh . ) With respect to the question before the House , he had understood that those lion , gentlemen who were opposed to it were prepared to take the third reading without further opposition , and to reserve themselve 3 for the motion to follow it . There ivould be uu opportunity on the motion of the nob ! e lord theniemher for Aylesbury ( Lord Nugent ) for the government to stato the grounds on which they intended to oppose the motion . The hon . member mi _^ ht have spared all his reading with respect to the constitutional value of tho Habeas Corpus Act , for , although there were tew who would agree in the assertion of Br . Johnson , that itwas the only benefit avc had derived from the revolution , no one doubted its immense value and utility , _liutthehon . member could not have read history or the Parliamentary debates , without knowing that occasions had arisen and might again
arise in which it was necessary to suspend the ludieas corpus iu order to preserve the constitution . ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . member had quoted au extract from a work ofthe noble lovd near him ' _^ ir G . Grey ) , in which he said that the suspension ofthe aet should be directed not against the disaffected many , but against the leaders of _insurrection Who were plotting against the state . It was precise } -- for this object the suspension of the aet was now _pvopesed—( hear , hear)—and the noble lord ' s words were as an ; lica-Me now as then . The powers given by the su .-peusiou . -ji the aet had not been enforced against " the liimdri <' S * a- ! -l thousands of persons who might he disaiVeeted , but against the leaders of insurrection and the instigators W rebellion , and that with signal success . ( Hear , " bear . - ) The hon . member might think tlie reasons for proponis the tm-ns'in _* iiiconelusive , _bttt the House had continued , * hy its resolution , the proposition . that it was not t-. ipc-ii--Jit i . - allow tho act of last year to expire . He believed tin . speech of tho hon . member would not induce them to thii-k ofliei Wises , and that they would consent to the third _veali" _! : * ofthe bill . ( Haar , hear . ) ' v % _- *» . ¦ _ -. . J . C
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 24, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_24021849/page/1/
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